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Oxford, Massachusetts, from the Site of the Huguenot Fort.
HISTORY
OF THE
Huguenot Emigration
TO
America
BY
CHARLES W. BAIRD, D.D,
Volume II
NEW YORK
DODD, MEAD & COMPANY
PUBLISHERS
Copyright, 1885,
BY
DODD, MEAD & COMPANY.
H s 6/4
v<p/'. Sk
ILLUSTRATIONS.
VOLUME II.
Oxford, Massachusetts ; from the site of the Huguenot
Fort . Facing title-page.
The Mayor’s Chapel, Bristol, England. (Exterior.). .Facing page 159
The Mayor’s Chapel. (Interior.) . “ “ 161
Diagram : The Huguenot Fort, Oxford, Massachu¬
setts . “ “ 2^4
Map: Massachusetts in 1690.... . Page 270
Monument in memory of the Huguenot Settlers of
Oxford . Facing page 290
Map : The Narragansett Country, Rhode Island . Page 292
Diagram : Plan of the French Settlement in Narra¬
gansett . ‘ 29f)
Map ; The Provinces of France . End.
80248
CONTENTS OF VOLUME SECOND.
CHAPTER VI.
The Revocation : Flight from Saintonge
Facilities for Escape
Mouth of the Charente
Port des Barques .
Saint Nazaire . -
The Principality of Soubise
Moi'se, the Birthplace of Elie Neau .
The “ Cure ” of Soubise .
Hiers and Marennes .
Conversion of Seamen .
The “ Temple ” of Marennes
Refugees from Marennes .
Daniel Mesnard
La Tremblade .
Journal of a Huguenot Seaman
Refugees from Arvert
Refugees from La Tremblade _ •
Jean Machet .
Arnold Naudin
Along the Gironde
The Pelletreaus
Sea-side Meetings .
Pons in Saintonge
Elie Prioleau .
Family Traditions
Flight of Jacques Fontaine
Delays at La Tremblade
Flight from Poitou .
Chatellerault
Loudun .
Poitiers .
Home of the Marions
Sigournais .
PAGE
13
*3
14
14
16
18
19
21
22
23
24
25
28
29
3°
31
32
34
35
36
39
41
42
43
45
45
47
49
49
5°
51
52
53
IV
CONTENTS.
PAGE
A Cluster of Protestant Villages in central Poitou 54
Hastening to the Coast . . . 55
Niort . . . . . -55
Daniel Bonnet . . . . . 57
Firmness of the Inhabitants of Thorigne . . 58
Settlers on the Santee . . . . 61
Flight from Touraine . . . .62
Refugees from Tours . . . * 63
CHAPTER VII.
The Revocation : Flight from the Northern
Provinces . . . . .66
Flight from Normandy ... 66
The “Temple” of Caen . . . -67
The “Temple” demolished ... 68
Etienne de Lancy . . . . .69
Other Fugitives from Caen ... 70
The Dragoons in Rouen . . . -73
A Town taken by Assault 73
Fugitives from Rouen . . . .74
The Le Conte Family . . . 73
George de Bonneville . . . • 76
Exiles in South Carolina . . . 77
The Dragoons in Dieppe . . . 78
Fugitives from Dieppe ... 79
Pierre Chevalier . . . . .81
Near the Mouth of the Seine ... 82
Jacques Caudebec . . . -83
Flight from Bretagne .... 84
The Chateau of Vitre . . . .84
Emilie de Hesse, Princess of Tarente . 84
Saint Julien de Malacare . . . -85
Ravenel and Du Bourdieu ... 85
The Seigneurs de la Muce . . .87
Olivier de la Muce .... 88
The Founder of the Settlement on the James
River • ■ . . . .89
Flight from Picardy .... 90
Earlier Emigration ' . . . .90
The Crommelins . . . . gT
Greycourt ..... gX
Jean Cottin .... 92
Refugees from Bohain . . q.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Pierre le Grand .... 94
Other Refugees from Picardy . . *95
Flight from the Orleanais . . .96
Daniel Streing . . . . .96
The Settlers of Orange Quarter . . 97
Flight from Maine . . . . .98
Flight from the Ile de France . . 99
Seeking Refuge in the Capital . . -99
Wedding Companies .... 99
Flight from Paris ..... 100
Wandering from Town to Town . . 100
Requa's Escape ..... 101
Charlotte Le Mestre . . . . 102
Other Refugees from Paris . . 103
Flight from Villages near Meaux . . 104
Flight from Berri ..... 105
The Counts of Richebourg . . . 105
Isaac Porcher . . . . .105
The Pasteur de Richebourg . . . 105
CHAPTER VIII.
The Revocation : Flight from the Eastern and
Southern Provinces .
107
Flight from Lorraine
. 107
Flight from Champagne
. . 108
Susanne Rochette
1 08
Captain Barthelemy Dupuy
. . 109
Flight from the Lyonnais
hi
Escape of Francois L’Egare
. . hi
Flight from Languedoc
. 1 12
La Voulte ....
. . 112
Judith Manigault’s Letter
. 112
Flight from Dauphiny
. 114
Rene de Durand
114
Conversions en masse
. 115
Disappointment of the Troopers
. 116
Flight from Languedoc
. 119
The Reform in Montpellier
119
Refugees from Montpellier
. . 121
Toulouse ....
. 122
Castres ....
• 123
Jean Mascarene
125
His Trial ....
126
Condemned to the Galleys
127
VI
CONTENTS.
Release and Banishment .
A heroic Confessor
Jean Paul Mascarene
The Protestants of Nismes
Refugees from Nismes
Other Emigrants from Languedoc
Flight from Guyenne
Persecution in Guyenne
Loyalty of the Protestant Population
The Dragonnades
Refugees from Guyenne .
jean Barbarie ....
Gabriel Minvielle, Mayor of New York
Abraham Tourtellot
Antoine Trabue
The Aydelotts
Several refugee Pastors from Guyenne
Gilet and Latane
Cairon and Laborie
Alexandre de Ressiguier
Flight from the Comte de Foix
Pierre Peyret ....
CHAPTER IX.
The Refuge : England
Arrival in London
A new City
Freedom of Conscience
The Dauphinese Durand’s Impressions
Spitalfields
The Royal Bounty
James II. and the French Refugees .
Burning of Jean Claude's Book .
A generous Welcome .
Hospital of La Providence
Plymouth and Bristol .
Huguenot Colony in Bristol
Sir Jonathan Trelawney
Church of St. Mark, or The Gaunt’s Chapel
The Peloquins
Conformist and Non-Conformist
Calvin and the English Reformers
The Plea for Conformity „
PAGE
128
129
130
131
132
*34
T35
L35
136
!37
T3^
139
140
141
142
143
144
144
145
146
146
146
148
149
!5°
TS r
151
JS 3
J55
!56
*56
J57
T57
158
158
T59
T59
160
161
162
163
CONTENTS.
The Continental Churches
Different Views held by the Refugees
Popularity of the Church of England in 168S
Accessions from the Huguenot Clergy
Plans of Emigration to America
Conflicting Counsels
Isaac du Bourdieu
Gabriel Bernon in London
Land Agents ....
The Atherton Company
The Emigrant’s Outfit
Vine Plants .
Letters of Denization .
Conditional Clauses
The British Patent Rolls
Naturalization in the American Provinces
Expenses of the Voyage to America .
The Relief Committee
Settlers for Virginia
The Expedition to Virginia
De la Muce and De Sadly
Refugees from Piedmont .
Vaudois and French Colonists
CHAPTER X.
The Emigration : On the High Seas
Dangers of the Passage
Piracy
Disease .
Hardships endured
Judith Manigault’s Account .
A jubilant Letter .
Fishing on the Banks .
Varying Fortunes .
From London to Jamestown—.
An Emigrant’s Bill of hare
CHAPTER XI.
The Settlement : Boston • .
Procuring Cause of the Emigration
Motives for the Choice of a new Home
“ Baston ” .
vii
PAGE
163
164
164
165
166
167
167
168
169
1 70
1 7 1
171
172
173
173
174
175
175
1 76
07
177
178
179
181
181
182
182
183
i83
183
184
185
186
186
188
. 188
189
. 189
CONTENTS.
viii
Salem .....
Settlers from the Channel Islands
Jersey and Guernsey .
Philip English ....
Joseph Roy ....
Deputation from La Rochelle to Boston .
Fugitives from Persecution
Collections in the Churches
Judith, Marie and Susanne Pare
“French Renegades ”
Elie Neau in Boston .
John Eliot .....
Bernon’s Letter
Fifteen Families arrive
A Third Company of Fugitives
“ The French House ” in Salem .
“ Men of Estates ”
Conspicuous Names
First Impressions of Boston
Suburban Homes
Elie de Bonrepos
Settlers at Braintree
The Oxford Planters arrive
Pierre Baudouin in Casco
The Faneuils .
Francois Bureau .
Other Huguenot Names
Gabriel Bernon
Huguenot Enterprise .
A Warfarin g Voyage
Capture of Port Royal
Faneuil’s Letter
Bernon removes to Rhode Island '
The French Church in Boston
Kindness shown the Refugees
The first Pastor, Laurentius Van den Bosch
David de Bonrepos
Pierre Daille
The Academy of Saumur
English Hearers in the Huguenot “ Temple ”
Rheological Speculations
‘ 1 he Two Witnesses ” .
The Calvinistic Liturgy
Order of Worship .
The French Psalms
PAGE
190
. 191
191
192
193
• 194
T95
J95
196
196
197
197
198
199
200
201
201
201
202
203
203
204
204
. 20;
208
209
210
2i5
217
218
219
219
220
220
222
224
225
226
227
228
229
230
231
231
232
CONTENTS.
ix
Character of the Refugees
l'AGE
• 233
Lord Bellomont’s Testimony .
233
Petition of the Elders
• 234
Aid granted from the Public Funds .
235
Daille’s precarious Circumstances
• 235
Application to the Gospel Propagation Society
Daille’s Interest in public Affairs abroad
235
• 236
The News from Europe
237
Barcelona relieved ....
• 237
The Battle of Ramilies
237
Death of Daille ....
. 238
His Successor, Andre Le Mercier
239
The first Sermon ....
240
Decline of the French Congregation .
241
Huguenot Versatility
242
Le Mercier’s Writings ....
243
His philanthropic Exertions
• 244
Sable Island .....
244
The French Church dissolved
■ 245
Death of Le Mercier ....
245
Prominent Families
246
Peter Faneuil .....
246
Faneuil Hall .
• 247
The Bowdoin Family ....
248
Governor James Bowdoin .
248
Bowdoin College ....
249
The Mascarene Family
• 250
The French Exiles in Boston .
25r
Lord Bellomont’s Reproach
• 251
Huguenot and Puritan
253
CHAPTER XII.
Settlement : Oxford .
• 255
In the Heart of Massachusetts
255
The primeval Forest
• 256
Daniel Bondet .
256
Site of the Plantation
• 257
Laying out the Village
257
Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau . ,
• 258
Mildness of the first Winter .
258
Bernon’s Agent .
• 259
Arrival of Bernon and Dudley
260
Investiture by Turf and Twig
261
X
CONTENTS.
’ PAGE
Improvements ..... 263
The Oxford Fort ..... 264
“ The French Houses ”... 266
The Settlers ..... 267
Indian Neighbors . . . . 271
The Nipmuck Tribe .... 271
Selling Rum to the Savages . . . 272
Pasteur Bondet’s Complaint . . . 272
The Indian Trader . . . . 273
Murder of Alard’s Daughter . . .274
Two Children carried to Quebec . . 274
The Canadian French and Indians . .275
Rumors of Savage Atrocities . . . 275
The Settlers take Refuge in the Fort . . 275
Du Tuffeau’s Defection . . . 276
Pasteur Bondet leaves the Colony . .276
Toby the Indian . . . . 277
Murder of Johnson and his Children . . 278
Ineffectual Pursuit . . . . 279
The Information of “ Black James ” . . 280
Breaking up of the Settlement . . 281
A Second Experiment . . . .281
Jacques Laborie .... 282
Bernon’s “ Chamoiserie ” .... 283
The Rum Traffic again under way . . 284
Disaffection among the Indians . . . 285
Laborie’s Letter . 285
Preparations for Defense .... 287
Attacks upon the Massachusetts Settlements 288
Massacre at Deerfield .... 288
The Oxford Settlement abandoned . . 289
Sale of Bernon’s Plantation . . . 289
CHAPTER XIII.
The Settlement : Rhode Island . . , 2pr
The Narragansett Colony . . . 2gi
The Atherton Company . . . ■ 29 3
Boundary Disputes .... 293
The Narragansett Country . . . 294
Frenchtown .
Temporary Habitations . . A ' . 295
Living underground . . . . ’ 2g6
The Narragansett Planters . . .207
CONTENTS. xi
PAGE
A fruitful Land .... 299
Intimations of Trouble . 300
Unmannerly Intruders . . . 301
Governor Andros’ Decision . • . 302
The “ French Doctor ” . . . 303
Carre’s Sermon, “ The Charitable Samaritan ” . 303
The Refugees viewed with Suspicion . 304
Domiciliary Visits ..... 306
Continued Molestation . • ■ 3°7
Ayrault’s Account ..... 308
Conflicting Titles .... 309
The Dispersion . . . • 311
Other Huguenot Refugees . . . 3*3
Trade with the West Indies . . ■ 3l^
Huguenot Hatters . . . • 3r&
Lord Bellomont to Bernon . . • 3r9
Manufacture of Naval Stores . . . 32°
The Church of England in Rhode Island . . 321
Bernon’s Zeal for Religion . . • 323
His pronounced Protestantism . . • 324
Bernon’s last Years .... 325
Descendants of Gabriel Bernon . . . 327
Zachariah Allen .... 32^
CHAPTER XIV.
The Settlement : Connecticut . • ■ 33°
Milford on the Sound . . • - 33 1
Mysterious Visitors • 333
M. de la Valliere and the Jesuit Bruyas . 333
Huguenot Families in Hartford . . • 335
Mrs. Sigourney • 336
Appendix.
The Mascarene Papers . • • . • 34°
Narrative of a French Protestant Refugee in
Boston . • • • - 379
Judith (Giton) Manigault’s Letter . • 39°
Daille Letters ..'••• 397
A Huguenot Pastor’s Discourse . • ■
C
CHAPTER VI.
The Revocation.
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE AND POITOU.
The province of Saintonge, now embraced in
the department of Charente-Inferieure, presents
a coast line exceedingly broken. I he low,
sandy shore is everywhere indented by bays :
outlets of devious rivers, as the Charente and
the Seudre; or inlets of the sea, which runs
capriciously far back into the land, making
irregular peninsulas, and spreading out into
broad marshes. Peopled by a simple and
hardy race of sailors, fishermen, and salters, this
region, we have already seen, was early visited
by earnest propagators of the Reformed doc¬
trines, and a large part of the population was
won over to Protestantism.
At the time of the Revocation, Saintonge lost
many of its most industrious and virtuous fami¬
lies. The facilities for their escape were ex¬
ceptionally great. The harbors and the landing
places, along the Atlantic coast on the west,
and up the broad gulf of the Gironde, on the
south, were just so many open doors, inviting
the persecuted to seek their freedom. Noi
could the mounted guards, stationed at intei-
Chap. VI.
1681—
1686.
Facilities
for
escape.
H
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap. vi. vals along the coast, however they might hurry
l6gj_ from port to port, and scan the sands and shal-
[686.
Mouth
of the
Charente,
lows to detect some fugitive, prevent many
from succeeding in the attempt.
Near the mouth of the Charente, on the
neck of land formed by that tortuous stream, as
it approaches the sea, there were several villages
and hamlets where a number of our Huguenot
families originated. One of them, Port des
Barques, has disappeared entirely from the map
and the gazetteer. Three others, Saint Froult,
Moi'se and Soubise, are obscure and decaying
places, of four, five and six hundred inhabit¬
ants. Saint Nazaire alone, with a population of
some fourteen hundred souls, shows any degree
of vitality.
Port des Barques, opposite the island of
Oleron, was the early home of Elie Dupeux,
Francois Bridon, Daniel Targe, and others, who
came to America. Most of these refugees
effected their escape to England as early as the
year 16S1. The name of Elie Dupeux appears
ten years later, among the names of the settlers
of New Oxford, Massachusetts.1 Francois
Bridon came to Boston, and was an Elder of the
French Church in that city, by the end of the
Elie Depeux, matelot ; sa femme ; deux enfans ; partis
en 1681 : lieu de retraite, Angleterre. Fugitifs du Port
des Barques.— (Archives Nationales, Tt., N°. 259.) Elias
Hu Pus, with Mary his wife, and Elias, John, Mary and
Susanna, their children ; naturalized in England, March
21, 1682. _ “ Elie Dupeu ” and “J. Dupeu ” (probably Jean,
son of Elie) were among the French settlers of New Ox¬
ford, Massachusetts, in 1691.
PORT DES BARQUES.
15
century.1 His son Francis, while the family chap. vl
were still in England, went back in 1684 to Port ^Si¬
des Barques, perhaps hoping to secure some of i6g6
the property left there at the time of their flight.
Word was sent to Paris of his return to the
place.2 Daniel Targe, ship carpenter,3 another
of these fugitives, settled in Rhode Island,
where the name slightly changed to Tourgee,
has been preserved, and has lately become con¬
spicuous in American literature.4 Jacques Bille-
beau, of Port des Barques, comes to view after¬
ward as one of the inhabitants of Manakin-
1 “ Francois Bridon, sa femme, deux enfans,” fled from
Port des Barques in 1681, leaving property valued at eight
hundred livres. — (Arch. Nat.) Francis Bridon, his wife,
Susanna, their son Francis junior, and their servant Elias
Yallet, were naturalized in England, March 21, 1682.
Francis Bridon [Bredon, Breedon] Elder of the French
Church Boston, 1704. Susanne Bridon, wife of Denis
Richer, New York, 1704.
3 “Franqois Bridon, le jeune, est de retour enp684, sa
famille en Angleterre, et parle de s’en retourner.”— (Arch.
Nat.) He reached America, and settled on Staten Island.
Will of Francis Bredon, November 7, 1703. Wife, Hester
Bodine ; son Francis ; daughter, Susanna Russhea.— (Wills,
Surrogate’s office, New York, VI., 88 ; VII., 127.)
3 “ Daniel Targe, charp61' en navire ; sa femme,” fled
from Port des Barques to England in 1681, leaving property
valued at two hundred livres. — (Arch. Nat.) ^Jacques
Target, matelot, sa femme et une fille ; 300 livres;" fled m
the same year to England, where he was naturalized, March
21, 1682.
4 Both Daniel and Jacques settled first in Narragansett, but
removed upon the breaking up of the French plantation to
New York, whence a branch of the family, it is believed,
returned to Rhode Island some years later. The name had
undergone several changes ( Target, 1 arger, Targee, 1 eige).
But see below, page 312.
1 6 FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap, vi. town, Virginia,1 and Charles Faucheraud and his
1681- wife Anne Vignaud, with their children, sought
j5gg refuge in South Carolina.2
From the village of Saint Nazaire, sev¬
eral families of Huguenot seamen made
their escape about the same time. Jean
Martin,3 Frangois Bouquet,4 Pierre Til-
1 “Jean Bilbaud dfit] racouet, matelot, sa femme, biens,
4,000 livres ,” fled from Port des Barques in 1681 to En¬
gland. Jacques Billebeau [Bilboa, Bilbaud, Billebo,] one
of the inhabitants of Manakintown, 1700-1723, was doubt¬
less of the same family.
Anne Vignaud, nee au Porte des Barques en Xaintonge,
veuve de Charles Faucheraud. Anne et Gedson, nez au
Porte des Barques, enfans du dit Charles Faucheraud et de
Anne Vignaud, Marie, leur fille nee en Angleterre.” — (Liste
des Franqois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline qui souhaittent
d’etre naturalizes Anglois, 1696.)
3 Jean Martin, S‘ Nazaire.— (Arch. Nat.) Jean Martin,
one of the settlers of New Oxford, Massachusetts, removed
to New Rochelle, N. Y., and was the ancestor of the Martine
family of Westchester county, N. Y.
Frangois Bouquet, maitre de barque, sa femme et cinq
enfans ; biens, 4,000 livres,” fled to England in 1681 from
Saint Nazaire or Port des Barques. (The name is men¬
tioned m connection with both these localities, which were
less than two miles apart.) “ Led[it] Bouquet est de retour
en 1684 et s en retourne.”— (Arch. Nat.) Frampois appears
m New York at the marriage of Suzanne [his daughter ?1 to
Pierre Dasserex, in the French Church, April 22, 1697. He
was an inhabitant of New York, paying taxes, in 1701.
Guillaume, Jacob, Jeanne (who married Jean Hain)
Abijah, or Abigail (who married Jacques Arden), and
ane, were probably children of Franpois. Jacob Bouquet
married Marguerite, and died in 1721. — (N. Y. Wills IX.
27S.) Jacob, son of Jacob and Marguerite Bouquet, was
born August 23 1719— (Records of the French Church in
New York.) This family is to be distinguished from that
f B°ck *°r Bokee’ of Flemish extraction probably, which
settled at an early day in Dutchess County, N. Y— (New
York Genealogical and Biographical Record, III., 146 ;
SAINT NAZAIRE.
17
lou,1 Jean Hain,2 Jean Vignaud,3 came to New chap. vi.
York: and Mathurin Guerin, with his son
Francois,4 settled in South Carolina.
1686.
comp. X. 30 ; XII., 44, 85, etc. — Early History of Armenia,,
N. Y., by Newton Reed, pp. 82, 38.)
1 Pierre Tillou, said to have been the ancestor of the
Tillou family in America (N. Y. Gen. and Biogr. Record,.
VIE, 144), fled from France in 1681 (ibid.) and was natural¬
ized in England, March 21, 16S2, with his kinswoman,
Magdalen Bouquet, and with Vignaud, and Hain, also of
Saint Nazaire. Vincent Tillou, naturalized July 3, 1701,,
was made a freeman of the city of New York June 9, 1702.
He married Elizabeth Vigneau. He was one of the “chefs
de famille ” in the French Church in New York in 1704.
He died before May 20, 1709. In 1725, John, Peter, Eliza¬
beth and Anne Tillou petition for an inventory of the
will of their aunt Susanna Bridon. — (New York Historical
Manuscripts, vol. LXVIII., p. 59.) The late Francis R.
Tillou, Esq., Recorder of New York, was a descendant of
Pierre Tillou. — (N. Y. Gen. and Biogr. Record, VII., 144.)
2 Jean Elizee et Elizabeth Hains, were among the fugitifs
de Saint Nazaire.— (Arch. Nat.) John Hain, naturalized in
England, March 21, 1682, was in New York in 1693, when
he received aid from the French Church. He married
Jeanne Bouquet, February 26, i7or. His posthumous son
Jean was baptized in the French Church, April 23, 1709.
3 Jean Vignaud l’aine, Me et bourgeois de barque, and
Jean Vignaud le jeune, matelot, are mentioned, under both
Port des Barques and Saint Nazaire, as fugitives to England
in 1681. The former was accompanied by his wife and two
daughters ; the latter by a son and a daughter. It is noted
in 1684 that both had returned, and purposed to depart
again. Each had left property to the value of three thou¬
sand livrcs. John Vignault, his wife Elizabeth, and his
daughters Anne and Elizabeth, were naturalized in England,
March 21, 1682. The will of Elizabeth, widow of John
Vignau, of New York, signed May 20, and proved Septem¬
ber 20, 1709, names her daughter Elizabeth, widow of
Vincent Tillou, and her daughter Anne Mace.
4 “ Mathurin Guerin, natif de Saint Nazaire, en Xaintonge:
fils de Pierre Guerin et de Jeanne Billebaud ; et Marie
Nicholas, sa femme, native de la Chaume en Poitou, fille
d’Andre Nicholas et de Franpoise Dunot. Franpois Guer-
\
Chap. VI.
1681—
1686.
18 FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
Soubise, anciently a fortified town, and the
capital of a small principality, gave its name to
the noble house of Soubise, which was one of
the last to abandon the Protestant cause. Here
Pierre Poinset, one of the emigrants to South
Carolina,1 Jean Panetier, of Virginia,2 Jean
Doublet3 and Jean Pierrot,4 of New York, and
others were born. Within the limits of the
rain, fils de Pierre Guerrain et de Janne Billebeau, ne a St.
Nazere en Saintonge. Anne Arrine, sa femme.” — (Piste des
Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) Etienne
Guerin was in New York in 17 n and 1715.
1 “ Pierre Poinset, Paine, ne a Soubize, fils de Pierre Poin¬
set, et Marie sa femme. Pierre Poinset, le jeune, ne a
Soubize, fils du dit Pierre et Sara Fouchereau, Anne Gobard
sa femme.” — (Liste des Franpais et Suisses refugiez en Caro¬
line, etc.)
2 “Jacques Panetier, fugitif de Soubise.”— (Arch. Nat.)
John Pantrier, naturalized in England, March 8, 1682.
Panetier, one of the settlers of Manakintown, Virginia, in
1700. Jean Panetier, 1714.
3 “ Jean Doublet, laboureur, sa femme, une fille, fugitifs de
Soubise en t 6 8 1 , ” went to England. (Arch. Nat.) John
Doublett, carman, was made freeman of New York, February
7, 1695. Jean and Marie Doublet were members of the
French Church in New York, 1702. Elizabeth Doublet,
wife of Isaac Gamier, 1693.
4 “Jean Pierraux, sargier, sa femme, deux enfans, biens,
1500 livres; fugitifs de Soubise en 1681 ; lieu de retraite,
Angleterre.” — (Arch. Nat.) Jean Pierrot and Meta (or
Martha) Meby (Maybie) his wife, presented their son Pierre
for baptism in the French Church, New York, August 24,
1692.
“ Jean Gaultier, charper de navire, sa femme, trois enfans ;
fugitifs de Soubise en 1681 ; lieu de retraite, Angleterre.”
— (Arch. Nat.) John Gautier was naturalized in England,
March 8, 1682. La veuve Gautier was assisted by the
French Church in New York in 1696. Elizabeth Gautier,
wife of Timotee Archambeau, 1692 ; and Jeanne, wife of
Jean Blanchard, 1687, are also mentioned.
THE BIRTHPLACE OF ELIE NEAU.
19
principality, and scarcely more than a mile to chap. vi.
the south-west of Soubise, is the hamlet of ^
Moi'se, the birthplace of Pierre Guimard, and of
Elie Neau, the brave confessor, who suffered for 1
the faith in the galleys of Louis XIV., and sur¬
vived a long imprisonment to become the pa¬
tient teacher of negro slaves and Indians in the
city of New York.1 The descendants of Pierre
Guimard, in Ulster County, New York, have
preserved the certificate which their ancestor
brought with him from the consistory of the
Protestant Church of Moise, attesting his crood
character.2
1 Elie Neau, originaire de Moi'se en Xaintonge dans la
Principaute de Soubise. — (Histoire abbregee des Souffrances
du sieur Elie Neau, sur les galeres, et dans les Cachots de
Marseille. A Rotterdam, chez Abraham Acher, Marchand
Libraire, pres de la Bourse. M. DCC. I. Page 1.)
2 “ Pierre Guinard [Guimard] fils, fugitif de Moi'se en
1685 ; son pere est vivant : lieu de sa retraite, Angleterre.”
—(Arch. Nat.) According to an account preserved by his
descendants in Orange County, New York, Guimard fled
from France, in company with one Caudebec, whose sister
he was engaged to marry. Their flight was so precipitate,
that they were unable to provide themselves with means ;
but it was arranged that the sister should meet them, at a
certain time and place, bringing them a sum of money.
They waited for her appearance, but waited in vain; and
the young men, entirely without resources, embarked in
their desperation for America. They landed in Maryland,
and, after experiencing many hardships, reached the spot
now known as the town of Deerpark, in Orange County,
New York. Here Guimard and Caudebec joined with five
others in forming a settlement. The following record of
Guimard’s marriage occurs in the register of the ancient
French Reformed Church of New Paltz, Ulster county,
New York :
“ Le i8e Avril, 1692, Mr Dailliez a mariez Pierre Guimar
natif de Moize en Saint Onge en France fils de Pierre
20
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
Louis Geneuil,1 Josue and Daniel Mercer-
eau,2 members of the French Church in New
York, had also fled from Moi'se. They
Guimar et Anne Damour ses pere et mere, avec Ester Has-
broucq natif da Palatin en Alemagne File de Jean Has-
broucq et de Anne Doyoeux ses pere et mere.”
Guimard was naturalized, July 3, 1701. He died between
1726 and 1732. The will of Paire [Pierre] Guimard, of
Wagachkemeck, in the county of Ulster, mentions his only
son Paire, and his daughters Hester, wife of Philip Du Bois,
Anne, wife of Jacobus Swartwout, junior, Mary, and Eliza¬
beth. — (Wills, N. Y., XI., 395.)
The following certificate, in the possession of Peter L.
Gumaer, Esq., of Guymard, Orange County, New York, was
probably forwarded to Pierre after his escape to England.
The names in italics are doubtless incorrectly given, the
signatures being almost undecipherable.
“ Nous soussignez ancien du Consistoire de Moize en Pab-
sence de Monsieur Morin nostre Ministre certifions que
Pierre Guimar age de ans ou environs fait et a toujours
fait profession de nostre Religion en laquelle il est ne sans
commettre aucun scandalle qui soit venu a nostre connois-
sance qui empesche qu’il ne puisse estreadmis a la participa¬
tion de nos Sacrement. En foy dequoy nous luy avons
signe le present certificat a Moize vingtiesme d’avril 1686.”
“ Guymard Lolsaiy. L Avillaisnez.
“ Billbaud.”
1 “ Louis Geneuil, saulnier, sa femme, deux filles, fugitifs
de Moise, en 1681 : lieu de retraite, Angleterre ; biens, 400
livres .” — (Arch. Nat.) Marie Geneuil de Moyse en Xaint-
onge, was in New York, November 9, 1692, and married
Jean Dubois, October 29, 1693. “ Lfouis] Geneuil” was a
witness to her marriage ; Madelaine Geneuil, sponsor at the
baptism of her child, married Jean Pierre de Salenave,
January 29, 1701. — (Records of the French Church in New
York.)
This family was in New York as early as the year 1689.
Josue Mercereau, de Moi'se en Saintonge, married Marie
Chadaine, July 16, 1693. Daniel, of Moise, married
Susanne Marie Doucinet, August 6, 1693. Marie, de
Moise, married Jean La Tourette, July 16, 1693. Eliza¬
beth, another sister apparently, was already the wife of Pierre
Masse, whose son Daniel was presented for baptism, May
5, 1689. — (Records of the French Church in New York.)
THE “CURE” OF SOUBISE.
21
doubtless knew something of the stress of the chap. vi.
persecution that visited the inoffensive popula- 6g
tion of these obscure places. The curate of j686
Soubise was wont to boast that he waged per¬
petual war upon the Huguenots, who dared not
say one word. “They are taken like pheasants
by the beak,” said he ; “ and at the slightest
sound, off we pack them to the prisons at
Rochefort.”
Saint Froul, between Moi'se and Saint Na-
zaire, contains barely four hundred inhabitants.
Here Pierre Durand,1 Jean Dragaud,2 and
Jeanne du Tay, wife of Jacques Targe,3 refugees
in New York, lived before their flight from
France.
South of this cluster of villages, upon another
marshy delta, stand the village of Hiers and
the seaport-town of Marennes. Jean Chadaine,4
1 “ Pierre Durand, de Saint Froul, fugitif.”- — (Arch. Nat.)
Peter Durand and his son Charles were naturalized in En¬
gland, March 20, 1686. Pierre Duran, a member of the
French Church in New York, August 4, 1706.
2 “ Jean Dragaud, marinier, fils de deffunt Pierre Dragaud,
saunier et Jeanne Garnie sa vefue, demeurant cy devant a
Saint Frou, proche Moize en Xaintonge,” was married in
the French Church, Bristol, England, August 26, 1699, to
Marie Morrye, of Saint Nazaire. Jean Dragaud and Su-
sanne, his wife, were members of the French Church in New
York, 1729, 1732 ; and Jean was installed an Elder of that
Church, May 18, 1729. * Jean and Peter Dragaud were in¬
habitants of Staten Island in 1735.
2 Marie et Jeanne Dutais, fugitives de Saint Froul.— (Arch.
Nat.)
4 “Jean Chadaine, Me de barque, sa femme, sa belle-mere,
quatre enfants et une niece, fugitifs de Hiers pres Brouage
en 1682. Lieu de retraite, Corp [Cork].” Marie Chadaine,
de Yers en Skmge, was married, July 16, 1693, to Josue
22
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap. vi. shipmaster, fled from Hiers in 1682, with his
1681- family, to Cork in Ireland, whence he made his
1686 way> after some years, to New York. His children
settled on Staten Island and in New Rochelle.
Elie Rembert, seaman, and Jacques Rembert,
salter, fled from Hiers in 1683.* 1 Elie and
Jacques found homes in America, the one in
New York, the other in New Rochelle. Pierre
Rusland,2 sailmaker, of Hiers, escaped with his
family in 1682, and after a sojourn of some
years in England, came to New York. Pierre
Arondeau,3 mate, accompanied Chadaine to Ire¬
land. He was probably the father of Jacques
Arondeau, of New York.
The flight of these seafaring men and their
Mercereau, in the French Church in New York. She was a
daughter of Jean Chadaine, of Narragansett, and subse¬
quently of Staten Island, N. Y., ship-carpenter, who died in
1708. His will names his wife Mary, and children John,
Henry, Martha, Elizabeth, and Mary, wife of Joshua Mer¬
cereau. — (N. Y. Wills, VII., 393.)
1 Elie Rembert, matelot, fled from Hiers with his wife in
16S3, to London. Jacques Ramber, saulnier, his wife and
four children, sought refuge in Cork in 1682. “Rembert ”
is named among the settlers of Narragansett ; but Elie came
to New York as early as 1692. He married first Jeanne
Coulombeau, and secondly, Martha Moreau. Elias Ram¬
bert, mariner, died in New York in 1706. Jacques was a
resident of New Rochelle, 1716-1728.
“Pierre Rusland, voilier, sa femme, trois garcons et deux
filles, fugitifs de Hiers pres Brouageen 1682 : lieu de retraite,
a Londres.” — (Arch. Nat.). Pierre was a member of the
French Church in New York in 1702.
Pierre Arondeau, contre-maitre, sa femme, tine fille ;
fugitifs de Hiers en 1682 ; lieu de retraite, Corp ” [Cork],
• — (Arch. Nav.) Jacques Arondeau, sponsor at the baptism of
Jacques, son of Elie Rembert, in the French Church in
New York, June 20, 1703.
CONVERSION OF SEAMEN.
23
families, was caused by the measures taken as chap. vi.
early as the year 1680, for the purpose of forcing
all the sailors and captains of vessels to accept
“the king’s religion.” In April of that year, a
circular was sent to the warden of every port in
the kingdom, informing him that His Majesty
was resolved, “ little by little,” to remove from
the navy all those of the Pretended Reformed
religion. An able ecclesiastic would be sent to
each port, and upon his arrival they were to be
made “very gently” to understand, that His
Majesty was willing to bear for a while with
them, to see whether they would profit by the
facilities given them for obtaining instruction in
the Catholic faith ; but that after this, should
they persevere in their error, he would dispense
with their services. Upon receiving these
orders, the Count d’Estrees, in command at La
Rochelle, wrote to the minister: “You confirm
me, Sir, in the resolution which I had formed to
devote myself earnestly, during this season, to
the conversion of sailors.” It must be borne in
mind that these pious efforts were put forth,
not, as one might imagine, for the moral and
spiritual good of seamen — a class greatly need¬
ing such philanthropic attention — but for the
purpose of either driving from the country, or
forcing into a nominal and hypocritical consent
to the established religion, those who, as their
superiors freely acknowledged, formed the
soundest and best part of the seafaring popula¬
tion of France.1
1 Bulletin de la soc. de l’hist. du prot. franp., II., pp. 332-336.
24
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
Chap. VI.
1684.
The'
“temple ”
of
Marennes.
August
14.
Marennes, twenty-five miles south of La
Rochelle, is now a town of four or five thousand
inhabitants. It is surrounded by salt marshes,
which in former times so insulated this place, as
well as the neighboring town of Arvert, that
they were known as “islands.”1 This region, at
the time of the Revocation, was almost entirely
Protestant.2 The “temple” of Marennes was
still standing in 1684, when all the Huguenot
places of worship in the neighbourhood had
been destroyed. 1 hirteen or fourteen thousand
persons now gathered, from far and near, to
attend its services. The order for its demolition
was at length given. To aggravate the distress
which this order would produce, it was withheld
from the knowledge of the ministers until Sat¬
urday night. The next morning, about ten
thousand persons were assembled around the
Church. Many of them had come from the isles
of Re and Oleron. Twenty-three children had
been brought for baptism. Upon learning the
doom of their sanctuary, the multitude dispersed
slowly, weeping, many of them unable to re¬
strain themselves from sobs and lamentations.
Relatives and friends embraced one another in
silent grief. Many, with hands clasped, and
1 Histoire des eglises rdformees de Pons, Gemozac et
Mortagne en Saintonge, par A. Crottet. P. 50.
2. Plistoire de l’Edit de Nantes [par Elie Benoist], Tome
troisieme, seconde partie, p. 683.— Complaint was made,
May 31, 1694, that the “ nouveaux convertis,” in the
Island of Marennes and the vicinity, possessed almost
the entire region. — Bulletin de la soc. de 1’hist du prot
franp, vol. XXX., p. 32°.
REFUGEES FROM MARENNES.
25
eyes turned toward heaven, seemed unable to chap. vi.
tear themselves away from the spot, where, in l6g4
spite of the inclemency of the weather, they had
come to seek comfort in God’s word and in
prayer. Several of the little children died on
the homeward journey. The order for the de¬
struction of the “ temple ” required, as usual, that
the Huguenots themselves should be made to
o . m
demolish it. But the government found it im¬
possible to carry out this design': and it was
found necessary to bring workmen from a con¬
siderable distance to execute the decree.1
A number of the Huguenot inhabitants of
Marennes came to America. Among these
were Pierre Parcot, and Francoise Gendron,
his wife,2 who settled in New Rochelle ;
Elie Charron,3 Francois Basset,4 De-
1 Benoist, Histoire de 1’ Edit de Nantes, tome troisieme,
seconde partie, pp. 681-683.
2 The Parquot refugee family in London, 1693-1727, was
from Marennes. Pierre Parquot was an “ ancien ” of the
“temple” in Soho. Pierre Parquot or Parcot of New
Rochelle, N. Y., was doubtless of the same stock. He and
Franqoise [Gendron] his wife, are named among the inhabit¬
ants of New Rochelle in 1698.
3 Elie Charron, matelot, fugitif du Fouilloux, en 1682;
lieu de retraite, Baston.— (Arch. Nat.) Marguerite Jamain,
veuve de Pierre Charon, fugitive de Marennes.— (Ibid.) Nico¬
las- Jamain, in his will, New York, 1707, mentions Jean and
Esther children of Jean Charon and his sister Margaret,
dec’d.” — (Wills, N.' Y., VII., 3°G Jean liav® be.en
named Jean Pierre. Esther Charron married Pierre Morin
as early as 1700.— (Records of French Church, New York.)
4 Francois Basset, matelot, fugitif de Marennes en 1682 ;
lieu de sa retraite, a Baston.-(Arch Nat ) He was in New
York in 1683 : see his adventure in the West Indies, above,
vol I , p. 232. He married Marie Madeleine Nuquerque,
26
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap/vi. blois,1 and Doctor Pierre Basset,2 of Boston ;
1 68 1 — — - — - -
1686 and tW° dauSllters- Susanne-Madeleine, and Susanne,
born September .t, 1689, and a son Franpois, born April 17,
1692. _ He was naturalized April 15, 1693. The will of
Francis Bassett, sailor, is dated January 9, 1696-7. — (Wills,
N. Y., II., 93.) Franpois was living in 1729. Franpois
Basset (lejeune, 1756), was one of the “chefs de famille,” in
the French Ghurch, New York, in 1763. He took a promi¬
nent part in the troubles in that Church, 1765, 1766.
Francis Basset was a member of the General Committee for
New York, with Jay, Duane, Low, and others, May 1, 1775.
Jean Basset, who married Elizabeth Vischer, before 1724,
was probably a younger son of Franpois, the refugee!
(Francois and Susanne-Madeleine his daughter, were spon¬
sors at the baptism of Marie, daughter of Jean and Elisabeth
Basset, October 27, 1725.) Jean, son of Jean and Elisabeth,
was born November 28, 1731. He married Helen Evout,
December 10, 1763. Jean, son of Jean and Helen Basset!
born October 7, 1764, became a prominent clergyman of the
Reformed Protestant Dutch Church. (Rev. John Bassett,
D.D., minister of that Church in Albany, N. Y., 1787 to
1804, and in Bushwick, L. I., t8ii to 1824, when he died.)
M. Delbos,” noticed in the “ Relation d’un protestant
franpois refugie a Boston,” 1687. Susanne Delbois, of
Marennes, mentioned in the records of the Church of La
Patente, London, 1694. Gilbert, Louis and Stephen Delbois
were inhabitants of Boston in 1754. “ Les de Bloys— famille
noble de Saintonge— sont toujours restes protestants.”— (La
France Protestante, 2e edition, II., 620.)
Pierre Basset et sa femme, fugitifs de Marennes.”
—(Arch. Nat.) He was in New York in July, t686, when M.
Daille wrote of him to Increase Mather in Boston. “ I lie
Doctor qui tibi reddet hasce rneas litteras est optimushomo,
reformatae nostrae religionis, peritissimus in arte sua. Passus
a maximam jacturam, ita ut omnes sarcinas, omniaq, medi-
camenta injuste amiserit. Vult emere Bastonia medica-
menta et ea quae necessaria sunt.” — (Mather Papers, vol. VI.,
letter No 20, MSS. in the Prince Library, Public Library of
the city of Boston.) He seems to have been prevailed upon
to remain in Boston, or to return thither: for he was ad¬
mitted into the colony, February 1, 1691, and is spoken of
in 1700 as having left that city. Denization in the province
of New York was granted him, September 21, 1699. Pierre
and Jean Basset presented their daughter Esther for bap-
REFUGEES FROM MARENNES.
2 7
Andre Paillet,* 1 Timothee Archambeau,2 Pierre chap. vi.
Trochon,3 Benjamin and Elie Tadourneau,4 of Ig^’1_
New York; jean Boisseau5 and Pierre Demeon,6 i6g6
of South Carolina. Jean Boisbelleau,7 a name-
tism in the French Church, New York, October 2, 1700.
He died in November, 1706.— (Wills, N. Y., Vl., 186.)
1 Paillet, a Marennes name. Andre was a member of the
French Church, New York, in 1690. Madame Paillet re¬
ceived assistance, 1693, 1696.
3 Estienne Archambaud, fugitif de Marennes. (Arch.
Nat.) Timothy, naturalized in England, January 31, 1690.
He and his wife Elizabeth Gautier were members of the
French Church, New York, in 1693. Jeanne Archambeau
married Abraham Gouin, May 25, 1700, and secondly Andre
Dupuy, July 14, 1705. Judith was the wife of Jacques
Vallet in 1 699.
3 Pierre Trochon was a member of the French Church,
New York, 1700, 1702. Apparently he was afterwards
taken captive by Algerine pirates. “Pierre Trochon, de
Marennes, rachepte de son Esclavage de Marroc, [age de]
66 ans assisted in London in 1705 from the Royal
Bounty.
4 “ Benjamin Tadourneau, natif de Marennes, enterre le 12
Avril, 1689.” — (Records of the French Church, New York.)
Elie Tadourneau, pilote, fugitif de Marennes en 1685 : lieu
de retraite, a la Caroline. — (Arch. Nat.)
5 “ Jean Boisseau, ne a Maraine, fils de Jacques Boisseau
et de' Marie La Court. Marie Postel, sa femme.” — (Liste
des Francois et Suisses Refugiez en Caroline, etc.) lean
Boisseau, cooper, was made a freeman of the city of New
York, February 2, 1698.
0 “ Pierre Demeon, saulnier, fugitif de Marennes, 1684, ala
Caroline.” — (Arch. Nat.)
7 “Marc Boisbelleau, pasteur a Marennes, 1682-1684;
ministre refugie a Amsterdam, 16S8.” Jean Boisbelleau ob¬
tained denization in New York, September 2, 1685. See an
account of the services he rendered to two French refugees;
above, vol. I., page 232. He was sponsor at the baptism of
a child of Poncet Stelle, sieur des Lorieres, April 7, 1689.
(Records of the French Church, New York.) In 1687, he
had been living for two years in Gravesend, Long Island,
N. y— (Documentary History of New York, vol. I., p. 661.)
28
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
Daniel
Mesnard.
sake and possibly a relative of the last pastor
of Marennes, after an adventurous career found
a quiet retreat at Gravesend, on Long Island,
where he was living in 1687.
About the same period, there arrived in
the city of New York an interesting family
from the same locality in France. Jacques
Dubois, according to a family tradition, had
held an important office under the govern¬
ment in France, when compelled at the Revoca¬
tion to flee from the country. Fie left Marennes
with his young wife Blanche Sauzeau, and their
infant daughter, and an orphan boy named
Daniel Mesnard, who had been committed to his
care. The fugitives made their way first to
Amsterdam, thence to the island of Martinique
in the West Indies, and finally to New York,1
where Dubois soon after died.2 His widow sur¬
vived him only a few months.3 Their daughter
1 Information communicated by Benjamin Aycrigg, Esq.
Passaic, New Jersey.
Will of James Dubois and Blanche Sauzeau, conjoined
in lawful matrimony, living in the borough called Marenne,
and of the Reformed Religion. Act of notary drawn up in
said place, February 6, 1675, in the presence of Master John
Aubin and Michel Rondeau, marshall ; Master Nathanael
Chapel oupe, notary ; Master Peter Delavergne, a Royal
Sergeant ; John Delafon, chirurgeon ; Peter Delacheval,
shoemaker ; John Denis, called la Montagne, and Christo¬
pher Legrand, shoemaker, all of Marennes. Copy certified
at Marennes, January 4, 1684. Ratified [in New York] by
the late James Dubois at the article of death,” September
27,1688. Translated by Stephen Delancey. Attested by Elias
Boudinot, Gabriel Leboiteux and Stephen Delancey —
(Wills, N. Y, XIV., pp. 54-57).
Inventory of the goods of Madame Blanche Sauzeau,
widow of Mr. Jaques Dubois, made by Jean Papin and Jean
Bouteillier, April 2, 1690. The property included, “one
LA TREMBLADE.
29
Blanche grew up, and became the wife of Rene ctapwi.
Het:1 and the orphan, Daniel Mesnard, when l68l_
come to man’s estate, married the daughter of i6g6
Francis Vincent, and founded a family which is .
still extant.2
The tongue of land, south of Marennes, formed
by the estuaries of the Seudre and the Garonne,
was covered with villages, the inhabitants of
which, principally mariners, were nearly all I rot-
estants, before the Revocation. At La d rem-
blade, near the mouth of the Seudre, only five 01-
six families professed the Roman Catholic faith,
when in 1681 the “ temple ” of the Huguenots
was taken and converted into a Roman Catholic
church. The following year, the “temple” of
Arvert was demolished. The journal of Taie
Chaillaud, a Protestant mariner of La Tremblade,
peece of Land of about one hundred & twenty acres scitu-
ated at New Rochell in this Governm* , upon ye great Lots
coast,” valued at ^30 : and one young negro, by name
Sans fassons [sans fafonj, valued, with other chattels,
at T40 : total ^882. Debts in the island of Mar¬
tinique are mentioned. — (Wills, N. Y., XIV., 121-123.)
Several others of the name of Sauzeau (variously spelled)
and natives of Marennes, came to New \ ork. Madelemne
So 7 e au de Marenne ” was married to Jean Bouyer, Novem¬
ber 12 1693, in the French Church, New York. _ Fler brother
Isaac Souzeau obtained letters of administration upon her
estate, January 29, 1698. Ester Souseau married Jean Petit
bC ^inscription upon her tomb in Trinity church-yard, New
York- “ Here Lyes Interr’d ye Body of Blanche, wife of
Rene Het, of this City, Dau of James. Dubois, Born at
City of Marrian in ye Province of Samtonge in 1 ranee
y
& Died Janry ye 31, 1 739-4°, m Jh , S4-
th
year of her Age.’
— (Communicated by Mr. Wm. Relbv.) Francis
- Colonel Benjamin Aycngg is a grandson of 1 rancis,
second son of Daniel Mesnard.
30
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap. vi. gives a graphic picture of the condition of things
! 6 7 o — in these obscure and humble places, before and
1682 a^ter times of violent persecution. In 1670,
he writes, “all was going well, though the trade
with Newfoundland had begun to diminish.
There were many good and generous and brave
seamen then in the island of Arvert.” In 1680,
“This year, France was at rest and in peace.
Here, every one lived in tranquillity. But the
clergy, sworn enemies of the public repose, wish
to destroy the Protestants in France. And this
is the way in which they begin : All Protestants
occupying any office, whatever it may be, are
forbidden to practice their arts, trades or callings.
They are despoiled, and the spoils are given to
Roman Catholics, however incapable of fulfilling
the duties of the office. The clergy cause money
to be given to poor people, to turn Catholics, so
that those who are without the means of living,
take the money, and change their religion, and
others go to England and Holland, and empty
the kingdom.” In 1681: “There was great
fury in France against the Protestants. Every¬
where the temples were cast down. In the month
of May or June, they took the temple of La
Tremblade to serve for a Catholic church. The
Protestants left their goods, and fled in great
troops to the foreign princes.” In 1682 : “There
were still at La Rochelle some ten vessels going
to Newfoundland, to the coast fisheries, for cod,
all of which discharged at La Rochelle ; and there
were fourteen ships or more that went to the
deep sea fisheiies, on the banks of Newfound-
REFUGEES FROM ARVERT.
31
land. But business begins to slacken, for the chap. vi.
religion is persecuted every day with greater l68z_
violence, and the Protestants are emptying the ]6g6
kingdom. In the month of May, the temple of
Arvert was thrown down, destroyed to its very
foundations. The priest, M. cle la Farge, took
possession of the materials, and also of the tomb¬
stones in the cemetery belonging to us poor
Protestants, and used them to rebuild and
lengthen the Catholic church. O God ! how
have we offended Thee, that Thou dost thus
o-ive us up as a prey into the hands of those who
seek our ruin ! ” 1
Numbers of the fugitives from Arvert and La
Tremblade found their way to New York.
Etienne Bouyer, “of Arver in France,” came in
1686, and settled in Southampton,, on the east¬
ern shore of Long Island.2 Jacques Vinaux and
Anne Audebert, his wife,3 and Jean Dubois, of
1 Journal d’ un marin protestant du XVIIe siecle, Bulletin
de la soc de l’hist. du prot. frarnp. ; XV., pp. 327—334.
3 He obtained denization in New York, July 29, 1686,
and appears to have removed at once to Long Island. In
1729 he presented to the Presbyterian Church of Southamp¬
ton two silver chalices for the Holy Communion. It is
said that he spent his last years in the family of Francois
Pelletreau, who removed from New York to Southampton
in 1720. The inscription upon his tomb reads, “ Here lyes
ve body of Mr. Stephen Bowyer of Arver in France who
came to this place in ye year 1686. Departed this life Oct.
y° 24 1730 aged 73 years.”— (The Early History of South¬
ampton, L. I., by G. R. Howell.)
Charlotte Boyer, perhaps a daughter or niece of Etienne,
married Jacques Favieres. Their son, born September 25,
1728, was named Estienne Boyer.— (Records of the French
Church, New York.) ,
3 Jacques Vinaux d’Alvert en France, et Anne Audebert,
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
32
ChajLvr. Arvert,1 were members of the French Church in
1681- New York at an early day. The ancestor of the
1686 C°u family,2 in New Jersey, came probably
from the same place. La Tremblade was the
birthplace of many more. Jacques Paquinet, of
Boston,3 Jean Germon, one of the settlers of
Narragarisett, Charles Germon, one of the set¬
tlers of New Oxford ; 4 Jean Melet,5 Jean Roux,6
du mesme lieu, were married in the Frencli Church, New
York, August r6, 1699.
Jean Dubois, du bourg d Albert en Saintonge, married
Marie Genouil, October 29 1693, in the French Church,
New York.
2 Marie Decoux, fugitive d’Arvert.— ( Arch. Nat.) In 1739,
Isaac De Cow was surveyor-general at Burlington, New
Jersey, where the name is still extant, and is believed to be
of Huguenot origin.
3 Andre Paquinet, fugitif de la Tremblade.— (Arch. Nat.)
Andrew and his son Peter were naturalized in England, in
1690. James Paquenett, or Packnett, was a member of the
French Church in Boston, 1748.
Jean Germon, fugitif de la Tremblade— (Arch. Nat.)
One of the Narragansett settlers, 1686.
^ 5 “ Jean Melet, matelot, sa femme et line fille, fugitifs dela
Tremblade en 1682 ; lieu de retraite, Londres; biens, 1,000
livres. (Arch. Nat.) Jean Melet and Elizabeth le Clere his
A i f e presented their son Pierre for baptism in the French
Church in Threadneedle street, London, December 6, 16S5.
“ Mart be, ^ fille de Jean Melet, absent, et Elizabeth Cler,” was
baptized in the French Church, New York, March 9, 1689.
Jean was piobably lost at sea. Madame Melet received as¬
sistance from the Church, and went to South Carolina, where
she married Pierre Gaillard.
" “ Jean Roux, officier marinier ; Jeanne le Cler, femme ;
trois enfans ; fugitifs de la Tremblade en 1682 ; lieu de re¬
trace, Londres.”— (Arch. Nat.) Pierre, fils de Jean Roux,
et Jeanne Leclerq, was baptized in the French Church, New
York, February 9, 1692.
Jacob Roux, fils d un ministre franqois,” was assisted bv
the Consistory of the French Church of London, September
28, 1707, “pour son voyage pour la Caroline.”
REFUGEES FROM LA. TREMBLADE V,
J J
Andre Arnaud,1 Jeanne de Loumeau,2 Jean
Equier,3 Isaac Boutineau,4 and Pierre Rolland,5
of New York ; Marie Fougeraut,6 Pierre Couil-
landeau,7 and Susanne Dubose,8 were from La
. ‘ Andre Arnaud, voider, fugitif de la Tremblade en 1683-
lieu de retraite, a Londres. (Arch. Nat.) Arneau, one of
the Narragansett settlers ; probably the same with Andrew
Arneau, manner, of New York, 1701, and of New Rochelle
17”, who died in 1734 or 1735, (Wills, N. Y., XII., 351,)
leaving an only son Stephen, and a daughter Mary, wife of
Jeremiah Chadaine.
‘ Jeanne de Loumeau, of La Tremblade, married Jean An-
drivet in the French Church, New York, October 18, 1699.
Jean Equier, marinier, natif de la Tremblade, decede
dans le havre de ce lieu [de New York], le 22 decembre,
1689.”— (Records of the French Church, New York.)
Isaac Boutineau, natif de la Tremblade en France,”
made public confession in the French Church, New York,.
July 3, 1698, of the wrong he had committed in yielding tO'
the temptations to which he had been subjected in France
to conform to the Roman Church. — (Records of the French
Church, New York.) Stephen Boutineau, of Boston, was
probably, like Isaac, from La Tremblade.
Pierre, Jean et Abraham Rolland, du lieu de la Trem¬
blade,” brothers, applied to the Consistory of the French
Church in London, May 9, 1698, “ declarant qu’etant nez
dans notre religion, et tornbez fort jeunes entre les mains
des Papistes, ils ont eu le malheur d’etre menez souvent a la
Messe, mais que Dieu leur ayant fait la grace de sortir de
F ranee, ils souhaitent de rentrer dans l’Eglise.” They were
admitted to make public confession on the following Sunday
morning. — (Livre des Actes de 1692 — 3 a 1708.) Pierre
Rolland was naturalized in New York, June 2, 1702. The
will of John Roland, of New York, merchant, June 2, 1721,,
appoints as executors Peter Vallette and John Auboyneau.
-(Wills, N. Y„ IX., 347-)
6 “ Marie Fougeraut, veuve de Moi'se Brigand ; elle, native
de la Tremblade.” — (Eiste des Franpois et Suisses refugiez a
la Caroline, etc.)
7 Pierre Couillandeau, natif de la Tremblade, fils de
Pierre Couillandeau et de Marie Fougeraut. — (Ibid.)'
s Susanne Dubose, femme de Isaac Dubose,. fille de Pierre
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
34
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
Cha-p. VI.
1681—
1686.
Jean
Machet.
Tremblade. Jean Machet, ship-carpenter, who
settled first in Oxford, Massachusetts, but re¬
moved to New Rochelle, was a native of the
same place. At the time when the last severi¬
ties against the Protestants began to be exer¬
cised, Machet was pursuing his trade in the sea¬
port town of Bordeaux. “We left our goods,
our furniture, and our clothes,” he writes, “ I,
and Jeanne Thomas my wife, and Pierre, Jean,
Jeanne and Marianne our children, for the sake
of our religion, and fled from persecution, only
saving our bodies.” * 1 * * * * & Elie Naudin, shipmaster,
Couillandeau et de Susanne Couillandeau, native de la
Tramblade en Xaintonge. — (Ibid.)
1 “ Notre ayde soit au nom de Dieu qui a fait le ciel et la
terre, amen. Je Jean Machet Charpentier de navires ne et
natif du bourg de la Tramblade & demeurant a Bordeaux en
France Lequel dit Machet etant fugitif de la persecution
avec sa famille composee de luy, & Jeanne Thomas sa
femme, & Pierre, Jean, Jeanne, & Marianne Machet leurs
enfans & Giles, ayant tons abbandonne leurs biens meubles
& effects pour leur Relligion lesquels ils font tous profes¬
sion en la veritable purete & Relligion Chretienne que nous
appellons religion protestante : Et comme le dit Machet
ayant recogneu etre etably en ces lieux, terre et dependance
d’York en la ville nominee la nouvelle Rochelle sous la do¬
mination de tres haut et tres puissant Monarque, notre Roy
Guillaume de pleine memoire a qui Dieu maintienne son
sceptre & sa couronne & que sous son regne puissions tous
vivre en paix & en la crainte de Dieu. Et led [it] Machet
s’est veil attaque de maladie, grosse fievre, toutes fois sain
de memoire & de l’entendenk & voulant pourvoir a ses af¬
faires pour le repos de sa famille. Premierement II recorn-
rnande son ame a Dieu le pere tout puissant createurdu ciel
et de la terre, qu’il le veuille recevoir dans son Royaume
celeste, au rang de ses enfans bienheureux & quant a son
corps il prie et souhaitte d’etre enterre en les forme &
maniere de sa Religion & discipline jusques a la consomma-
tion des siecles & resurrection, ou notre Seigneur viendra
REFUGEES FROM ARVERT. 35
of La Tremblade, fled in the year 1682, with his
wife and three children, to Southampton, in En¬
gland, where he died. His widow, Jael Arnaud,
came to America some years after, with Arnaud
or Arnauld Naudin, whose descendants are
numerous in Delaware and Maryland.1
pour juger les vivant et les morts c’est la priere qu’il fait,
voulant bien comme un vray Chretien & pere de ses enfans
que Dieu luy a donne fait testament . . . Premierement
Ledfit] Machet veut et entend & pretend que ladfite]
Jeanne Thomas sa femme soit dame & maitresse de tout
generallenY les bien meubles & acquests que nous avoirs fait
ensemble pendant notre vivant & particulierem6. les acquerts
que nous avons fait ensemble depuis notre sortye de France
n’ayant sauve que notre corps seulenY. & que tout ce que
nous avons, nous l’avons gagne ensemble a la peine de nos
mains & a la sueur de notre visage. — (Wills, N. Y., II.,
2. Signed April 17, 1694. Proved November 10, 1699.)
1 “ Elie Naudin, pilote, sa femme, trois enfans, f ugitifs de
la Tremblade ; annee de leur depart, 16S2 ; lieu de retraite,
Hampton ; valeur de leurs biens, 4,000 livres a lui et a sa
femme.” — (Arch. Nat.) Elias Naudin, Arnauld, Mary, and
Elias, children, naturalized in England, March 8, 1682. — Elie
Naudin and his wife Jahel [Jael] Arnaud, presented their
daughter Franfoise for baptism in the French Church in
Threadneedle street, London, February 7, 1686. He died,
it would seem, in England, where also, apparently, his widow
married Jacob Ratier, mariner, who was naturalized, with
Jael his wife, and Arnold Naudin, May 8, 1697. They came
in that year, probably, to New York, where Arnould Nodine
obtained letters of denization, November 12, 1697. The
granting of these letters was made one of the “ heads of
complaint ” against the governor of New York, Fletcher,
because done without any authority, and “ in such large and
extensive terms as are contrary to the intention of the laws
of England which relate to the Plantation Trade.” Gov¬
ernor Fletcher affirmed that the letters were granted in the
usual form. He wrote, London, December 24. 1698, that
he did not remember this particular case, but that the de¬
sire of New York and other plantations being for an increase
of settlers, he did but follow the example of his predecessor,
and grant denization “to several of the poor French,” for-
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
Arnauld
Naudin.
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
36 FLIGHT FROM*SAINTONGE.
Along the Gironde, on the southern shore of
Saintonge, are the seaport towns and villages of
Royan, Meschers, Saint Palais and Saint
Georges. Royan, now a town of four thousand
inhabitants, was the cradle of the Lavigne* 1
and Quantin 2 families ; and near by, in the
village of Chatelas, was the birthplace of
Jacques Fontaine, the Huguenot pastor, an¬
cestor of the American families of Fontaine
and Maury. 3 Two of the refugees in
New York, Daniel Lambert 4 * and Andre
bidding any fee to be taken in such cases. No decision
seems to have been reached in the matter. — (Documents rel¬
ative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, vol.
IV-> PP- 434, 45°, 454, 474, 4^6, 548.)
Elias,2 son of Elias and Jael Naudin, was married in
Philadelphia, in 1715, to Alida, or Lydia, daughter of Peter
and Lydia Le Roux. He was an Elder in the Presbyterian
Church, and his lineal descendants Arnold,3 Andrew,4 and
Arnold,6 in successive generations, have like him occupied
the office of the Eldership in that church. See the “ Hamil¬
ton Record,” by A. Boyd Hamilton, Esq., of Harrisburg,
Pennsylvania.
1 “ Les Lavigne, fugitifs de Royan.” — (Arch. Nat.) “Charles
Lavigne, matelot, fugitifs de Royan, parti en 1684 : lieu de
retraite, Virginie.” — (Ibid.) Estienne La Yigne, one of the
French settlers in Narragansett, 1686, was a member of the
French Church, New York, April 3, 1692, and obtained
letters of denization in the province of New York, February
6, 1696.
2 “ Les Quantins, fugitifs de Royan.” — (Arch Nat.) Isaac
Quantin, or Cantin, was an inhabitant of New Rochelle as
early as 1702, and of New York in 1721.
“ Je suis r.e a Jenouille, la maison de mon pere, dans le
village de Chatelas, paroisse de S4 Pierre de Royan. Sain¬
tonge.” — (Mdmoire de Jacques Fontaine, M.S., in the posses¬
sion of the family of his descendant, the late William L.
Maury, Esq., New York.
4 “ Daniel Lambert, natif deS4 Palay,” was married to Marie
Tebaux, November 8, 1691, in the French Church, New
ALONG THE GIRONDE.
37
Jolin,* 1 were natives of Saint Palais. Elie Badeau,
the head of a family that established itself in the
county of Westchester, New York, came from
Saint Georges ; 2 and Jean Coudret and his wife
Marie Guiton,3 members of the French Church
in New York, were of the same place.
Meschers, a village of eleven hundred inhab¬
itants, was the home of Andre Lamoureux,4
shipmaster; of Jacques Many and his brother
Clap. VI.
1681-
1686.
York. “ Lambert,” probably the same, had been one of the
French settlers in Narragansett.
1 Andre Jolin obtained denization in New York, August
6, 1686, and was naturalized, April 15, 1693. He was a
member of the French Church, New York, in 1688. His
wife was Madeleine Poupin. A family Bible in the posses¬
sion of T. S. Drake, Esq., New Rochelle, N. Y., contains
the name of Guis Jolin. Guy Jaulin, natif de Vaux, paroisse
de Saint Palais en Saintonge, was one of the refugees in
Bristol, England, in the latter part of the eighteenth cen¬
tury.
3 “ Elie Badeau, natif de S1 Georges en Saintonge, fils de
Pierre Badeau et de Marie Triau,” was married in Bristol,
England, August 30. 1696, to Claude, daughter of Daniel
Fume, and widow of Francois Blondeau. — (Records of the
French Church, Bristol.) Elie, son of Elie Badeau and
Claude Fume, born October 29, 1698, was baptized in the
French Church, New York. The family took root in New
Rochelle, N. Y., and the name is still extant in Westchester
county, N. Y., and elsewhere.
3 Daniel, son of Jean Coudret and Marie Guiton, of Saint
Georges en Saintonge, was presented for baptism in the
French Church, New York, June 7, 1691.
4 “ Andre Lamoureux, maitre de navire, cy-devant de-
meurant a Meche en Xaintonge, ou ll etoit I lllotte , et Su¬
zanne Latour sa femme,” presented their son Daniel for
baptism in the French Church, Bristol, England, January
7, 1693. An older son, Jacques, had died in March, 1689.
Andre and his family were in New York as early as May 15,
1700, and his descendants resided in that city and in New
Rochelle.
3§ FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap. vi. Jean, sea-captain;1 of Gilles Lieure ; 2 of Daniel
1681- FumG3 and °f Jeanne Couturier, wife of Daniel
1686 Bonnet.4
Within a short distance of the same coast,
there are several villages from which other
refugees came to America. Saujon, the largest
of these, with nearly three thousand inhabitants,
was the home of Elie Chardavoine, whose de¬
scendants are still to be found in New York and
in Alabama.5 Three miles southwest of Saujon,
is the village of Medis, where Jean Boudin, or
Bodin, one of the French settlers of Staten
1 Jacques Many, de Meschers en Saintonge, was a mem¬
ber of the French Church, New York, November 9, 1692.
He married Anne, daughter of Francois Vincent. Jean,
brother of Jacques, known as Captain Many, married
Jeanne, eldest daughter of Jean Machet.
2 “ Les Lievres, fugitifs de Meschers.” — fArch. Nat.) Pierre
Lieure, sargettier, of Meche en Xtonge, was married in the
French Church, Bristol, England, May 20, 1688. Gilles
Lieure signed at the marriage of Jean Le Lieure, marinier,
de Saintonge, in the Crispin Street French Church, Spital-
fields, London, January 26, 1704. Gille Lieure was an in¬
habitant of New Rochelle in 1743.
3 “ David Fume, tisserand, demeurant cydevant a Meche en
Xaintonge,” was a member of the French Church in Bristol,
England, as early as j688. He came to New York, prob-
bably with his daughter Jeanne, who had married Isaac
Quintard, and was assisted by the French Church in New
York, September 13, 1698.
4 “ Jeanne Couturier, natifue de Meche en Xaintonge,” was
in Bristol, England, with her husband, in 1693. She was a
member of the French Church in New York in 1717.
5 Elie Chardavoinne, de Saujon en Saintonge, was
married in the French Church, New York, August 24, 1692,
to Anne Valos, probably a sister of Etienne and Esaie
Valleau.
THE PELLETREAUS.
39
Island, was born.1 The little hamlet of Musson,2
within the parish of Medis, was the residence
of Daniel Gaillard, a Huguenot emigrant to
New York.3 From Arces, six miles west of
Meschers, came Jean Pelletreau and his two
nephews Elie and Jean, who fled to America
soon after the Revocation, and established them¬
selves in business as ship-chandlers in the city of
New York.4 Three families that settled in New
1 “ Boudin, fugitif de Medit, Election de Saintes.” — (Arch.
Nat.) John Boudin and Esther his wife were naturalized
in London, October 14, 1681, together with Frangois Bridon,
whose daughter he had married on reaching London. He
had been married before, and had children ‘‘by his first
wife.” — (Wills, N. Y., VII., 312.) He settled on Staten
Island, N. Y., and died as early as March, 1695. — (Wills,
N. Y., V., lot.) His wife, Hester Bodine, daughter of
Francis Bridon (Wills, N. Y., VI., 88 ; VII., 147), survived
him. He left a son, Jean Bodin, and a daughter, Marianne,
who married Jean Abelin. — (Records of the French Church,
New York ) The will of Jean Bodien, dated January 3,
1707, mentions his brothers Eliazor and Francis, and his
sisters Esther and Mary. — (N. Y. Colonial MSS., Land
Papers, IV., 84.)
2 The village of Musson is not on the maps. I find it
mentioned in the records of the French Church of Bristol,
as in the “paroisse de Medy.”
3 Daniel Gaillard, sargettier, of Musson en Saintonge, and
Elizabeth Labe his wife, presented their daughter Susanne
for baptism in the French Church, Bristol, England, August
29, 1692. Daniel and Elizabeth Gaillard were members of
the French Church in New York as early as the year 1702.
4 “John Pelletreau, born at Arse in Saintonge, Magdalen
[Vincent] his wife, born at St. Martins, and Elie Pelletreau
[his nephew] born at Arse in Saintonge,” were naturalized in
New York, September 27, 1687. Elie was the son of Paul
Pelletreau, deceased, and Esther Gouin his wife, both of
Arces. Jean, another son of Paul, came also to New York,
where the descendants of the two brothers have been
numerous.
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
40
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
Chap. VI .
1681-
1686.
Rochelle, Westchester County, New York — the
Forestiers, Reynauds and Suires — are believed
to have originated in the same vicinity. Charles,
Jean and Theophile Forestier, were from Cozes,
a village of two thousand inhabitants.1 Daniel
Raynaud 2 was a native of Chenac, and Jean
Suire,3 of Saint Seurin de Mortagne, two neigh¬
boring villages on the bank of the Gironde, where
the doctrines of the Reformation had early been
welcomed, and flourishing churches had long
existed. 1 he “ temple ” of Saint Seurin was de¬
molished four years before the Revocation of
the Edict of Nantes : and that of Mortatrne soon
o
after shared the same fate. But the Protestants
of these places continued long to hold their
meetings in secret, gathering sometimes in the
woods, or in remote and isolated dwellings, but
oftener along the shore, in crevices and caverns
1 “ Les Forrestiers, fugitifs de Coses.”- — (Arch. Nat.) “ For-
retier” is mentioned in the list of the settlers in Narragan-
sett. Theophile Forestier, aged fifty-six, Charles, aged
fifty-four, and Jean, were inhabitants of New Rochelle in
1698 ; and the family continued to be represented there.
2 Daniel Rayneau’s family Bible, preserved in New
Rochelle, contains this entry : “ Memoire du jour que nous
avons parti de Bristol : ce fut le six’116 d’ avril 1693.” The
records of the French Church in Bristol, England, have the
name of Abraham Regnaud, “ marinier, demeurant cy devant
a Chinat [Chenac] proche Saint Stirin de Mortagne en
Saintonge.” Daniel Rano [Renaud], aged fifty-five years, and
Judith his wife, aged forty-five, were inhabitants of New
Rochelle, New York, in 1698. Their descendants are
numerous in Westchester County.
3 Suzanne Suyre. wife of Andre Denis, one of the refugees
in Bristol, England, was a native of Saint Seurin de Mor¬
tagne. John Suire, naturalized in 1701, died in New York
before 1712. His widow and her son Cesar Suire were in¬
habitants of New Rochelle.
SEA-SIDE MEETINGS. 41
hollowed out among the rocks by the sea, where
the sound of their voices in psalm and prayer
was less likely to be heard by their persecutors,
above the clamor of the winds and the waves.1
Leaving the sea-coast of Saintonge, we find,
in several of the inland towns and villages of
this populous province, the localities from which
other Huguenot households were driven by per¬
secution to our American shores. In Saint Jean
d’ Angely, formerly one of the most important
strongholds of the Protestants of France, the
“temple” of the Reformed congregation was
closed in the year 1683. Jean Tartarien,2 after¬
wards an Elder of the French Church in Boston,
came from this place : and three of the Hugue¬
not families that sought refuge in South Caro¬
lina— the families of Daniel Durouzeaux,3 Elie
Bisset,4 and Jean Thomas 5 6 — were likewise from
1 Histoire des Eglises reformees de Pons, Gemozac et
Mortagne, en Saintonge, par A- Crottet. Pp. 200-203.
2 “ Jean Tartarin, marchand, de St. Jean d’ Angely,” mar¬
ried Suzanne Jaille, in the Temple de Soho, London, De¬
cember 21, 1690. Pie was the son of feu Jean 1 artann and
Jeanne Collardeau.
John Tartarien, naturalized July 3, 1701, was an Elder of
the French Church in Boston in 1704.
3 “ Daniel Durouzeaux ne a St. Jean d’ Angely en Saint¬
onge, fils de Daniel Durouzeaux et Marie Souchard ; Eliza¬
beth Foucheraud, sa femme ; Daniel, Pierre, leuis entans,
nez en C?.roline.” — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez
en Caroline, etc.)
4 “Elie Bisset, ne a St. Jean d’ Angely, fils d’ Abraham
Bisset et de Marie Bitheur ; Jeanne Poinset, sa femme ,
Anne, Catherine, filles, nees en Caroline. (Liste, etc.)
6 “ Jean Thomas, ne a St. Jean d’ Angely en Saintonge, fils
de Jean Thomas et d’ Anne Dupon. (Liste, etc.)
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
St. Jean
d’Angely.
42
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE. .
chap. vi. Saint Jean d’ Angely. Jean Faget,1 one of the
l68l_ “ chefs de famille ” of the French Church in New
i686 York, was a native of Mirambeau. Chalais
was the birth-place of Jacques Nicholas, dit
Petit Bois,2 one of the French refugees in
South Carolina. Just beyond the eastern
boundary of Saintonge, in the neighboring prov¬
ince of Angoumois, was Barbezieux, the home
of Paul Droilhet, one of the most prominent
and estimable members of the French colony in
the city of New York.3
Pons. I he town of Pons, in Saintonge, was among
the first to admit the preaching of the Reformed
doctrines, near the middle of the sixteenth cen-
lUJean Faget, ouvrier en laine, demeurant cy-devant a
Mirambeau en Xaintonge, fils de Jean Faget du dit lieu,”
was married, November 5, 1691, in the French Church, Bristol,
England, to Marie Chrestien, of Normandy. Jean Faget,'
victualer, was made a freeman of the city of New York',
May 26, 1699. He was married to a second wife, Made¬
leine David, in the French Church, New York, June 29,
1701. He was one of the “ chefs de famille ” of that Church
in 1704.
Jacques Nicholas, petit Bois, lie a Chalais en Xaintonge,
fils de Daniel Nicholas et de Leonore Gast.” — (Liste des
Franqois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.)
o ■F>ai/F Drouhet, ancien de 1 eglise de Barbezieux,
1602. (Bulletin de la soc. de 1’ hist, du prot. franp.
VII., p. 219.) The slight variation in the name does
not make it doubtful that this may have been the Paul
Droilhet who was for many years an “ ancien ” of the
French Church in New York. Ten children of Paul Droil-
hct and Susanne de la Vabre his wife were baptized in that
Chuich, between the years 1689 and 1710. He died in 1712
°J 1 7 1 3 > leaving a widow and four daughters, who were as¬
sisted by the French Church for many years. There is
abundant testimony to the esteem and affection in which
Droilhet was held by his fellow-refugees, and bv the English
also, in New York.
THE CHURCH OF PONS.
43
tury. It was held by the Huguenots during the
civil wars, and secured to them by the Edict of
Nantes, as one of their fortified places. Through-
out the first half of the seventeenth century,
“ the best families of the ‘ noblesse ’ of Saint-
onge attended the ‘ temple’ at Pons.”1 On the
eve of the revocation of that Edict, Pons still
contained a considerable number of Protestants.
Elie Prioleau was their pastor, and he remained
with his flock through all their tribulations, un¬
til, on the fifteenth day of April, 1686, their
“temple” was leveled with the ground. While
the work of destruction was in progress, Prio¬
leau preached to his weeping congregation, from
the words, “ He that findeth his life shall lose it :
and he that loseth his life for My sake shall find
it.”2 Under the cruelties inflicted upon them,
many yielded, and signed an abjuration which
their persecutors as well as they knew to be only
feigned. Some of these, with others who stood
firm in their profession, embraced the earliest op¬
portunity to escape from France. Prioleau him¬
self, and several of his people, reached America.
He was the first pastor of the Huguenot Church
of Charleston, South Carolina.3 Matthieu Coli-
1 Bulletin de la soc. de 1’ hist, du prot. frarig., vol. XI.,
p. 316.
2 Histoire des eglises reformees de Pons, Gemozac et
Mortagne, en Saintonge, par A. Crottet. P. 139.
3 “Elias Prioleau, fils de Samuel Prioleau et de Jeanne
Merlat, ne a [blank\ en Xaintonge en France.” — (Liste des
Frangois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.) His grand¬
father was Elisee Prioleau, sieur de la Viennerie, pasteur de
Jonzac et de Niort. — (Histoire des protestants et des eglises
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
Elie
Prioleau.
44
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap. vi. neau, an advocate and a judge in the town of
1681- P°ns> and a deacon of the Reformed Church in
,n, that place, settled in New York, and was made
1686. * 1 . , T 0
freeman of the city in 1694.1 Jean barrasin,
sieur de Frignac, another deacon of Prioleau’s
congregation, followed him to Charleston.2
reformees du Poitou, par Auguste Lievre. Tome III., p.
306.) His father, Samuel Prioleau, was pastor of Jonzac in
1637, of Niort in 1642, and of Pons in 1650, having already
been for some years the colleague of Jean Constans, the
preceding pastor. — (Crottet, Hist, des eglises de Pons, etc.,
p. i2r.) Samuel died February 16, 1683, and was succeeded
May ro, 1683, (Ibid., 130,) by his son Elie, who had pursued
the study of theo.logy in the Academy of Geneva. — (Livre
du Recteur, p. x 6 t . ) Elie Prioleau married Jeanne Bur-
geaud, a native of the Isle of Re, and had two children
while in France : Jeanne, born at St. Jean d’ Angely, (Liste,
etc.) and Elias, named in the act of naturalization, but who
probably died before his coming to America. He took
refuge in England, where he was naturalized, April 15, 1687.
It was probably in the course of that year that he came to
Charleston, South Carolina, and founded the French Church
in that city, perhaps in conjunction with Laurent Philippe
Trouillard, his colleague in the pastorate. Elie Prioleau
died in the year 1699. “ He has left behind him numerous
descendants in South Carolina, who cherish his memory and
emulate his virtues.” — (History of the Presbyterian Church
in South Carolina. By George Howe, D.D. Pp. no, in.)
1 “ Matthieu Colineau, avocat en la cour et juge ordinaire
de Pons, diacre de 1’ eglise de Pons, 1678 ; chef de famille,
1682.” — (Crottet, Hist, des eglises de Pons, etc., pp. 124,
128.) He married Jeanne Carre. — (La France protestante,
IV., 522.) Matthew Collineau, naturalized in England,
October 10, 1688, petitioned, July 1, 1694, as “a French
Protestant,” for letters of denization in New York, which
were granted him July 12 ; and was made freeman of the
city of New York, June 14, 1698. No further mention of
him has been found ; possibly he went to South Carolina,
where Peter Coloneau was living in 1730.
2 “Jean Sarrazin, sieur de Frignac, diacre de 1’ eglise de
Pons, 1678 ; chef de famille, 1682. — (Crottet. Hist, des
eglises de Pons, etc., pp. 124, 228.) John Sarazin was nat-
JACQUES FONTAINE.
45
The flight of these refugees from the sea¬
board provinces of France, could the story be
told in detail, would fill volumes : and instead of
a tedious enumeration of the names of persons
and places, we should have a narrative of hair¬
breadth escapes and adventures of the most
thrilling: interest. Such accounts were doubt-
less preserved for several generations in all the
Huguenot families that came to America. In
most cases, they have reached us only in re¬
duced and often distorted outlines. A striking
exception to this rule is presented by the
memoirs of Fontaine, of whom mention has
already been made : and his account of suffer¬
ing and peril may serve as an illustration of the
general experience.
Jacques Fontaine, a son of the former pastor
of Royan, was living in his own house in the
neighborhood of that town, when the year of
the Revocation opened. He himself was pre¬
paring for the ministry, and had been active, in
spite of repeated arrest and imprisonment, in
strengthening: the faith of his fellow-religionists
by his exhortations and prayers. At length,
word came that the dragoons, who had been
ravaging the homes of Protestants in other
o o _ _
uralized in England, March 20, 1686. Moreau Sarrazin,
1730, and Jonathan Sarrazin, 1772, were in South Carolina.
It has been stated that Prioleau brought with him from
Pons a considerable part of his congregation to Charleston.
I find little to confirm this statement. None of the French
Protestants whose names are given in the “ Liste ” above
quoted, are represented as having come from Pons ; and
Colineau and Sarrazin are the only refugees in America who
appear to have belonged to Prioleau s flock.
Chap. VI,
1685.
Family
traditions,
46
FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap. vi. parts of the province, were coming- to Royan.
16S5. Fontaine strongly advised his friends and neigh¬
bors to escape. Great numbers embarked from
the little harbor. Others fled to the woods, upon
hearing of the arrival of the soldiers. Fontaine
left the home of his childhood at midnight. He
was well mounted, and accompanied by a servant.
For several weeks, he employed himself in travel¬
ing through the province, visiting his relatives
and other Protestant families, encouraging those
FOfljJht.e'S w^° continued steadfast, and striving to reclaim
those who had fallen, and persuade them to
recall the abjurations they had made under
the threats and tortures of the dragoons. While
thus occupied, Fontaine learned the news of the
actual revocation of the Edict of Nantes. Noth¬
ing was now left for those faithful to their Prot¬
estant belief, save flight from the kingdom. “ I
went to Marennes,” he writes, “ to make prepa¬
rations in good earnest, and I was so fortunate
as to find an English captain of a vessel, with
whom I was able to make a bargain. He agreed
to take me, and four or five persons with me, to
England, at the rate of ten pistoles each ; and it
was arranged that we should assemble at La
Tremblade for embarkation. The party con¬
sisted of Fontaine, his niece, his betrothed and
her sister. After several days of painful sus¬
pense, they received word from the English
captain that he would sail the following day,
and would send a boat for them, at a spot on
the coast which he indicated. His intentions,
however, were suspected by the authorities :
DELAYS AT LA TREMBLADE.
47
the vessel was detained at the custom-house; chap. vi.
and Fontaine and his friends, with more than ^85.
fifty others who hoped to make their escape by
the same ship, and who had not been sufficiently
cautious in keeping their purpose secret, waited
all day in vain upon the sands near the forest of
Arvert. The disheartened fugitives went back
to La Tremblade, where they succeeded in con¬
cealing themselves for a number of days in the
huts of the fishermen. “ At last,” says Fontaine,
“ the captain came to tell me that he feared he
would not be able to take us on board. How¬
ever, he said, he meant to go to sea the next
day, and would pass between the islands of Re
and Oleron ; and if we were disposed to run the
risk of £oin£ out thither in small boats, he
might take us on board, after he had gotten rid
of all visitors, custom-house officers and others.
That very evening we embarked in a little shal¬
lop, as soon as it was dusk.” The party had
been joined by two young men from Bordeaux,
and six young women from Marennes, making
twelve in all. “Under cover of the night, we
passed, without being observed, all the pinnaces
that were keeping' guard, as well as the fort ol
Oleron. At ten o’clock, the next morning, we
dropped anchor to wait for the ship. We had
agreed with the English captain that when we
saw him, we would make ourselves known by
hoisting a sail, and letting it fall three times.
About three o’clock in the afternoon we first
espied the vessel, but she had the officials and
the pilot still on board. We watched her move-
48 FLIGHT FROM SAINTONGE.
chap. vi. ments with intense anxiety, and saw her cast
anchor when she reached the extreme point of
the Isle of Oleron. Then she put out her visit¬
ors and pilot, got under way, and sailed toward
us. It was a joyful sight : we felt confident
that we had surmounted every difficulty, and
expected in a very few minutes to be under full
sail for England. Our joy was of brief dura¬
tion, for at that moment one of the Kinffis
frigates hove in sight, and gradually approached
us. She was one of the vessels constantly em¬
ployed on the coast to prevent Protestants from
leaving the kingdom ; seizing all that were
found, to be sent, the men to the galleys,
the women to convents. The frig-ate cast
anchor, signaled the English vessel to do the
same, boarded her, and searched her throuo-h-
D
out. This done, the captain was ordered to sail
forthwith. The wind was favorable, so that he
could offer no excuse, and we had the misery of
seeing him leave us behind.” Happily, the
boatman in charge of the fugitives was able at
this moment to attract the attention of the En¬
glish vessel by means of the signal agreed upon,
without exciting the suspicions of the officers in
command of the frigate. Fontaine and his
friends lay concealed in the bottom of the boat
under an old sail, until twilight came on, when
they succeeded in reaching the ship, and in due
time were landed safely on the coast of En¬
gland.1
o
1 Memoirs of a Huguenot family : translated and com¬
piled from the original autobiography of the Rev. Tames
Fontaine, by Ann Maurv. New York : 1853.
FLIGHT FROM POITOU. 49
The province of Poitou sent many excellent
Huguenot families to America. From Chatel-
lerault, an important town, which lost by the
flight of the Protestant inhabitants more than a
tenth part of its population, and that of the
best and thriftiest,-1 came Pierre Berthon de
Marigny, and Marguerite, his wife, Marie Fleu-
riau, widow, with her son Pierre and daughter
Marquise, and her son-in-law Louis Carre ; Ami
Canche, and Louise, his wife ; and Charles
Fromaget. Pierre Berthon or Berton, took the
lead of the Narragansett colony, in Rhode
Island. Louis Carre came to New York, and
became prominent as a merchant, and as a mem¬
ber of the French Church in that city.2 Ami
Canche was one of the settlers of New Paltz,
Ulster county, New York.3 Charles Fromaget
1 Lievre, Histoire des protestants et des 6glises reformees
du Poitou, II., 225.
3 The family was a numerous one, and several of its mem¬
bers went forth into exile at the period of the Revocation.
Louis is thought to have been a descendant of the eminent
Jean Carre, pastor for nearly fifty years (1618 to 1665 and
after) of the Protestant Church -in his native town, Chatel-
lerault. Louis and his wife, Pregeante Fleuriau, reached
the city of New York in June, 1688. — (Certificate of their
naturalization, dated London, April 5, 1688, and entered in
the records of the Common Council, New York, June 14
in the same year.) They had been preceded by Pregeante’s
brothers, Pierre and Daniel Fleuriau, who obtained letters
of denization in New York, July 29, 1686. Carre soon be¬
came one of the principal merchants of the city, and his
children married into several influential families. He was
an “ ancien ” of the French Church in 1713 and in 1724.
He died May 29, 1744, aged eighty-five years. His widow,
whose name Pregeante had become transmuted to Bridget,
died June 13, 1750, aged ninety-one years.
3 Ami Canche and Louise, his wife, “ born at Chastelereau
Chap. VI.
1681-
1685.
Chatel-
lerault.
FLIGHT FROM POITOU.
Chap. VI.
1681—
1686.
Loudun.
50
went to South Carolina.* 1 Thus widely were the
fugitive subjects of Louis XIV. dispersed, over
a territory that was to be the domain of
religious freedom and intelligence.
Six miles from Chatellerault, the village of
Sossais was the birthplace of Jacques Benoit,
who came to South Carolina with his wife, Sarah
Monnie, and their son Jean.2
At Loudun, the Protestants were numerous :
but on the single night of October 30, 1686,
two companies of a regiment of dragoons suc¬
ceeded in compelling fifteen hundred Hugue¬
nots to recant. There, as elsewhere, numbers
had fled before the approach of these “ mission¬
aries” of Rome; stealing away under cover of
darkness from their homes, with the few ef¬
fects they were able to carry.3 Of those who
reached America were Daniel Huger, and
Marguerite Perdriau, his wife;4 Jacob Bailler-
in Poictou,” were naturalized in New York, September 27,
1687, with their daughter Marianne, “born at St. Christo¬
pher’s.” Marianne became the wife of Abraham Jouneau,
of New York.
1 “Charles Fromaget, ne a Chastelerault, fils de Charles
Fromaget et de Marie le Nain.” — (Liste des Francois et
Suisses refugiez en Caroline.)
2 “Jacques Benoit, fils de Jacques Benoit et de Gabrielle
Mercier, ne a Sussay en Poitou. Sarah Mounie, femme du
dit Jacques. Jean, son fils ne en France. Jacques et Pierre
nez en Caroline.” — (Liste, etc.)
3 Lievre, Plistoire des protestants du Poitou, II., 153, 166.
4 Like others to whom reference has been made (volume
I., page 303,) Huger first sought refuge at La Rochelle and
on the Isle de Re, from persecution in his province of
Poitou. The official record of fugitives from Aunis men¬
tions him as “ Daniel Huger, marchand, sa femme et deux
enfans ; sortis de V isle de Rd, en 1682.” — (Arch. Nat.) The
POITIERS.
51
geau,* 1 Jacob Ammonet,2 Nicolas Malherbe,3 chap.vi
Zacharie Angevin,4 emigrants to South Caro- (68i_
lina, Virginia, New York. ^
Poitiers, the principal town of the province,
had for its Protestant pastor, at the time of the
Revocation, the learned Jacques Gousset, who
took refuge in Holland, where he was called to
a chair of theology in the University of Gro¬
ningen. Gousset was accompanied by Isaac
Bertrand du Tuffeau,5 a relative of his wife, who
statement is corroborated by the “ Liste des Francois et
Suisses refugiez en Caroline,” which mentions a daughter
born at La Rochelle. — (“ Daniel Huger, ne a Loudun, fils de
Jean Huger, et Anne Rassin. Marguerite Perdriau, sa
femme. Marguerite, leur fille, nee a Rochelle. Daniel et
Madeleine, leurs enfans, nez en Caroline.”)
1 Jacob, son of Jacob Baillergeau, by Marguerite his wife,
born at Loudun in Touraine, petitioned for denization in
the province of New York, 1701. Doctor Jacob Baillergeau
was licensed to practice physic and surgery in New York
and New' Jersey, April 11, 1704. He had been a member of
the French Church in Threadneedle street, London, in 1688.
2 “ Jacob, Pierre et Matthieu Ammonet, chefs de famille a
Loudun, 1634.” — (La France Protestante, s. v.). — Jacob Am¬
monet was one of the settlers of Manakintown, Virginia.
3 Nicholas Malherbe was a member of the French Church,
New York, in 1697, and an inhabitant of that city in
1702-3. His daughter Marie married Isaac Guion, August
23, 1710. Several refugees of this name fled from Loudun.
—(Lievre, III., 295, 355.)
4 Zacharie Angevin was married in the French Church,
New York, March 5, 1690, to Marie, daughter of Andre
Naudin. In 1701 he bought lands in New Rochelle, N. Y.,
where he spent the rest of his days, and where his descend¬
ants long continued to live. Isaac Angevin, de Loudun,
fils de feu Andre Angevin, was married in the French
Church, Threadneedle street, London, October 28, 1682.
See also La France Protestante, v.
5 Lievre, Histoire des protestants et des eglises reformdes
du Poitou, tome III., p. 312.
FLIGHT FROM POITOU.
Chap. VI.
1681-
1686.
Home
of the
Marions.
52
became associated with Gabriel Bernon in the
Huguenot settlement of New Oxford, Massachu¬
setts. From the same place came Pierre Girrard,1
one of the refugees in South Carolina, and Aman
and Gousse Bonnin,2 of New York.
The sea-port town of La Chaume, inhabited
chiefly by hardy sailors, whom the dragoons
found it difficult to convert, was the birthplace
of Benjamin Marion, ancestor of Francis Marion,
the brave general in the war for independence.3
Another refugee in Carolina, Gabriel Ribouteau,4
1 “ Pierre Girrard, ne a Poitiers, fils de Pierre Girrard et de
Judith Fruschard.” — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez
en Caroline, etc.) Elizabeth Damaris Girrard, Isaac Gir¬
rard and Marie Roubin his wife,— both of these names
occur frequently among those of the Protestants of Poitou —
were members of the French Church, New York, in 1694
and after.
2 Bonnin — “ une des plus anciennes maisons du Poitou ; ”
some members of which were included in the list of the
“ nouveaux convertis ” of Poitiers in 1682. Aman Bonnin
was naturalized in England, January 5, 1688, and Gousse —
who had undoubtedly received that uncommon appellation
in honor of the Poitiers pastor, Jacques Gousset — obtained
naturalization ten years later, September 9, 1698. The two
had come to America in 1688. Aman settled in the city of
New York, and was married in the French Church, September
29, 1689, to Susanne, daughter of Esaie Valleau. Six children
of Aman and Susanne were baptized in that Church. Gousse
Bonnin and his wife Marie Pontin went to Pennsylvania,
where their son Simon Pierre was born, January 16, 1689.
(Baptized October 6, 1689, in the French Church, New
York.)
3 “Benjamin Marion, ne a la Chaume en Poitou, fils de
Jean Marion et de Perinne Boutignon. Judith Baluet, sa
femme. Ester, Gabrielle, et Benjamin, leurs enfans, nez en
Caroline.” — (Liste des Franqois et Suisses refugiez en Caro¬
line, etc.)
4 “ Gabriel Ribouteau, nfi a Lachaume, en Poitou, fils
d’Estienne Ribouteau et de Catharine Girardot.” — (Liste, etc.)
SIGOURNAIS
53
was a native of this place ; and a third, Jean chap.vi.
Girardeau,1 came from Talmont, a neighboring I68~I_
town, near the same coast. ^
Further inland, were the villages of Mou-
champs and Sigournais, the abodes of many
Protestant families. Gilles Gaudineau,2 a Hu¬
guenot physician who became active in the af¬
fairs of New York during Leisler’s time, was a
native of Sigournais; and his daughter Helene,
who was married to Jacques Desbrosses, was
1 “ Jean Girardeau, ne a Tallemont en Poitou, fils de
Pierre Girardeau et de Catharine Lareine.” — (Liste, etc.)
2 Gilles Gaudineau, named among the refugies du Poitou,
(Lievre, IIP, 360,) was “ born att Sigornay in low Poictou,”
but removed to “ Mouchainps in low Poictou,” where his
daughters Susanne and Helene wrere born.— (Act of Natur¬
alization.) He and his daughters obtained letters of deni¬
zation in New York, August 26, 1686, and were naturalized
September 27, 1687. From the first, Gaudineau took an
active part in the affairs of the province. He was made
lieutenant of Captain Minvielle’s company, October 8, 1686;
accompanied Governor Dongan’s expedition to defend
Albany and protect the Five Nations against the French, in
1687 ; and took sides in 1689 against Leisler, who put him
in prison for refusing to surrender his commission as lieu¬
tenant. — (Documents relative to the Colonial History of
New York, III., 716.) He was a physician. “Giles Gau¬
dineau, Chirurgeon,” obtained the freedom of the city, May
27, 1702. He was an “ ancien ” of the French Church,
New York, in 1702, and a vestryman of Trinity Church,
New York, in 1708. His daughter Susanne returned to
Europe. (Perhaps the Susanne Godineau who was buried
in London, October 10, 1692.) Helene remained in New
York, and was married in the French Church, October 18,
1703, to Jacques Desbrosses. Gilles died after May 20,
1709, and before November 24, 1715, when his will, dated
August 24, 1694, was admitted to probate. — (Wills, N. Y.,
VIII., 374.) Jacques Godineau, also of Poitou, and “chi-
rurgien,” aged fifty-eight years, received assistance from the
Royal Bounty in London, in 1705.
54
FLIGHT FROM POITOU.
Chap. VI.
1681—
1686.
A cluster
of
Protestant
villages.
born in the neighboring town of Mouchamps.
Desbrosses himself came probably from the same
neighborhood.* 1
In the southern part of central Poitou, there
is a cluster of towns and villages, east and
north of the town of Niort, where many of our
Huguenot families, transplanted to America,
had their origin. Most of these localities are now
so insignificant, as to find no place upon ordi¬
nary maps. But none of them were too obscure
to be visited by the troops of Louis XIV., under
the direction of the infamous Marillac, in the
course of the spring and summer of the year
1681 : and it is probable that this little district
witnessed, at that period, as much of concentrated
cruelty and misery, as did any other part of
France. The soldiers did not leave one parish
to go to another, so long as a single Protestant
remained, to be either converted or ruined.
H ouses were pillaged, women were insulted and
tortured, men were beaten : and when driven or
1 See above. The name of Ragnou des Brasses occurs in
the same list of refugies de Poitou with that of Gaudineau.
Jacques first appears in New York in 1701. Six children of
Jacques Desbrosses and Helene Gaudineau were baptized in
the French Church, 1705-1718. The eldest, Jacques, be
came an “ ancien ” of that church. The youngest, Elie,
born April 22, 1718, was one of the vestrymen of Trinity
Church, New York, 1759-1770, and one of the wardens,
1 7 7 0 1 7 7 S. In his will he “left a legacy to the corpora¬
tion of Trinity Church in trust for the use and benefit of
such French clergyman who shall perform divine service in
the French language in ” that “city, according to the liturgy
of the Church of England as bylaw established.’’ — (Records
of the French Church, New York.) One of the streets of
New York is named after this family.
HASTENING TO THE COAST.
55
dragged to the churches, those who could be
persuaded to kneel before the priest, or place
their hands upon the Gospel, were reported as
converts. Multitudes of the wretched villagers
might be seen flying from their homes, toward
La Rochelle, or some other place of fancied
security; or gathered in groups along the coast,
waiting for some means of escape by sea.
It is easy to conceive that the bewilderment and
consternation produced by the visits of the sol¬
diery, may have resulted sometimes in insanity.
Jean Migault relates that in his wanderings he
frequently met a woman, with an infant in her
arms, and two little children at her side, hasten¬
ing, crazed by fear, across the fields, under the
impression that she was pursued by the dra¬
goons.
Niort, long one of the fortified towns of
the Huguenots, was the home of many of
the fugitives. Of those who reached Amer¬
ica, we have the names of Marie Tebaux,1
Andre Foucault,2 David Pougnin,3 Rene Gil-
1 Marie Tebaux, “native de Niord,” was married, No¬
vember 8, 1691, in the French Church, New York, to Daniel
Lambert.
2 Andre Foucault, witness to the above marriage, was
authorized by the governor, September 13, 1703, to teach
an English and French school in the city of New York. He
was one of the “ chefs de famille ” of the French Church in
1704, and is repeatedly mentioned, down to the year 1720.
The name is that of a refugee family of Poitou, noted for
their sufferings on account of their religion. — (Lievre, III.,
358-)
3 Another witness to the marriage of Marie rI ebaux ; un¬
doubtedly of the same family with the refugie Pougnant, de
Niort et environs. — (Lievre, IIP, 357.)
Chap, VI.
1681-
1686.
FLIGHT FROM POITOU.
Chap. VI.
16S1-
1686.
56
bert,1 Jean Coulon,2 Daniel Champenois,3 Pierre
Reverdy,4 and Samuel and Moi'se, sons of Jean
Morin,5 6 or Morine.
Twelve miles to the south-east of Niort, lies
the village of Thorigne. It was the home of
Daniel Bonnet, afterwards one of the settlers of
1 Rene Gilbert, “ natif de la ville de Niort,” died in New
York, January 16, 1690. — (Records of the French Church.)
2 Jean Coulon, “ de la ville de Nyort en Poitou,” was
married in the French Church, New York, April 27, 1692,
to Marie du Tay. Four children were baptized in that
Church.
3 Several of this name were persecuted, among them,
Jacques Champenois, “ le plus riche negociant de Niort.”
“Mr. Champenois” was in New Rochelle in 1716. Daniel,
and his wife Marguerite, were members of the French
Church, New York, in 1725.
4 Peter Reverdy and his son Benoni were naturalized in
England, July 2, 1684. Peter came to New York from.
London, with pasteur Peiret, on the ship Robert, in No¬
vember, 1687. He is mentioned in “ New England Justi¬
fied,” p. 41, (republished in Force’s Historical Tracts, IV.,)
as the author of certain Memoirs concerning Sir Edmund
Andros. — (Documents relative to the Colonial History of
the State of New York, III., 651.) He was chosen coroner
of Newcastle, Delaware, May 3, 1693. — (Colonial Records,
I., 330.) Reverdy was a Niort name. Catharine, de Niort,
received aid from the Royal Bounty in London, 1705.
6 “ Jean Morin, sargettier, demeurant cy-devant a Niort en
Poittou,”and his second wife Elizabeth Viconte, of Meschers
en Xaintonge, had five children baptized in the French
Church, Bristol, England, 1687-1694 ; among them Samuel,
born January 19, 169^ and Moi'se, born January 12, 1692.
Jean died in Bristol, February 5, 1699, aged forty-four
years. Samuel and Moi'se came to New York. The former
married Marie, daughter of Isaac Quintard ; the latter mar¬
ried Marianne Bricou. Samuel Morine and Isaac Quintard
were among the signers of a petition addressed to the gov¬
ernment of Connecticut in May, 1738, for exemption from
taxation for the support of the Congregational order. —
(History of Stamford, Conn., by Rev. E. B. Huntington, p.
3U-)
DANIEL BONNET.
57
New Rochelle,1 and of Jacques Bergeron, who ciiap. vi.
1 The traditionary account preserved in the Bonnet family
concerning their ancestor’s escape from France is, that
Daniel and his wife attempted to reach the coast, — some
forty-five or fifty miles distant, — with their two small chil¬
dren, concealed in the panniers of a donkey, and covered
with fresh vegetables. The mother having enjoined upon
the children to keep perfect silence, no matter what might
occur, they had scarcely commenced their journey when
they were overtaken by a trooper, who demanded to know
what the panniers contained. The mother replied, Fresh
vegetables for the market. As if doubting her words, the
rough soldier rode up to the side of the donkey, and thrust
his sword into the nearest pannier, exclaiming, as he rode by,
Bon voyage, mes at?iis ! The agony of the parents may be
conceived, until the soldier was well out of sight, when the
pannier was immediately opened, and the child was found to
have been wounded, the sword having pierced through the
calf of the leg. Fortunately, nothing more occurred to
interrupt their journey to the coast. — (History of the County
of Westchester, N. Y., by the late Rev. Robert Bolton.
Revised Edition, Vol. I., pp. 595, 596.) The fugitives suc¬
ceeded in reaching Bristol, England. Daniel Bonnet,
“ ouvrier en laine, fils de Louis Bonnet de la paroisse de
Torrigny en Poittou,” and his wife Jeanne Coutturier, were
members of the French Church in Bristol, England, from
1690 to 1700. Their children, baptized in that Church,
were : Pierre, born June 2, 1693 ; Daniel, born January 29,
1695 ; and Marie, [who married Jean Soulice,] born May 9,
1697. This Huguenot family removed to America in the
winter of 1700, bringing the following certificate, which is
preserved by the descendants :
Civitas Bristol. These are to certify that the bearer here¬
of, Daniel Bonnett, weaver, (as we are very well assured by
persons of credit and repute of the French refugees here,)
is a French Protestant of good repute, and hath here lived
ten years. But in hopes of better maintaining himself and
family, is intending to settle himself, with his wife and four
children, in some of his Majestie’s plantations in America.
In testimony whereof, we have hereto subscribed our names,
and caused the seal of the mayoralty of this city to be here¬
to affixed this sixteenth day of November, one thousand and
seven hundred.
Thos. Cary, Clerk.
William Daines, Mayor.
58
FLIGHT FROM POITOU.
Chap. vi. came to New York.1 The Protestant inhabitants
1681- Thorigne showed a firmness almost unexam-
1686 P^ec^> under the sufferings inflicted by the dra¬
goons of Marillac. Scarcely a single feigned
conversion was effected. The priest of the vil¬
lage was enraged at the obstinacy of the Hu-
ouenots. He called for a second visit of the
o
troops, which proved equally fruitless. The
soldiers found the houses empty ; the inmates
had escaped to the neighboring forests.
Benet, a town eight miles north-west of Niort,
was the home of the Soulice family of New
Rochelle,2 and of the Ravard family of New
1 “Jacques Bergeron, ouvrier en laine, demeurant cy-
devant a Torigny, Poitou,” and Judith Peletan, his wife, were
members of the French Church in Bristol, England, 1707,
1708. A son Pierre was born September 25, 1707 ; a
daughter Judith, October 12, 1708. Jacques Bergeron and
Judith Peletant had four children baptized in the French
Church, New York : Jean, February 24, 1712 ; Anne, Jan¬
uary 17, 1714; Jean, March 27, 1715 ; and Elie, January
27, 17x7.
2 The name Soulice is of rare occurrence in France, and
it does not appear at all in the British Patent Rolls, contain¬
ing the names of Protestant refugees naturalized in England.
I find, however, in the records of the French Church,
Threadneedle Street, London, mention of the marriage of
“Jacques Soulice, natif de Benet en Poitou, fils de feu
Jacques Soulice et feue Marie Ravard,” to Marie Arnail,
“native de Roufigny en Poitou October 19, 1687. The
researches of M. Louis Soulice, bibliothecaire de Pau, into
the history of his family, have established its descent from
William Soullice, born in Ireland in 1520, who emigrated to
France in 1540, and settled in Marans, in the province of
Aunis. His son Jacques, born in 1554, removed to Cordon,
a village in Poitou, six miles west of Niort, where his
descendants continued to reside until the period of the
French revolution. Benet, the birthplace of Jacques Soulice,
VILLAGES NEAR NIORT.
59
York.* 1 Cherveux, a village about as far to the chap, vx
north-east, was the birth-place of Pierre Gail-
lard 2 and George Juin,3 emigrants to South i6g6
Garolina, and probably also of Jean Pinaud, of
New York.4 From Germon, a village north of
Cherveux, came Philippe Normand, of South
the refugee above mentioned, is a village in the immediate
vicinity of Coulon, four miles to the north.
The record of the Soulice family of New Rochelle, New
York, states that John, their ancestor, was the son of John
Soulice and Jane Curterrie [Couturier] his wife. He married
Mary, daughter of Daniel Bonnet — see above, page 65. (It
is evident that the record confounds the mother of John
Soulice with the mother of Mary Bonnet.)
John Soulice, probably a nephew of Jacques of Benet, was
born in 1695, and died in New Rochelle, N. Y., August 28,
1776. Mary Bonnet, his wife, born May 9, 1697, died in
New Rochelle, September 11, 1778. The family is still
represented in that place.
1 Pierre Ravard was married to Jeanne du Gas (or Dugua)
in the French Church, New York, January 7, 1702. The
name was extant in 1737.
2 “Pierre Gaillard, ne a Cherneux [Cherveux] en Poitou,
fils de Pierre Gaillard et de Jacquette Tolain. Elizabeth
Leclair, sa femme. Cleremonde, leur fille, nee en Caroline.
Elizabet et Marthe Melet, nees a la Nouvelle Yoorck, filles
de Jean Melet et de la ditte Leclair.”— (Liste des Franqois
et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.)
’ “ George Juing, ne a Cherneux [Cherveux] en Poitou, fils
de Rene Juing et de Judith Pie. Suzanne Le Riche, sa
femme, nee a Londre. Jean Juing, leur fils ne en Caroline.”
— (Liste, etc.) Several refugees of this name were in London
in 1694. Jean Juin was one of the inhabitants of New
Rochelle in 1709. “ Juin ” soon came to be “ June.”
4 “Jeanne et Catharine Pinaud, fugitifs de Cherveux-et-
francois.” — (Arch. Nat.) Jean Pineaud, imprimeur, died in
New York, December 22, 1688. “Inhume dans le cime-
tiere public.” — (Records of the French Church, New York.)
Paul Pinaud and Elizabeth Audebert were married in that
Church, May 5, 1700. Several others are mentioned.
6o
FLIGHT FROM POITOU.
chap. vi. Carolina.1 Daniel Seneschaud,2 of South Caro-
lina, and Jean Moreau,3 of New York, were
ro, natives of Saint Maixent. Lusignan was the
l6o6. r
home of Isaac Quintard,4 the ancestor 01 a
prominent Huguenot family of New York and
Connecticut. The villages of Beaussais, Sepvret,
Chenay, La Forge-Nocey, and Sainte Soline, had
representatives among the emigrants to America.
From Beaussais came Marie and Marianne
1 “ Philippe Normand, ne a Germain en Poitou, fils de
Philippe Normand et de Jeanne Pineau. Elizabeth Juin, sa
femme.” — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caro¬
line, etc.)
2 “ Daniel Seneschaud, fils de Jonas et Jeane Seneschaud,
de St. Maixant en Poitou. Magdelaine sa femme, fille de
Daniel Ardouin et de Marie Ardouin, de Gemoset en
Xaintonge. Elizabeth Seneschaud, fille des susdits nez en
Caroline.” — (Liste, etc.)
3 Jean Moreau, Jeanne Moreau, fugitifs de Saint Maixant.
— (Arch. Nat.) John Moreau was one of the inhabitants of
New Rochelle in 1712. Jeanne Moreau was a member of
the French Church, New York, in 1714.
4 The marriage of Isaac Quintard, “ouvrier en laine,
demeurant cy devant proche a Luzignan en Poittou,”
and Jeanne Fume, was solemnized in the chapel of the Gaunt,
Bristol, England, by M. Descairac, pasteur of the French
Church, November 26, 1693. Their daughter Marie was bap¬
tized in the same chapel, January 13, 1695 ; and their son
Isaac was baptized December 13, 1696. Quintard came to
New York in 1697, or the following year. His second son,
Abraham, was baptized in the French Church in that city,
September 25, T698, and his third son, Pierre, January 28,
1700. He removed about the year 1708 from New York to
Stamford, Connecticut, where his descendants have continued
to reside. The Right Reverend Charles T. Quintard, D.D.,
LL.D., Bishop of the diocese of Tennessee, Protestant Epis¬
copal Church, is a descendant of the Huguenot refugee in
the fifth generation.
SETTLERS ON THE SANTEE.
61
Bricou ; 1 from Sepvret, Pierre Guerri;2 from chap. vi.
Chenay, Jacques Marseau and his mother, l68l_
FYangoise Mounart ; 3 from La Forge-Nocey, i6g6
Auguste Memin;4 and, from Sainte Soline,
Isaac Caillebceuf.5
Aulnay and La Villedieu, villages now in¬
cluded within the limits of the department of
Charente-Inferieure, formerly belonged to the
province of Poitou. Pierre and Abraham
Michaud, fugitives from La Villedieu, joined
the settlement on the banks of the Santee, in
South Carolina.6
1 Pierre Bricou, of Beaussais en Poitou, was a member of
the French Church, Bristol, and was connected by marriage
with Isaac Quintard. In New York, Marie Bricou, wife of
Pierre Durand, 1706, and Marianne Bricou, wife of Moi'se
Morin, 1717, were members of the French Church.
5 “Pierre Guerri, fils de Jacques et d’Anne Guerri, de
Seuvet et Poitou ; et Jeanne sa femme, fille de Louis et de
Judith Broussard, du dit lieu. Enfans, Francois, ne a
Dublin, Jean, Pierre, Jean Jacques, Jeanne Elizabeth, nez
en Caroline.”— (Liste des Franqois et Suisses refugiez en
Caroline, etc.)
3 “ Franqoise Mounart, nee a Chaine en Poitou, fille de
Jacques Mounart et d’Anne Bonneau. Jacques Marseau,
ne a Chaine en Poitou, fils de Gabriel Marseau et de
Franqoise Mounart.” — (Liste, etc.)
4 “ Auguste Memin, ne ala Forge Nossey, en Poitou, fils de
Jean Memin et de Marie Masiot.’ — (Liste, etc.)
6 “ Isaac Caillabeuf, ne a Ste. Soline, fils de Louis Cailla-
beuf et de Marie Charuyer ; Rachel Fanton, sa femme ;
Isaac, Etienne et Anne, leurs enfans, nez en Caroline ”
— (Liste des Franqois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.)
6 “Pierre Michaud, fils de Jean Michaud et de Catherine
Michaud de la Ville Dieu d’Onis, province de Poitou.
Sara Michaud sa femme, fille de Jacques et Elizabeth Ber-
tonneau, nee en l’isle de Re, cidevant femme de Elie
Jodon. Abraham Michaud, frere de sus dit Pierre Michaud
idem, et Ester Michaud sa femme, fille d Elie Jodon, n£e en
62
FLIGHT FROM TOURAINE.
Chap. vi. Severe as the persecution was, it failed to ex-
1681- tirpate Protestantism in the villages of central
1686 P°it°u> that formed this interesting cluster.
More than half a century after the Revocation,
a Protestant minister who secretly explored this
region, for the purpose of discovering its religious
condition, wrote : “ I could not have believed
that the Reformed were in such numbers as I
have found in this province. Between Couhe
and Niort — a tract of country ten leagues in
length by four or five in width — not one-eighth
of the population is Roman Catholic. The
people are very firm.” 1
The province of Touraine, adjoining Poitou
on the east, contained a large Protestant popu¬
lation. Tours, its principal town, was nearly
ruined by the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
A number of the fugitive families found their
way to America, and some of them, at least,
were families of superior social position. Jean
de Neufville,2 a physician, became one of the
lisle de Re. Jeanne, Ester et Charlotte Michaud leurs
enfans nez en Caroline. Daniel Jodon, fils de Elie Jodon
et Sara Jodon, ne en Lisle de Re.”— (Liste, etc.)
'Bulletin de la soc. de l’hist. du prot. franq., XI., p. Si.
John de Neufville, born at Xaintonge /’ according to
the^ act of his naturalization in New York, September 27,
h°wever> gives his birthplace as Tours “ en
Poitou . Instances of like inaccuracy in the designation of
adjoining provinces are not unusual. He styles himself
Docteur en Medecine.” His wife, Rachel le Vilain was
a native of the island of St. Christopher : “ma tres chere et
honoiee espouse, he calls her in his will, bequeathing to
her all his property, as well in France as in America, “desir-
ant lui laisser un temoignage asseurfi de la veritable et
tendre affection que j ay toujours eue pour elle, fondfie sur
REFUGEES FROM TOURS.
63
original purchasers and first settlers of New Chap.vi
Rochelle, in the county of Westchester, New 16S1-
York. Pierre Chardon, a banker, was residing j6g6
in Paris at the time of the Revocation.* 1 Pie fled
to England, and soon after, emigrated to Massa¬
chusetts, where he took a prominent place as a
merchant of Boston, and as an Elder of the
French Church in that city. Pierre Fauconnier2
came to New York, and rose to eminence in
public life. In 1705 he was made collector of
the port, and receiver general of taxes. South
la vertue, sagesse, et prudence que je lui ai toujours re¬
marquee dans toute sa conduite, et la recognoissance que
j’ ay de tous les bons fidelles et affectionnes services qu’elle
m’ a rendus depuis que le Seigneur nous a mis ensemble.”
The deed of his land in New Rochelle, bought of Jacob
Leisler, is dated May 1, 1690. The names and ages of his
children are given in the New Rochelle census of 1698 thus :
John, age 20 ; Prudence, 18 ; Mary 16 ; Jeanne, 14 ; James
Peter, 12 ; Sebe [?], 8 ; Josias, 7 ; Rachel, 6, and Martha,
3. “ Mary Prudence ” became the second wife of Aman
Bonnin ; license of marriage dated December 28, 1705.
Jean de Neufvillewas born about the year 1639. — (Census.)
His will, dated May 3, 1712, was admitted to probate, De¬
cember 21, 1716. He appears to have been one of the most
intelligent and cultivated of the refugees in the province of
New York.
1 He was naturalized in England, April 15, 1687, and
soon after removed to Massachusetts. He is believed to
have been a native of Tours. — (La France Protestante,
deuxieme edition, vol. IV., p. 46.)
2 Peter Fauconnier and Magdalene [Pasquereau] his wife,
were naturalized in England, April 4, 1685, in company
with Louis Pasquereau and Magdalene his wife, and their
children Louis, Peter and Isaac. Madeleine, daughter of
Pierre Fauconnier and Madeleine Pasquereau his wife, was
baptized in the French Church, Threadneedle street, Lon¬
don, May 13, 1685. Pierre and Estienne, twins, were
baptized in the same Church, June 24, 1686 ; and Estienne
was baptized April 20, 1689. Peter and Magdalen Faucon-
64
FLIGHT FROM TOURAINE.
chap. vi. Carolina was enriched by the accession of sev-
1681- era^ important families — Fleury de la Plaine,1
i6g6 Royer,2 Carron,3 Pasquereau,4 and Bacot.s
nier were in New York as early as December, T702, when
they petitioned, with others, for certain lands on Staten
Island. Fauconnier stood high in favor with governors
Bellomont and Cornbury, and was not only advanced to
important offices under the colonial government, but also
obtained large grants of land from them. His course was
severely criticised by the opponents of these governors.
1 “Abraham Fleury, de la Plaine, ne a Tours, fils de
Charles Fleury, et de Madeleine Soupzmain ; Marianne
Fleury, sa fille, veuve de Jacques Dugue, nee a Paris; et
Marianne Dugue, fille du defunct Jacques Dugue, et du dit
Marianne Fleury, nee en Caroline. Isaac Fleury, ne a
Tours, fils de Charles Fleury et de Madelaine Soubmain.”
— (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline.)
Noe Royer, 1’ aine. ne a Tours, fils de Sebastien Royer
et de Marie Rendon. Madeleine Saulnier, sa femme,
native de Chatelleraulx, fille de Jacques Saunier et Judith
Baudon. Pierre, Madeleine, et Marie, leurs enfans,‘nez a
lours. Noe Royer le Jeune, ne a Tours, fils de Noe Royer,
et de Madeleine Saulnier. Judith Giton, sa femme.”— (Ibid.)
Claude Carron, ne a Tours, fils de Michel Carron, et de
Elizabeth Belong.” — (Ibid.)
Louis Pasquereau, ne a Tours, fils de Louis Pasquereau
et de Madeleine Chardon.’ It would seem that the elder
Pasquereau died possibly in London — leaving four sons ;
and that his widow, Madeleine Chardon, married again,
and . came to South Carolina with her second husband
Philippe Gen d ion and his brother Jean and daughter
Madeleine, and with Pierre, Isaac and Charles Pasquereau’
younger sons of her former husband. Pierre and Isaac!
like Louis, were born in Tours ; Charles was born in Lon¬
don— (Liste des Franpois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline,
etc.)_ Pierre Pasquereau, of d ours, aged seventy-two years,
received assistance in Southampton, England, from the
Royal Bounty, 1706, 1707.
Pierre Bacot, nfi d Tours, fils de Pierre Bacot et
de Jeanne Moreau. Jacquine Mercier, sa femme, fille
d Abraham Mercier et Jacquine Selipeaux. Pierre et
Daniel Bacot, leurs fils, nez en France, et Elizabeth, leur
fille, nee en Caroline. (Liste des Francois et Suisses Refu-
giez en Caroline.)
REFUGEES FROM TOURS. 65
.The pedigree of the Bacot family represents tli at the
ermgiant was the grandson of Pierre, who married Jeanne
Moreau. His son Pierre," married Jacqueline Menissier
and had three children : David, who remained in France*
and whose descendants are still residing there • Pierre the
emigrant to South Carolina ; and a son, name unknown
who went to England. Pierre,3 second son of Pierre and
Jacqueline Bacot, was born in Tours, France, about the
year 1670, and married Jacquine Mercier. He emigrated
to Amenca with his family in 1694, and settled as a planter
at Goose Creek, about nineteen miles from Charleston, S. C.
He had three children : Daniel, born in France, of whom
nothing further is known; Fierre, born in La Rochelle,
1 94 , and Elizabeth, born in Carolina, married -
oiliest. Pierre,4 second son of Pierre and Jacquine
Bacot, married Mary Peronneau, and succeeded his father
as planter at Goose Creek. He had four children : Samuel,
born in 1716, settled in Darlington district, now Darlington
county, S. C. ; Mary, born in 1717 ; Elizabeth, born in
17251 an<3 Peter, born in March, 1728. Peter 6 married
Elizabeth Harramond, November u, 1764, and settled in
Chaileston, as a merchant. He died September 7, 1787.
This family is at present represented by Thomas W.
Bacot, Esq., of Charleston, S. C.
Chap. VI.
r68i-
1686.
CHAPTER VII.
Chap. VII.
1681-
1686.
Protestant
Nobility
of
Normandy.
The Revocation.
FLIGHT FROM THE NORTHERN PROVINCES.
Whilst the country lying between the Loire
and the Gironde sent a larger proportion of
Huguenot emigrants to America than any other
part of France — if we may judge by the number
of families whose derivation has been ascertained
— the province of Normandy was not far behind
Saintonge and Poitou, in its contribution to this
movement. Indeed, a special interest may be
said to belong to the emigration from Normandy,
and the adjoining provinces of Bretagne and
Picardy, in view of the social position of some
of the emigrants. Several representatives of the
Protestant nobility of France, and of that class
of enterprising and wealthy manufacturers to
whom France had owed so much of the prosper¬
ity which she was now insanely driving from
her borders, left their estates and their commer¬
cial affairs, to seek liberty of conscience in the
New World. Sacrifices like these, made at the
bidding of principle, reflect honor upon the
men, and upon the cause to which they clung.
The history of the dispersion of the persecuted
Huguenots owes equal recognition to the stead¬
fastness of the poor and lowly, whom no promise
CAEN IN NORMANDY.
1681-
1686.
67
of advantage could tempt to deny their faith, chap, vii
and to the fidelity of the high-born and affluent,
who renounced a life of ease, preferring banish¬
ment and penury to the abandonment of religious
convictions.
Protestantism, at the period of the Revocation,
had long maintained a firm hold upon the popu¬
lation of this province. More than a century
before — at the time of the Peace of Amboise _
it was said that throughout Normandy, “both
the nobles and the people were united and agreed
in the observance of the Reformed religion.”1
In 1681, it was estimated, in government returns,
that the number of those who professed the Cal-
vinistic belief reached one hundred and eighty
thousand. Already, multitudes had escaped to
foreign lands, from the severities visited upon
Protestants : and greater multitudes were soon
to follow, fleeing before the dr ago n n ades. 2
The city of Caen, in Normandy, contained a
large Protestant population. Its church was one
of the strongest and most influential in the king-
dom. The “ temple ” of the Huguenots, erected
in 1612, was a building of vast proportions. It
was noted as the only Protestant house of wor¬
ship in France having a belfry like that of Roman
Catholic churches, surmounted by a cross. The
large and scattered body of worshipers that
The
Temple”
of
Caen.
1 Essai sur l’histoire de l’Eglise reformee de Caen, par
Sophronyme Beaujour. Caen : 1877. P. 67.
2 Le Protestantisme en Normandie depuis la revocation
de l’edit de Nantes jusqu’a la fin du dix-huitieme siecle ;
par M. Francis Waddington. Paris : 1862. P. 16, note.
68
FLIGHT FROM NORMANDY.
Chap. VII.
1681—
1686.
The
“ Temple”
demolish¬
ed.
gathered in this sanctuary, enjoyed the ministra¬
tions of several associated pastors, who preached
also in a number of places in the neighboring
country. This congregation was distinguished
for the social standing of its members. Its roll
included the names of many of the Protestant
noblesse. The revenues of the church, arising
from bequests and voluntary contributions, was
considerable. In 1563, the freeholders and
inhabitants petitioned the king to appoint as
governor of the town one “living in the fear of
God,” and professing “ the Reformed religion,”
inasmuch as they were all of that faith.1
In the course of the repressive legislation that
prepared the way for the Revocation of the
Edict of Nantes, this important church was first
deprived of its ministers, then closed, and finally,
on the twenty-fifth day of June, 1685, its destruc¬
tion was commenced, at the sound of trumpets,
accompanied by the shouts of the rabble of
Caen. F'our months later, at ten o’clock in the
morning, on the fifth day of November, the lead¬
ing Protestants of the town were called together
in the town-hall, by order of the public author¬
ities, who informed them that a royal regiment
comprising one thousand and six hundred men
was to be expected soon, and would be billeted
upon such Protestant families as should refuse
obedience to the King’s command to embrace
the Roman Catholic religion.
Among the persons who heard this an-
1 Beaujour, Essai sur l’histoire de l’Eglise reformee de
Caen : u. s.
ETIENNE DE LANCY. 69
nouncement was a young nobleman, the repre¬
sentative of the Protestant branch of an
ancient family originally of Picardy. Etienne
de Lancy was now in his twenty-third year.
His father, Jacques de Lancy,1 was dead,
and his mother, Marguerite Bertrand, daugh¬
ter of Pierre Bertrand, of Caen, was ad¬
vanced in years. Both the widow and her son
were staunch Protestants, and neither was dis¬
posed to entertain the thought of purchasing
exemption from threatened hardships by accept¬
ing the King’s religion. It was plain, however,
that concealment or flight was the only alterna¬
tive : and young De Lancy chose the latter,
while his mother decided to remain. Before
parting with her son, she gave him some family
jewels, the property that he could carry with
him most safely, and dispose of most readily.
He succeeded in making his escape to Holland,
and from Rotterdam went to London, where he
1 Jacques De Lancy, ecuyer, was descended from Guy de
Lancy, ecuyer, vicomte de Laval et de Nouvion (1432),
whose son Jean, succeeding him in 1436, had a son Jean
(1470). Charles, son of Jean, (1525), was married twice.
By his second marriage, to Marie de Villiers (having only a
daughter by his first wife) he had two sons : Charles, fifth
vicomte de Laval, (1535), and Christophe, seigneur de Rarai.
Charles married Isabeau Branche, daughter of Furie de
Branche, sieur de Brean, April 15, 1534. They had three
sons: Charles, Jacques, and Claude. The second son,
Jacques, had a son Pierre, seigneur de Niville, whose son
Jacques was the father of Etienne, the refugee. The Amer¬
ican branch of the De Lancy family, represented at present
by Edward Floyd De Lancey, Esq., of New York, as its head,
is the only one bearing the name ; the other branches hav¬
ing become extinct in the male line.
Chap. VII,
1685.
Marguer¬
ite
Bertrand.
7o
FLIGHT FROM NORMANDY.
Chap. VII.
1686.
Governor
De
Lancey,
obtained letters of denization ; and immediately
afterwards he embarked for America. Etienne
de Lancy became a successful merchant in the
city of New York. The sale of his family
jewels produced a sum that enabled him at once
to enter into profitable business; and his rank
and personal character acquired for him a high
position among the French refugees in that
city. He was one of the first “anciens” of the
French Reformed Church of New York, which
was formed two years after his arrival. Some
years later, he married the daughter of Stephen
Van Cortlandt, and founded a family of social
and political distinction. His son James
became Chief Justice and Fieutenant-Governor
of the province.
Several other Protestants of Caen fled to
America. Thomas Bayeux 1 became a leading
1 Thomas Bayeux, merchant, was made free of the city of
New York, May 10, 1705. He married Madeleine Boudinot
(by license dated July 14, 1703), and had eight children,
baptized in the French Church. Thomas, born July 5, 1708,
married Mary Lispenard. Jean, born June 14, 1723, died
young. Madeleine, born July 22, 1706, married Edward
Holland, mayor of New York, 1747 to 1750. Anne, born
December 16, 1710, married John Groesbeck. Marie, born
July 5, 1716, married the Reverend Richard Charlton.
Jeanne, born May 20, 1719. Elizabeth, born July 25,
1721. Marianne, born July 14, 1725. Another daughter,
Susanne, wife of Jeremiah Schuyler, is named in her
father’s will, which also names “my brother John Bayeux,
late of London, merchant, deceased.” Thomas Bayeux
died in 1742, leaving his house in King street, New York,
and all his “ real and personal estate in the Kingdom of
France,” to his son Thomas. — (Wills, N. Y., XIV., 257.)
La France Protestante, s.v., mentions several refugees of
this name, all from Normandy, and nearly all from Caen.
OTHER FUGITIVES FROM CAEN. 71
merchant of New York, and in his will left to chap. vii.
his son “ all his real and personal property in I<5gI_
the Kingdom of France.” Daniel Du Chemin
had escaped some years before the Revocation
to the West Indies.1 Isaac le Grand, ecuyer,
son of Jean le Grand, sieur d’Anvuille ; 2 and
Jacques le Bas, whose elder brother founded an
important family in England,3 came to South
The wife of Pierre Bayeux, of Caen, was arrested with
others in 1687, at Saint Aubin, on the coast of Normandy,
in the attempt to escape from France by sea. She was
imprisoned at Dieppe, and condemned to be “ rasde et
cloitree." — (Memoirs inedits de Dumont de Bostaquet, p.
358-)
1 Daniel du Chemin, “born at Caen in Normandy,” was
naturalized in New York, September 27, 1687, with his son
Daniel and his daughter Catharine, “born at the Island of
St. Christops.” Perhaps he returned, as some others did,
to that island : for the name does not re-appear until eighty
years later, when another Daniel Duchemin obtains a mar¬
riage license in the city of New York, July 7, 1767 , and
receives letters of naturalization, May 20, 1769.
2 “ Isaac le Grand, ecuyer, fils de Jean le Grand, Sr.
d’Anvuile, et de Marie le Grand, natif de Caen en Nor¬
mandie. Elizabeth le Grand, femme; fille de Jean et de
Judith Dieu, de Caen en Normandie. Isaac, leur fils, ne
en Caen. Elizabeth, leur fille, nee en Caroline.” — (Liste des
Franqois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.)
3 “ Mr Jacques le Bas, ne a Can, fils de Jean le Bas et
Anne Samborne. Pierre le Bas, son fils, ne a Can. Sa
mere Catherine Varing.” — (Liste, etc.)
From the pedigree of the English family of Le Bas,
drawn up by Henry Wagner, Esq., F.S.A., of London, it
appears that “John le Bass, of Caen, in Normandy, 1609,
married Mary, daughter of Robert Paisan. He had a son John
le Bass, of Caen, gentleman, who married Anne Samborne,
eldest daughter of Richard Samborne, merchant of Caen,
in Normandy ; also of Maiden Newton, in Co. Dorset, En¬
gland. Anne died March 11, 1634, aged thirty-two years.
The children of John le Bas and Anne Samborne were:
John, born March 10, 1625 ; ob. s.p. ; James, born June 26,
7 2
FLIGHT FROM NORMANDY.
Chap. VII,
1681-
1686.
Rouen.
Carolina. Daniel Marchand, a member of the
French Church in New York, died there in
1 693d
The number of Protestants in the city of
Rouen was reckoned, shortly before the Revo¬
cation, at five thousand. They were noted for
their religious zeal, and for the constancy
displayed by many of them under persecu¬
tion. Several prominent members of the Re¬
formed congregation in that city were thrown
into prison ; their wives and daughters were
shut up in convents, where some of them died ;
and the streets of Rouen witnessed in repeated
1627 [see above], Richard, born December 30, 1629.
Michael, born 1632, ob. s. p. Mary, born December 28,
1623 ; married Jeanblin.
Richard, third son of John and Anne le Bas, was in 1687
“ Assistant to Sir Charles Cotterel, Mr of the Ceremonies in
England.” He married Kiffiana, daughter of Peter Gos-
fraight, and had a son Charles Samborne le Bas. Charles
was “of Pip well Abbey, Co. Northampton,” and married,
July 24, 1711, Mary, second daughter of Sir Samuel Moyer,
Bar*, and ultimately his sole heir. Their only daughter
and heir was Rebecca, who married Simon, (died "Sep¬
tember 16, 1777), second Viscount and first Earl of
Harcourt ; Governor to the Prince of Wales (afterward
George III.), 175 1 ; Viceroy of Ireland, 1772 ; twenty-seventh
in descent from Bernard, Lord of Harcourt in Normandy.
“ In his will, dated March 18, 1720, Charles Le Bas leaves
a contingent remainder of his estate to ‘ cousin Stephen,
second son of cousin Paul Peter Le Bas of Carolina, and his
heirs,’ and in default, to his eldest brother James ; in
default, to ‘ my next heir at law who shall then be a Protest¬
ant, and none of my relations now in France, who have
changed their religion and keep me out of my estate
there.’ ”
Daniel Marchand, of Caen, was in New York in 1692.
His daughter Marianne, was born September 5. His widow
Catharine Lavandier, married Francois le Comte, May 31,
1693.
THE DRAGOONS IN ROUEN. 73
instances the execution of one of the most chap. vn.
inhuman and horrible of the abuses inflicted upon l6g5
the dead as upon the living heretic, in the drag¬
ging of the naked bodies of persons who had
refused with their last breath to renounce their
faith, to be cast into the public sewer. One who
visited the city shortly after the arrival of the
dragoons, in the last days of October, 1685,
writes : “ Rouen resembled a town taken by
assault. Armed men, with proud and insolent
looks, were riding up and down the streets, a town
A taken
Sadness was imprinted on the faces of the ty
inhabitants ; and the perpetual movement of assau
troops, changing their quarters, the moment
they had compelled their entertainers to sign
the act of recantation, produced the impression
that the town was filled with them, and cast an
air of terror over all this great and rich city.
It was a pitiable sight indeed !” 1
Happily for the persecuted Protestants of
Rouen, the way of escape to England was short,
and, despite all efforts to close it, was open.
The pastor of the Huguenot church in that
city rejoiced — a melancholy occasion for joy
that two-thirds of his flock had been able to
reach foreign lands. Multitudes of those who
apprehended these persecutions had escaped
already, and many who, yielding in a moment
of weakness, had recanted, seized the first
opportunity to follow them.
Among the fugitives from Rouen, were Isaac
1 Memoires de Bostaquet, pp. 99, 100.
74
FLIGHT FROM NORMANDY.
Chap^vn. Bataille 1 and Daniel le Gendre,2 who went to
1681- South Carolina. Jacques Montier settled in
,0, Boston.3
1686.
Pierre Assire found a home in New Rochelle ;4
and Jean Gancel,5 Pierre Chaperon,6 Abraham
Dupont,7 and Jacob Gosselin, came to New
York.8
Other ‘Isaac Bataille, weaver, and Judith Petit his wife, were
fugitives living in “ Ancre street,” London, in 1700. Isaac Bataille
Rouen WaS an inliabitant of South Carolina in 1720.
U 2 “ Daniel, fils de Jacques Le Gendre et de Maurice - ,
de Rouen en Normandie.”— (Liste des Franjois et Suisses
refugiez en Caroline, etc.)
3 Jean Montier, “ de Laon pont Bourg de Darnetal les
Rouen, ville de Rouen,” was one of the fugitives from Nor¬
mandy.— (Archives Nationales, Tt. N° 445.) James Montier
was _ naturalized in England, March 8, 1682, and was
admitted into the Massachusetts colony, February 1, 1691.
David Assire, tailleur, de Rouen, was in London, 1699-
1 7 1 1 - Pierre Assire, an inhabitant of New Rochelle, N. Y.,
in 1714, was of the same craft, and probably of the same
family.
5 Jean Gancel. natif de Rouen, was married, May 19,
1695, in the French Church, New York, to Judith Le Roy.’
Their daughter Judith was born November 17, 1700.
6 Le sieur Chapron, marchand, is mentioned in a “Memoire
de ceux qui sont plus zeles pour leur religion dans la ville
de Rouen, “about the year 1688. — (Le Protestantisme en
Normandie, p. 25.) Pierre Chaperon, de Rouen, and Eliza¬
beth Remy his wife, presented their son Pierre for baptism
in the French Church, Glasshouse Street, London, Septem¬
ber 2, 1688. It was probably this Pierre, junior, who was a
member of the French Church, New York, 17 r 7-1 720
together with his wife Judith.
Abraham Dupont, rue des bons Enfans, Rouen, was one
of the fugitive “ religionnaires ” whose goods were confis¬
cated.— (Arch. Nat.j He was in the French Church, New
in 1695, and resided in South Carolina in 1730.
“ Nom originate de la Normandie.”— (Le Protestantisme
en Normandie, p. 18.) “ Etienne Gozelin, de Rouen, mis a la
chaine, 1684.”— (Id.) Jacob and Marie Madeleine Gosselin
THE LE CONTE FAMILY.
75
Guillaume Le Conte, of Rouen, became the chap. vii.
head of an American family, that has ren- l68l_
dered notable services to natural science.1 i6g6
were members of the French Church in Threadneedle
Street, London, October 26, 1690, when their daughter,
Marie Madeleine, was baptized. Jacob Gosselin and his
wife, Judith L'esveilee, presented their son Josse for bap¬
tism in the French Church, New York, November 9, 1701.
At the baptism of their daughter Judith, September 5, 1703,
Jean Cancel, de Rouen, was sponsor. They had three other
children, Jacob, John, and Samuel.— (The Annals of New¬
town, by James Riker. P. 346 ) Gosselin, a weaver by
trade, settled in Newtown, Long Island, N. Y., where he
purchased a farm. The name is still represented in that
place. It has been corrupted to Gorsline.
1 Guillaume Le Conte, born in Rouen, March 6, 1659,
died in New York, 1720. There is a family tradition to the
effect that he was descended, through his mother or grand¬
mother, from the barons of Nonant. He married, February
17, 1701, Marguerite de Valleau, daughter of Pierre Joyeulx
de’valleau, of Martinique, who died soon, leaving one son,
Guillaume, born December 3, 1702. He married secondly,
Marguerite Mahault, and had two children, Pierre and
Esther. He and his wife died of yellow fever the same day,
September 15, 1720. Guillaume, the elder son, married
Anne Besly, of New Rochelle, and had two daughters,
through the second of whom, Susanne, who married another
Besly!5 or Bayley, comes the family in whose succession
were ’Mrs. Seton, founder of the Sisters of Charity in this
country, and the late Archbishop Bayley of Baltimore.
Pierre, the second son, a physician of some note, married,
first, Margaret Pintard, and three years later, Valeria
Eatton, of Eattonville, New Jersey, who had five children,
William, John Eatton, Margaret, Thomas, and Peter.
Margaret married the Reverend Jedediah Chapman, a
prominent minister of the Presbyterian Church. John
Eatton, born September 2, 1739, married Jane Sloan, in
1776, and had three children, William, Louis, and John
Eatton. Louis, born in 1782, a man of decided scientific
tastes and attainments, was the father of Professors John
and Toseph Le Conte, of the University of California.
John Eatton, born in Shrewsbury, New Jersey, February 22,
1784, was a devoted student of natural histoiy. He marned
76 FLIGHT FROM NORMANDY.
chap. vii. George de Bonneville, a nobleman of Normandy,
!68i- born in the city of Rouen, sought refuge with
<0, his family in England, where his son George,
“ a protege of Queen Anne, and in later years
a leading propagator of the Restorationist doc¬
trine in Pennsylvania, was born.* 1 * * * *
Mary Ann Lawrence, July, 1821, and had three sons, two of
whom died in infancy. The youngest was John Lawrence
• Le Conte, born May 13, 1825, died November 15, 1883.
Dr. John L. Le Conte’s contributions to the study of
natural science have given him the highest distinction. He
was “ unquestionably the greatest entomologist this country
has yet produced.” The Transactions of the American En¬
tomological Society, Philadelphia, of which he was presi¬
dent, contain “A Biographical Sketch of Dr. John Lawrence
Le Conte,” with an appendix on his ancestry, prepared by
Mr. Samuel Hubbard Scudder, of Cambridge, Massa¬
chusetts.
1 “After the death of my mother,” who was of the
George Granville family, “Queen Anne provided me with a nurse,
de and she had the care of my first years.” In his early youth
^ille6" lie was very wild‘ 0n one occasion, returning home from
a ball, he fell into a fainting fit, and had a vision, in which
he saw himself in perdition. “Coming to myself, I cried
out, I am damned ! Prayers were desired in the French
churches [in London], for one who had lost his senses, and
was melancholy.” This religious impression led to his con¬
version. He then felt that he was called to preach the
Gospel, and at the age of seventeen he embarked for
France, where he preached for two years, undergoing great
persecution, often narrowly escaping with his life, and much
of the time confined in prison. Once, when he was wor¬
shiping with others in a secluded spot, the assembly was
surprised by a party of soldiers. Many were taken prison¬
ers ; among them, De Bonneville, and one Durant, of
Geneva, a young man aged twenty-four years. They were
conducted to the place of execution. On the way, Durant
sang the CXXVIth psalm, and died faithfully. De Bonne¬
ville was then led to the scaffold ; he fell on his knees in
prayer; but while the executioner was binding his hands, a
messenger came from the king with a reprieve. He was
remanded to prison, but eventually, at the instance of the
EXILES IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 77
A few miles east of the city of Rouen, is the chapwii.
village of Lyons-la-Foret, the birthplace of j68l_
Nicolas de Longemare, son of Jacques de i686
Longemare and Adrienne Aracheguene, his
wife. Nicolas married Anne le Roy, and
removed to Dieppe, where his son Nicolas was
born, and became the husband of Marie Bon-
English government, he was released. He went to Germany,
and having learned the language with great difficulty, he
preached in German as well as in French, but passed much
of his time among the French refugees in Berlin, Magde¬
burg, Brunswick, the Palatinate, and in Holland, and the
valleys of Piedmont. Having thus spent eighteen years, he
became convinced that he was called of God to go to
America and preach the Gospel there. He came to t ns
country in the year 1741, about the same time with Count
Zinzendorf. He was induced to establish himself in Oley,
Berks county, Pennsylvania, where he spent the greatei por¬
tion of his remaining life, engaged in teaching, preaching,
and visiting the neighboring Indians, as well as m the piactice
of medicine. In 1745, he married Esther, daughter of
Jean Bertolet, by whom he had two sons— the elder of
whom, Daniel, served as surgeon during the Revolution
and five daughters. De Bonneville died, m the year 1793,
aged ninety. He was not formally connected with any
ecclesiastical body. In religious belief, he was a W itter-
bringer,” or restorationist. He is said to have been a man
of piety and zeal ; and “his influence and teaching must
have been advantageous, especially at that period of the set¬
tlement of the country. He was subject to frequen a.n
very remarkable trances.”— (Bertolet MS., m the possession
of Dr. R. M. Bertolet, Philadelphia, Penn.)
Jean Bertolet, of whom mention has been made above,
was a native of Chateau-d’oex, in the canton of Vaud,
Switzerland, whither his Huguenot ancestors had fled, iron
persecution in France. From that place, ie remove o
Gutenberg, in Germany ; and in the year 1726, he came : to
America, with his brother, his wife Susanna, and their five
children : Abraham, born December 11, 1712 ; Maria July
12, 1715 ; John, September 28, 1717 1 Esther 1720 ; Susan
November 17, 1724- Another son, Frederick, was born m
America. — (Bertolet MS.)
78
FLIGHT FROM NORMANDY.
chap, vii. neau. Both these families found homes on the
1681- banks of the Santee, in South Carolina.
1686 The sea'Port town of Dieppe had been en¬
riched by the enterprise of its Huguenot mer¬
chants, ever since the days when its bold navi¬
gators opened to France the commerce of
Canada. After years of restriction and depres¬
sion, its Protestant inhabitants were still nu¬
merous, and high-spirited. Until visited by the
dragoons of Louvois, they remained “ obstinate
beyond all others in the kingdom;” and that
The minister of Louis XIV., in giving the order for
in the dragonnades at Dieppe, directed the officer
Dieppe- in charge “ not to keep the troops within the
bounds imposed upon them elsewhere, but to
allow them to create whatever disorder might
be necessary, to extricate these people from
their present state, and make an example of
them to the rest of the province.”1
The consternation and despair produced by
the brutalities that ensued, are vividly pictured
by writers of the day. Some of the sufferers
from this persecution reached our shores.
Etienne Hamel, “ a poore French Protestant, of
Dieppe,” took refuge, as we have seen, in the
island of Guadeloupe, in the West Indies, but
was “ forced to fly from the Rigorous Persecu¬
tion ’ that followed him there, and came to the
city of New York in June, 1686, “leaving his
Estate behind him. 2 Two other refugees from
1 Le Protestantisme en Normandie, p. 2.
2 See above, volume I., pp. 230, 231.
FUGITIVES FROM DIEPPE.
79
the same city, Jean and Pierre Le Conte, settled chap. vn.
on Staten Island.1 1681-
The family of Josias Le Vilain, escaping
from St. Christopher, came to New York
in 1687, and joined the little colony then
forming at New Rochelle.2 Jacques Lar-
dan,3 Nicolas Le Nud,4 Marie Brugnet,5 6
1 Pierre Le Conte, “ born at Diep in Normandy,” was
naturalized in New York, September 27, 1687. He obtained
land on the west side of Staten Island. He died in 1704.
His wife Marguerite survived him. They had three sons,
Jean, Pierre, and Jacques. — (Wills, N. Y., VII., 142 ; XII.,
492.)
Jean Le Conte, a brother of Pierre of Dieppe, was also an
inhabitant of Staten Island. He died in 1697, leaving a
wife Hester, and a daughter Susanne. — (Wills, N. Y., V.,
253-)
2 Josias le Vilain is named among the inhabitants of St.
Christopher, about the year 1677. If he reached New
York, he died soon after his arrival ; for in 1687, (Septem¬
ber 27,) Marie Guespin, veuve de feu Josias Le Vilain, with
her sons Josias and Jean le Vilain, and her daughter
Jeanne, “born at the Island S1. Xtops,” were naturalized in
New York. The land of Mary Levilain, in New Rochelle,
N. Y., is mentioned as early as the year 1690.
3 “Jacques Lardan, ne a Dieppe, fils de Jacques Lardan et
de Marie Poulart ; Marthe Moreau, sa femme ; Jacques,
leur fils, ne en Caroline.” — (Liste des Franpois et Suisses
refugiez en Caroline, etc.) Jean Lardant, de Dieppe, was
condemned to the galleys in March, 1687, for having at¬
tempted to leave the kingdom. He was still a galley slave
in 1700, on the ship “La Guerriere,” and was subject to
cruel maltreatment. — (Le Protestantisme en Normandie, pp.
18, 19.)
4 “ Nicholas, fils de Nicholas et Marie Le Nud, de Dieppe
en Normandie. ” — (Liste des Franpois et Suisses, Refugiez
en Caroline, etc.)
6 “ Marie Brugnet, nee a Dieppe, veuve de Nicholas
Postell.” — (Ibid.)
8o
FLIGHT FROM NORMANDY.
chap. vn. Marie Soyer,1 Isaac Dubose,2 Jean Potell,3
l68l_ and Nicolas de Longemare,4 fled to South Caro-
lina.
1686.
Other towns of Normandy contributed to the
American emigration. St. Lo was the home of
Jean Berteaud 5 and Pierre Le Chevalier,6 of
Charleston, and probably also of Jean Le Chev¬
alier, of New York,7 and of Pierre Chevalier,
of Philadelphia.8
1 “ Marie Soyer, native de Dieppe en Normandie ; femme
de Jean Aumant, de Nisme. — (Liste, etc.)
2 “ Isaac Dubose, fils de Louis et Anne Dubose, de Dieppe
en Normandie. Susanne Dubose, sa femme.” — (Ibid.)
3 “ Jean Potell, ne a Diepe, fils de Nicholas Potell et de
Marye Brugnet. Madeleine Pepin, sa femme. Jean, Pierre,
Jacques-Jean, leurs enfans, nez en Caroline.” — (Ibid.)
Nicholas de Longemare, ne a Diepe, fils de Nicholas
Longemare l’aine et d’ Anne Le Roy. Marie Bonneau, sa
femme.” — (Ibid.)
5 “ Jean Berteaud, ne a St. Lo, fils de Jean Bertaud et de
Marguerite Robert.” — (Ibid.)
6 “Pierre le Chevallier, natif de St. Lo en Normandie, fils
de Rolland le Chevallier et d’ Ester Dallain, ses pere et
mere, et Madelainne Garillion, sa femme, native de Grenoble,
fille d’ Israel Garillion et Susanne Saunier, sa mere.” — (Ibid.)
7 Jean le Chevalier and Marie de la Plaine were married
in the Dutch Church, New York, by license dated June 27,
1692. They had two children baptized in the French
Church : Marie, born June 6, 1693, and Susanne, born March
n, 1695. Peter Chevalier and Belitje Claerhout had two
children baptized in the Dutch Church : Catharine, Decem¬
ber 17, 1693, and Peter, January 1, 1695. Peter Chevalier
married Cornelia Bosch, in the same church, April 3, 1697.
The ancestor of the Chevalier family of Philadelphia
was a French Protestant, who at the time of the Revocation
of the Edict of Nantes was constrained to fly from his native
country, together with his wife. From the circumstance of
his having in his coat-of-arms a fleur-de-lis, the family have
always conjectured that he was descended from a house of
some distinction ; but upon this subject nothing has been
known with certainty. His grandsons, who became eminent
PIERRE CHEVALIER.
8 1
The town of L’Aigle was the birthplace of chap. vn.
Jacques Gallopin,1 another South Carolina refu- l68l_
gee ; and Francois le Comte,2 of New York, was i686
a native of Pont l’Eveque in Normandy.
merchants in Philadelphia, were advised to visit France in
order to ascertain the facts, and to obtain their inheritance ;
but so great was their dread of the power of the Romish
clergy, and of the unfriendliness of the government toward
heretics, that they could not be induced to venture into that
country. The refugee and his wife settled in England,
where their son Peter was born. Peter, after he became of
age, married an English lady, and had one daughter before
he emigrated to America. This daughter remained in En¬
gland, and married an Irish gentleman named Gittong. After
the arrival of Peter Chevalier and his wife in America, he
had two sons, John and Peter, and several daughters, one of
whom, Susannah, married - Standley, of Philadelphia,
and another, Jane, married Garland Anderson, second
son of the Rev. James Anderson, the first Presbyterian
clergyman settled in New York.” (Communicated by
Professor Edward E. Salisbury, LL. D., late of Yale Col¬
lege, New Haven, the grandson of Judge Samuel Breese,
of Shrewsbury, N. J., whose wife, Elizabeth, was the daughter
of Garland Anderson, and the grand-daughter of Peter
Chevalier. — Since the above was written, Professor Salisbury
has found evidence that the family in question originated
in Bretagne ; the only Chevalier coat-of-arms bearing a
fleur-de-lis being that of a family of that province.)
'Jacques Gallopin, ne a Laigle en Normandie, fils de
Simeon Gallopin, et de Louise Malherbe. — (Liste, etc.)
2 “ Natif du Pont Levesque en Normandie, fils de Francois
Lecompte et de Marie Amon." He was married in the
French Church, New York, May 31, 1693, to Catharine
Lavandier. Two months before, he had made a public
abjuration. “ Francois le Comte. . . ne et eleve dans la
Religion Romaine, ayant demande diverses fois detre repu k
faire abjuration du Papisme, Dieu luy ayant fait la grace den
conoitre la fausset£ par la lecture de lecriture Ste. et autres
Livres, et a faire profession de la religion Protestante dont
il a pareillement reconnu la verite apres diverses epreuves a
enfin ete requ aujourdhuy a la face de cette Eglise 011 il a
proteste qu’ il rejette sincerement toutes les erreurs et tous
82
FLIGHT FROM NORMANDY.
Chap. VII.
1681—
1686.
Near
the mouth
of the
Seine.
A group of small towns and villages near the
mouth of the Seine, on the neck of land between
the estuary of that river, and the ocean, sent a
number of refugees to America. From the
ancient seaport town of Harfleur, now eclipsed
by the neighboring port of Havre, came Abra¬
ham Lesueur, and Catharine Poinset, his wife,
settlers of South Carolina.1 Montivilliers, four
miles north of Harfleur, was the birthplace of
Jacques Le Moine, who likewise fled to South
Carolina : and from the same place, probably,
came' Pierre Le Moine, one of the settlers in
Narragmnsett, and the founder of the Mawney
family of Rhode Island.2 Bolbec, a town of ten
thousand inhabitants, fourteen miles to the
north-east of Harfleur, was the home, it is be¬
lieved, of Jean Mallet, one of the settlers of New
les faux cultes du dit Papisme et quit desire aussi de tout
son coeur de professer toutes les doctrines de la religion
Protestante en foy de quoy le present acte a ete dresse fait
en consistoire le dit an et jour que dessus.” — (Records of
the French Church, New York.)
Franqois Lecompte, Victualer, was made free of the city
of New York, April 18, 1695. Three children of Franqois
and Catharine le Compte were baptized in the French
Church : Franqois, born March 2, 1694 ; Josias, born
February 20, 1697, and Madeleine, born March 15, 1698.
1 “ Abraham Lesueur, ne a Plarfleur en Normandie, fils
d’lsaac Lesueur et de Marye Senee. Catharine Poinsett,
sa femme.” — (Liste des Franqois et Suisses refugiez en Caro¬
line.)
2 “ Jacques Le Moine, fugitif de Montivilliers.” — (Archives
Nationales.) James Le Moyne, naturalized in England,
March 8, 1682, was an inhabitant of South Carolina in 1689.
Pierre Le Moine was one of the French settlers in Rhode
Island in 16S6.
OTHER REFUGEES FROM NORMANDY. 83
Oxford,1 and of Nicolas Caron,2 who came to New
York. Jacques Le Blond, a leading Huguenot
in Boston, was probably from Trouville, a small
village seven miles east of Bolbec.3
Jean Carriere, a refugee in South Carolina,
was a native of Normandy.4 Jacques Caudebec,5
“a young man from Normandy,” fled from
France, according to tradition, during the perse¬
cution, in company with Pierre Guimard, and
came, as we have seen,6 to the province of New
York. Here Caudebec with others — seven in
all — bought a tract of land in the valley of the
Peenpack. His descendants are still to be found
in the town of Deerpark, in Orange County,
New York.
The history of the persecution in the province
‘Several of this name were among the “ religionnaires
fugitifs de Bolbec.” — (Arch. Nat.) Jean Maillet was one of
the inhabitants of New Oxford, Massachusetts, in 1687. He
removed to Boston. The will of John Mallet, of Boston,
shopkeeper, (wife, Elizabeth,) was signed October 7, 1734,
and admitted to probate, January 27, 1741.
2 Louis and Daniel Caron, fled from Bolbec. Peter Caron
was naturalized in England, January 5, 1688. Nicolas
Caron, jeweler, was made free of the city of New York,
August 5, 1718. In his will he mentions his “brother
Peter, now living in London.” — (Wills, N. Y., IX., 31 1.)
3 “Abraham et David Leblond, fugitifs de Trouville.”
— (Arch. Nat.) Jacques and Antoine le Blond came to
Boston. Jacques had nine children baptized, between 1690
and 1709, in Cotton Mather’s church, of which his wife
became a member in 1690.
4 “Jean Carriere, ne en Normandie, fils de Jean Carriere.”
— (Liste des Franqois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline, etc.)
6 Jacob Codebeck, van Normandyen, was married in the
Reformed Dutch Church, New York, September 17, 1695, to
Margaret Provost.
6 See above, page 19.
Chap. VII,
1681-
1686.
Jacques
Caudebec.
Chap. VII.
1681-
x686.
The
princess
of
Tarente.
84 FLIGHT FROM BRETAGNE.
of Bretagne, shows some conspicuous names
that were represented in the emigration to
America.
Certain refugees who went to South Carolina
were natives of Vitre, a town of some importance
in the north-eastern part of the province, and
anciently one of the fortified places held by the
Hup-uenots. The Protestants of Vitre had en-
joyed for more than a hundred years the right
of maintaining public worship, when, in 1671,
they were ordered to vacate their “ temple,’
which had been doomed to destruction. But
the chateau of Vitre belonged to the Princess of
Tarente,1 a firm and devoted Protestant, who
about this time came to reside upon her estate
in the country ; and until the Revocation, four¬
teen years later, this lady continued to exercise
her manorial right to have religious services in
her own house for the benefit of her family and
1 Emilie of Hesse, widow of Henri Charles de la Tre-
mouille, prince de Tarente et de Talmond, due de Thouars.
Her husband belonged to a family that had long been one
of the firmest supports of the Protestant party. He yielded,
however, to the urgency of the king, and renounced his
faith. His wife and daughter refused to follow his example.
He died, September 14, 1672, not long after his abjuration
— (Erman et Reclam : Memoires pour servir a l’histoire des
refugies dans les Etats du Roy: Berlin, vol. I., pp. 202,
206.) The princess of Tarente was a lady of remarkable
native excellence, and of exemplary piety. She was the
daughter of the landgrave William of Hesse Cassel. After
her husband’s death she withdrew to Vitre, where she
possessed an estate by right of dower ; but after the Revo¬
cation, she took refuge in Heidelberg, and in Frankfort,
where she died, February 23, 1693, “universally regretted.’’
• — (Essai sur l’histoire des eglises reformees de Bretagne,
1 535-1808, par B. Vaurigaud, HI., 94-96.)
SAINT JULIEN DE MALACARE.
85
her fellow-religionists. Among those who fre- chap. vii.
quented these services were three families
of rank, the families of Ravenel, D11 Bourdieu, i6g6
and De Saint Julien. Pierre de Saint Julien,
sieur de Malacare,1 and his brother, Louis de
Saint Julien,2 his brother-in-law, Rene Ravenel,3
and Samuel du Bourdieu, ecuyer, sieur du
Heullet, de la Goulairie, et de la Bachulaye,4
came to America in 1686. The first of these
emigrants left a considerable estate, which was
confiscated by order of the king.5 The prop- Ravenel
and
Du
1 “ Pierre de St. Julien, Malacare, ne a Vitre en Bretagne, Bour(iieu-
fils de Pierre St. Julien, Malacare, et de Jeanne Le Febure.
Damaris Ehzabet Le Serurier, sa femme, Pierre et Jacques,
leurs enfans, nez en Caroline.” — (Liste des Francois et Suisses
refugiez en Caroline, etc.)
2 “Louis de St. Julien, ne a Vitre, fils de Pierre St. Julien
et de Jeanne Le Febure.” — (Ibid.)
3 “Rene Ravenel, fils de Daniel Ravenel et de Marie
Ravenel, de Vitre en Bretagne, Charlotte Ravenel, fille de
- de St. Julien de Malacare, nee a Vitre en Bretagne :
Jeanne Charlotte, Daniel, Rene Ravenel, enfans des susdits
nez en Caroline.” — (Ibid.)
4 “Samuel du Bourdieu, escuyer, ne a Vitre en Bretagne,
fils d’Olivier du Bourdieu et de Marie Genne, Judith Dugue,
sa femme. Louis Philippe, fils du dit Samuel, et de Louise
Thoury, ne en Caroline. Samuel, fils du sus dit et de la
ditte Judith Dugue, ne en Caroline.” — (Ibid.)
6 “ Etat de ce qui se trouve de biens en Bretagne appar-
tenans cy devant . . . aux religionnaires et nouveaux con-
vertis fugitifs, 1685. — Pierre de Saint Jullien, sieur de Mal-
acar, a laisse pour cent soixante et dix livres de rente
d’heritages affermes qui font en principal, au denier vingt,
trois mil quatre cents liv., cy 3,4°° 1.
“ La vente de ses meubles monte a sept cents livres, qui
a este faite a la requeste du procureur fiscal, cy, 700I.
“Celafait en tout, en principal 4, tool.”
— (Vaurigaud, histoire des eglises reformees de Bretagne,
III., 67,68.)
86
FLIGHT FROM BRETAGNE.
Chap. vii. erty of Du Bourdieu, consisting- of a house in
1681- Vitre, and several estates in the neighborhood,
i686 was claimed by a brother, in virtue of his stand¬
ing- as an “ ancient Catholic.”1 In their homes
on the banks of the Santee, these exiles for
conscience’ sake must have remembered, in
vivid contrast with their humble surroundings,
the days when, under the protection of “ the
most high and most mighty princess Emilie of
Hesse, princess of Tarente,”2 they enjoyed the
advantages of their social station, with the ines-
timable blessings of their religion, in the land
of their fathers.3
1 “Biens delaisses par ceux de la R. p. R. qui se sont re¬
tires de la province de Bretagne dans les pays etrangers. —
Pierre du Bourdieu a herite par la fuite de Samuel du
Bourdieu, son frere, et d’Elisabeth, Ester, et Renee du
Bourdieu, des terres du Heullet, de La Goulairie, de La
Bachulaye, scituees ez paroisses de Baluze, Saint-Aubin-
des-Landes, et de Poce, et d’une maison a Vitre. — (Margin :)
Le sieur du Bourdieu est ancien catholique.” — (Vaurigaud,
histoire des egl. ref. de Bretagne, III., 176.)
3 A sister of the refugees Pierre and Louis de St. Julien
was named for the princess, who stood as sponsor at her
baptism. The following entry is found in the register
of the Protestant Church of Vitre: “Aujourd’hui trois
febvrier 1675 a este batisee, Emilye, fille de Pierre de St.
Jullien, sieur de Malacore, et de demoiselle Janne Lefebure,
sa femme, de laquelle a este parein hault et puissant messire
Claude-Charles Goyon, baron de Marce, et marraine tres
haulte et tres puissante princesse Madame Emilie de Hesse,
princesse de Tarente. L’enfant ne le 30 janvier dernier.”
— (Vaurigaud, hist, des egl. ref. de Bretagne, III., 96, 97.)
3 “ Mr. S. Juliens Plantacon ” is mentioned in a communi¬
cation from Dr. Le Jau, in South Carolina., to the Secretary
of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
Parts, dated May 21, 1715. Henry de St. Julien of St.
John’s, Berkley, S. C., youngest son of Pierre de St. Julien,
died in that parish in 1768 or 1769, aged about seventy
THE SEIGNEURS DE LA MUCE.
87
Not far from the city of Nantes, in southern chap. vn.
Bretagne, was the seat of the noble house NT
of La Muce-Ponthus. Bonaventure Chauvin,
seigneur de la Muce-Ponthus, the head of this
house in the early days of the French Reforma¬
tion, was one of the first among the nobility of
the province to embrace the new faith. Pfe be¬
came its most earnest supporter, “ consumed
with zeal ” for the cause of religion ;* 1 * * * * and his
descendants inherited the same devotion. His
three sons fought in the Huguenot armies
o o
under Henry IV7. ; and his grandson David, December
marquis de la Muce, presided over the political
assembly of the Protestants, held in La Ro¬
chelle in the year 1621. For his attendance
upon that assembly, contrary to the King's com¬
mands, he was condemned to be drawn and quar¬
tered ; a sentence which was executed upon him
in effigy ; whilst his beautiful castle was actually
demolished and razed to the ground. Cesar,
his son, and Olivier, his grandson, were elders
in the Reformed Church of Nantes. Under the
provisions of the Edict of Nantes, the seigneurs
de la Muce claimed the right of holding- re-
ligious services in their own house ; and besides
years. His sister survived until the year 1780. It was
in this family that the invaluable “ Liste des Franc;ois et
Suisses refugiez en Caroline,” which we have had frequent
occasion to quote from, was preserved.
1 La France Protestante, seconde edition, vol. IV., p. 266. —
On the margin of the register of the Protestant Church of
Vitre, opposite the record of his decease, these words are
written: “Va-t-en au nombre des dlus, Bonaventure de la
Miisse ! (Vaurigaud, hist, des egl. ref. de Bret., III., 181.)
88
FLIGHT FROM BRETAGNE.
chap. vn. supporting this worship, they contributed gen-
1681- erously to the funds of the "temple” in the
i686 adjoining village of Suce. The church of Suce
had two pastors, one of whom preached also in
the chateau of La Muce. The ministrations of
these pastors were frequently attended by Prot¬
estants from Nantes, who went to Suce by
water, singing their psalms in the good old Hu¬
guenot fashion, as they rowed along the banks
of the little river Erdre, which flows past that
village, and empties into the Loire at Nantes.
Urseline de la Muce, widow of Cesar, renounced
Protestantism at the period of the Revocation ;
though complaint was made that she gave no
signs of a true conversion. But her son Olivier,
worthy of his Huguenot ancestors, 1 remained
inflexible. Soon after the Revocation, he fled
from his home, and was arrested on the island
of Re, while waiting for an opportunity to make
his escape to England. Imprisoned for two
years, first in La Rochelle, and afterwards in
the castle of Nantes, he resisted every effort to
persuade him to deny his faith. At length an
order was given for the expulsion of the
marquis de la Muce from the kingdom, as an
obstinate heretic. Accordingly, he was placed
on board a foreign ship, the captain of which
received orders to land him in Eneland, but
o
carefully to conceal from him the fact that he
was about to be set free. This method was
1 Among them was the famous Huguenot leader, Francois,
sieur de la Noue.
OLIVIER DE LA MUCE. 89
occasionally resorted to by the government, in
dealing with Protestants of high rank, whose
prolonged imprisonment or summary execution
would be likely to attract public notice and
occasion remonstrance from abroad. The mys¬
tery maintained to the last in such cases was
designed to deepen the terror of the prisoner,
and perhaps induce him to recant before the
moment set for his actual liberation. Ignorant
of his destination— supposing that like many
others at that period he was but to exchange a
prison for slavery in the West Indies — his sus¬
pense terminated only when the vessel came in
sight of the English coast.1
Twelve years later, we find Olivier de la Muce
at the head of a large expedition sailing from
England for America. The Breton nobleman
became the founder of the Huguenot settle-
inent on the James river, known as Manakin-
town, or King William Parish, in Virginia. He
was a man of recognized excellence of character.
The historian Benoist speaks of him as a young
nobleman of substantial piety, of which he gave
admirable proofs during his long imprisonment.
A younger sister of Olivier de la Muce, who died
in 1681, at the age of sixteen years, was a kin¬
dred spirit. The beauty of her character, and
the strength of her religious faith, were so
1 Benoist, Histoire de l’Edit de Nantes, tome troisieme,
seconde partie, pp. 1000, 1001. — Vaurigaud, Hist, des egl.
ref. de Bretagne, III., 99-144. La France Protestante,
seconde edition, gives these facts, but does not narrate the
subsequent career of Olivier de la Muce.
Chap. VII.
1681-
1686.
Founder
of the
Settlement
on the
James
Paver.
9o
FLIGHT FROM PICARDY.
Chap. VII.
1681 —
1686.
Earlier
emigra¬
tion.
marked, that an account of “ the last hours of
Mademoiselle de la Musse” was published in
Holland, two years before the Revocation.
From other places in Bretagne fled Jean
Lebert,1 Joseph Marboeuf,2 and Paul Micou.
The first two settled in South Carolina. Paul
Micou, a native of Nantes, educated for the bar,
after spending some years in England, came to
Virginia, and took up his abode on the Rappa¬
hannock, near a landing-place which bears his
name.3
The province of Picardy had sent a number
of important Huguenot families to America, in
the earlier days of religious persecution. By
this time these families were firmly rooted there.
David de Marest, Nicolas du Puis, Philip Casier,
Jean Mesurole, Marc de Chousoy, Benjamin de
la Noy, and others, had now been residents of
1 “ Jean Lebert, ne a Redon en Bretagne, fils de Pierre
Lebert et de Jeanne Guernier.” — (Liste, etc.)
a “ J oseph Marbeuf, natif de Viellie Vigne [ Vieillevigne], en
Bretagne, fils de Julien Marbeuff et d’Ester Robin.” — (Liste,
etc.) “Joseph Marboeuf, apothiquaire, (paroisse de Vieille¬
vigne,) passa en Angleterre, il y a un pen plus d’un an ; ses
immeubles sont situez en Poitou.” — (Estat general des gens
de la R. p. R. qui ont sorty de la province de Bretagne de-
puis l’annee 1681. — Vaurigaud, IIP, 88.) Several other
refugees of this name fled from Bretagne.
3 “ A man of great and acknowledged worth. He died May
23, 1736, aged seventy-eight years. His tombstone, of
heavy black marble, is still to be seen, deeply sunk in the
earth. One of his daughters married Mr. Gisborne, an Epis¬
copal minister in Richmond county. Another daughter,
Judith, married Lunsford Lomax. Another married Moore
Fauntleroy.” — (The Huguenots, or, Reformed French
Church. By William Henry Foote, D.D. — Richmond, Va.,
1870. Pp. 571, 572.)
THE CROMMELINS.
91
the city or colony of New York for more than a
quarter of a century, and had already acquired
wealth and influenced This fact may have de¬
termined the choice that was made by several of
the fugitives from Picardy, at the period of the
Revocation, in seeking the same refuge.
Daniel Crommelin was the thirteenth child of
a rich manufacturer of Saint Quentin.1 2 After
various adventures, he reached New York toward
the close of the seventeenth century, and there
became the head of a well-known family, whose
ancient country-seat in Ulster county probably
took its name “ Gricourt,” from their former
home in northern France.3
Chap. VII.
1681-
1686.
Greycourt,
1 See volume I., page 172.
2 Jean Crommelin, of Saint Quentin, had fifteen children.
Daniel, the thirteenth, was born February 28, 1647. He
entered into business in Paris, and married, in October,
1674, Anne Testart. He remained in Paris until 1680,
when he engaged in trade with South America, but lost
every thing, and returned to Europe penniless. After
spending ten or twelve years in England, he went with his
elder son Charles and two nephews to Jamaica, where his
nephews died of a contagious fever within a few days after
their arrival. Daniel and his son escaped to New York,
and were soon joined by his wife and younger son Isaac,
both of whom died in that city in 1702 or 1703. — (Bulletin
de la societe de 1’histoire du protestantisme franpais, vol.
VIP, pp. 478-495.) .
Daniel Crommelin was made free of the city of New
York, June t8, 1698. His wife was in New York as early
as May 17, 1696, when she signed as sponsor at the baptism
of Gabriel, son of Daniel and Charlotte Streing. — (Records
of the French Church, N. Y.) Charles Crommelin married
in 1706, Hannah Sinclair, and had two children baptized in
the French Church, New York : Elizabeth, born November
6, 1715 ; and Robert, born February 13, 1718.
3 “The elder Crommelin was a part owner of the Waway-
anda patent in Orange county, where, in 1716, he made a
92
FLIGHT FROM PICARDY.
Chap. VII,
1681-
1686.
Jean
Cottin.
Jean Cottin of Bohain, in the same neighbor¬
hood, belonged to another prominent family of
manufacturers in Picardy. He is named in the
list of escaped “ religion naires et nouveaux
convertis,” whose goods were confiscated by
order of the king, between the years 1685 and
1688. Coming to America, he made his way up
the Hudson river to Kingston, where a few
French Protestants had already settled, and
there pursued a flourishing trade, chiefly in pel¬
tries. Cottin was one of the most enterprising
and successful of the Huguenot refugees, and
a devoted son of the persecuted Church of
France.* 1
settlement, calling it Greucourt." — (The Annals of New¬
town, in Queen’s Co., N. Y., by James Riker ; p. 145.) The
Grey Court House, as it was commonly called, stood near
Chester, N. Y., “ on the north edge of the Greycourt mead¬
ows.”— (Eager’s History of Orange county, N. Y., pp. 476,
477 ! — where an absurd explanation of the name is offered.)
Gricourt, now a village of eight hundred inhabitants, was
a hamlet of less than three hundred inhabitants in 1696. It
stands within four miles from St. Quentin. — (Melleville,
Dictionnaire historique du departement de l’Aisne, I., 430.)
1 “ Jean Cottin ” is named in the “ Etat des biens des re-
ligionnaires et nouveaux convertis qui se sont absentes du
royaume ; saisis par l’ordre du roi.” 1685-1688. — (La Re¬
forme en Picardie, par O. Douen. — Bulletin de la soc. de
l’histoire du prot. frang. VIII.) Jean Cottin was natural¬
ized in the county of Ulster, province of New York, De¬
cember 2, 1687 ; shortly after his arrival in Kingston, in that
county. His account-books — two folio volumes, in the pos¬
session of the consistory of the First Reformed Church of
Kingston, N. Y. — show that he carried on an extensive busi¬
ness for more than thirty years, in correspondence with the
French merchants in the city of New York — Etienne De
Lancey, Auguste Jay, Barberie, Faneuil, Bayeux, Freneau,
and others. He married Catharine, widow of Louis Du
Bois. She died October 18, 1713. He survived her eight
REFUGEES FROM BOHAIN.
93
Pierre le Grand was likewise from Bohain. chap, vn.
He joined Cottin in Kingston, but returned to
the city of New York, where his daughter Marie
_ ° IOoO.
years, and died July 31, 1721, apparently while in the city
of New York. His gifts and bequests show that he was
wealthy and generous : and the provision that his will makes
for the maintenance of religious services in New Rochelle
proves his strong and jealous attachment to the doctrines and
the discipline of the Reformed Churches of France. The will
of Jean Cottin, of Ulster county, in the province of New York,
York, merchant, “now in the city of New York,” leaves to
Messrs. Jean Barberie, Stephen De Lancey, Abraham Jouneau,
Elias Pelletreau, and Jean Cazalls, of New York, merchants,
the sum of two hundred and fourteen pounds, to be put out
at interest, for the maintenance of the French minister of
the Reformed Protestant French Church of the City of
New York, as long as the said Church shall remain and
continue under the discipline and Church government as
was used in the Reformed Protestant Churches of France.
Another sum of one hundred and nine pounds is left in like
manner for the relief of the poor of the said Church. A Cottin’s
third sum, of thirty-six pounds, is left to the same trustees, bequests,
the interest of which is “ to be paid to such minister or
ministers of the French Reformed Protestant Church of
the City of New York as yearly go to New Rochelle in
the province of New York to preach to such of the Inhabi¬
tants there as continue in the Discipline and church govern¬
ment of the aforesaid Protestant Churches of France.” Other
bequests are made, to the Reformed Protestant Dutch
Churches of Kingston, New York City, and Harlem. — (Wills,
Surrogate’s Office, New York, IX., pp. 250-256.)
Among the legatees mentioned by Jean Cottin in his will,
are his “loving brother Daniel Cottin, living at Bohein near
S‘. Quentin in the Kingdom of France”; his “sister Su-
sanne, widow of Louis Libot, living at Bohein ” ; his “sister
Marie Cottin, wife of Philip Gilliot, senior” ; his “cousins
Daniel and Jacques Libot and their sister, children of Dan¬
iel Libot, son of my sister Susanna Cottin, now living at
Amsterdam, in Holland” ; and his “nephew Philip Gilliot,
now living in the city of New York.” Daniel, the brother
mentioned above, is probably the person referred to as
“Cottin, marchand de la paroisse de Bohain,” October 17,
1700 : a Huguenot, whose children were taken from him
and put under the care of the curd.
94
FLIGHT FROM PICARDY.
chap. vii. became the wife of Jean Canon.1 Abraham
1681- Sauvage, of St. Algis, in Picardy, came to Bos¬
ton.2 Jacques le Serrurier, one of the leading
1 ' members of the Reformed Church in Saint
Quentin, before the Revocation, escaped to
England in 1683. His son Jacques came to
South Carolina, while others of the name went
to the West Indies and the Cape of Good Hope.3
1 Pierre Legrand is named among the “ Religionnaires de
Bohain, dont les biens ont ete saisis par l’ordre du roi.” He
was naturalized in England, March 8, 1682. Perhaps he
went to the island of St. Christopher, where Pierre Legrand
is mentioned in a list of inhabitants. “ Pieter le Grand and
wife ” were admitted as members of the Reformed Dutch
Church in the city of New York, December 5, 1684. They
Pierre removed, April 30, 1685, to Esopus or Kingston, and re-
XeGraad. turned March 3, 1686, but ultimately joined the French
Church. Peter Legrand, tobacconist, was made free of the
city of New York, August 30, 1698. His wife, Jeanne de
Wendel, died May 20, 1699. His daughter Marie was mar¬
ried September 23, 1697, in the Dutch Church, to Jean
Canon. Their children, baptized in the French Church,
were, Jeanne, born September 24, 1698 ; Catharine, born
August 30, 1700 ; Andre, born August, 18, 1701 ; and Abra¬
ham, baptized September 9, 1702.
2 Abraham Sauvage, “ veuf, natif de S* Algi pres de
Guise,” was married October 17, 1677, in the French Church,
Threadneedle Street, London, to Marie Bridou. Abraham
Sauvage was in Boston, Massachusetts, September 4, 1696.
Thomas, marchand, de Boston, and Me la veuve Elizabeth
Sauvage, de Boston, are named in Gabriel Bernon’s ac¬
counts, 1704, 1706.
3 Jacques Le Serrurier was one of the “chefs de famille”
of the Church of St. Quentin in 1668. His son Jacques
“ s’est retire en Angleterre en 1683, 011 son pere est alle le
rejoindre.” — (Douen, La Reforme en Picardie.) James and
Peter Le Serrurier were naturalized in England, July 2,
1684. James went to South Carolina. “ Jacques Le Ser¬
rurier, ne a St. Quantin en Picardie, fils de Jacques Le Ser¬
rurier et de Marie Le Comte. Elizabet Leger, sa femme.”
— (Liste des Franpois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) Peter
OTHER REFUGEES FROM PICARDY. 95
Several other refugees in the South were natives chap. vn.
of Picardy : Louis Dutarque,* 1 Solomon Bremar, 168i_
of Anseme,2 and Isaac Baton, the son of a j6g6
prominent “ religionnaire,” of Leschelle, whose
property was confiscated after his flight.3
Prom the adjoining province of Artois, came
Louis Gourdain, who settled in South Carolina,4
went to the West Indies, and like too many of his fellow-
refugees, translated his name into English. In his will, on
record in the city of New York, he appears as “Pierre
Smith , marchand a St. Thomas.” He makes bequests to
“ mon frere Josias le Serurier, demeurant a St. Quentin en
France”; to “ ma soeur Elizabeth le Serurier, epouse du
Sieur Daniel de Clues, demeurant a Paris” ; to “ma soeur
Lydie Simmons, epouse de Mr Thomas Simmons, ministre
du S‘ Evangille a Londres ; ” and to “ma soeur Madeleine
de Serrurier, epouse du sieur Jacques du Montier de Vabre,
demeurant a Sfc Quentin.” He also mentions “mon beau-
frere Jaques Smith” living in St. Thomas, and “mon
cousin Pierre Genilliat.” Suzanne Le Serrurier, wife of
Jean Franpois Gignilliat, is named in the Liste des Francois
et Suisses refugiez en Caroline. — Wills, Surrogate’s Office,
New York, VIII., 13.
1 “ Louis Dutarque, ne en Picardie, fils de Mathieu Du¬
tarque, et de Anne Foulon.” — (Liste, etc.)
2 “ Solomon Bremar, natif d’Anseme en Picardie en
France, fils de Jacque Bremar et de Marthe Le Grand ; et
sa femme Marie Sauvagpt.” — (Ibid.)
3 “ Isaac Baton, ne a 1’Echelle en Trevache, fils de Cor-
nille Button et de Judith Voienne; et Isaac Button, son fils
ne en Carolinne ; et Jacques Button, son fils nd a Londre.
Leur mere est rnorte ; el le s’appelloit Marye de Lorme,
native de Vadenouste.” — (Liste, etc.)
Cornille Baston, is mentioned in a list of the “religion-
naires”of Leschelle, Picardie. — (Douen.)
4 “Louis Gourdain, ne a Concourt en Artois, fils de Val¬
entin Gourdain et de Marye Piedeuin.” [Piedevin.] — (Liste,
etc.)
Chap. VII.
1681-
1686.
Daniel
Streing-,
96 FLIGHT FROM THE ORLFANAIS.
and Norbent Felicien Vigneron, a physician,
who established himself in Rhode Island.1
Few, comparatively, of the Huguenot exiles
from the more central provinces of France
reached America. The city of Orleans was the
birth-place of Daniel Streing,2 and his wife, Char¬
lotte Lemestre,3 of Louis and Gabriel Thibou,4
1 Norbent Felicien Vigneron, a native of the province of
Artois, reached America in 1690. He died in Rhode
Island in 1764, aged ninety-five. “He was well educated,
and a popular practitioner.” His wife died in 1748-9.
Charles Antonio, son of Norbent Vigneron, was born in
Newport, Rhode Island. He attained eminence in the
medical profession. He married - Fish, and had five
sons and three daughters. He died in the city of New
York in 1772, aged fifty. — (Plistory of the Medical Profes¬
sion in Rhode Island, by Usher Parsons, M.D.)
2 The signature of “ Daniel String Genabensis,” occurs in
the matriculation book of the Academy of Geneva (Livre
du Recteur), as that of a student of philosophy, entered
July 29, 1672. A comparison of this signature with that of
Daniel Streing, the refugee, establishes the identity ; not¬
withstanding a difference in spelling, several examples of
which are to be found in the records of the French Church,
New York. Indeed, such variations in form, not affecting
the sound of a name, were then considered immaterial.
Daniel himself, however, habitually wrote his name Streing.
Of L’Estrange, or D’Estrange, said to have been the original
form, I have found no instance. Daniel Streing, and Char¬
lotte his wife, were naturalized in England, March 21, 1688.
Several children are mentioned, but the names in the Patent
Roll — Peter, Matthew, Mary and Anne — do not correspond
with those in the family record, and have probably been
transposed in the Roll from their proper place.
3 Charlotte Lemestre, femme de Daniel Streing (Records
of the French Church, New York), belonged probably to
the Lemaistre family of Orleans, mentioned by Haag, La
France Protestante, several members of which took refuge
in England. An apparent connection with the Thibou
family of Orleans — see below — also favors this view.
4 Louis Thibou, ne a Orleans, fils de Jean Thibou et de
SETTLERS OF ORANGE QUARTER. 97
and of Mariette, one of the refugees in Boston.* 1
Several of the settlers of Orange Quarter, South
Carolina, were natives of the Orleannais. An¬
toine Poitevin, the elder, was born in Orsemont ; 2
Antoine, the younger, in Maintenon;3 Pierre
Dutartre, his brother-in-law, was of Chateaudun ;4
Marie Callard, was one of the French refugees in South
Carolina, with his wife Charlotte Mariette, and his children
Louis and Charlotte, born in Paris ; Gabrielle, born in
London ; Isaac, born in New York ; and Jacob and Louise,
born in Carolina. — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez en
Caroline.)
Gabriel Thibou, perhaps a brother of Louis of South
Carolina, was a member of the French Church, New York,
in jyoo^and 1702. Louis, son of Gabriel Thibou and of
Marie Couly his wife, was presented for baptism, August n,
1700 , Jacob Thibou and Louison Streing, sponsors.
Another son, Jean, was baptized December 20, 1702. The
names Gabriel, Charlotte, Louise, were also given to Daniel
Streing’s children.
1 Mariette, an Orleans name (see above). Claude Mari¬
ette, from Orleannais, “galerien pour cause de religion,
1681.” “ Le sieur Mariette, proprietaire a Blois,” was one of
the “fugitifs de 1’election de Blois” in 1687.— (Bulletin de
la soc. de 1 hist, du prot. franp. XXX., p. 89.) Mariette,
one of the refugees in Boston, and a member of the French
Church before 1700.
Anthoine Poiteuin, natif d’Orsemont, province de Gaule
en France, fils de Jacques Poiteuin et de Jenne Modemen ;
et Gabrielle Berou sa femme, native d’Ormey en Bause, fille
d'U trope Berou et d’Andree Le Prou.”— (Liste des Franpois
et Suisses refugiez en Caroline.)
V* Anthoine Poiteuin, fils, ne a Maintenon, fils de An¬
thoine Poiteuin et de Gabrielle Beron. Margueritte de Bour-
deaux, sa femme, native de Grenoble en Dofine, fille de
Jacque de Bourdeaux et de Madalenne Garilian.”
Pierre Dutartre, fils de Daniel Dutartre et d’Anne
Renault, natif de Chathaudun en Bause, province de France,
et Anne Poiteuin sa femme, native de Duplesis Morne,
province de Gaule en France, fille d’Anthoinne Poiteuin et
de Gabrielle Berou.” — (Ibid.)
Chap. VII.
1681-
1686.
FLIGHT FROM MAINE.
Chap. VII
1681-
1686.
Pasteur
Trouillard
98
and Daniel Trezevant, another relative, of An-
thon en Perche, in the northern part of the
neighboring province of Maine.1
These refugees were accompanied to South
Carolina by an excellent Minister of the Gospel
from the same region. Laurent Philippe Trouil¬
lard, the first pastor of the little colony of
Orange Quarter, was born in La Ferte-au-
Vidame, at the time when his father, Pierre
Trouillard, was settled in that place.2
1 “ Daniel Trezevant, fils de Theodore Trezevant et de
Suzanne Menou, natif d’Anthon en Perche, et Suzanne
Maulard sa femme, natif de Chanseuille en Bause, Province
en France, fille de Lubin Maulard et de Gabrielle Berou.
Daniel Trezevant, fils de Daniel Trezevant et de Suzanne
Maulard.” — (Ibid.)
2 “ Laurent Philippe Troillart, ne a la fette Regnault
Roidam, fils de Pierre Trouillart et de Marie. Madeleine
Maslet sa femme nee a cet. Elizabet et Madeleine leurs fils
nez en Caroline.” — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refugiez
en Caroline.) Elsewhere, in the same document, the name
is given as “ Florent Philippe Trouilliard, natif de la Fette
Regnault, ditte le vidame, fils de defunct Pierre Trouillard,
vivant professeur en Theologie.” “ Florent ” unquestion¬
ably is a mistake for “ Laurent.”
Pierre Trouillard, the father, was a native of Sedan in
Champagne. He served several churches in that province
and elsewhere : among them the church of la Ferte-au-
Vidame. The Revocation found him in Calais, whence he
took refuge in Holland, and afterwards in England, where
he became minister of the French church in Canterbury.
(Bulletin de la soc. de l’hist. du prot. franc., VIII., p. 605.
Burn, Foreign Churches, p. 45.) Perhaps it was during his
stay in Holland that he occupied a chair of theology, as
stated above.
The son, Laurent, came to South Carolina, and was there
“ in the latter part of 1686.” — (Howe, History of the Presby¬
terian Church in South Carolina, I., p. 108.) His first pas¬
torate was in Charleston, as colleague with Prioleau. Upon
Prioleau’s death, in 1699, he relinquished his charge. The
SEEKING REFUGE IM THE CAPITAL. 99
Under the panic caused by the dragonnades,
'in these and other provinces of France, some of
the unfortunate Protestants fled for greater
security to Paris. Two motives prompted this
singular course. First, it was thought incredible
that the quartering of troops upon families
would be practiced in the capital ; and many
were influenced by the hope that they might
there escape the barbarities suffered in remote
parts of the country. Besides, many persons
contemplating marriage, found it necessary to
come to Paris to have that rite administered,
according to the usage of the Reformed
Churches : for, by this time, throughout one half
of the kingdom, all exercises of the Protest¬
ant religion had been forbidden. An old Hu¬
guenot custom required the presence of numer¬
ous relatives and friends, on such occasions :
and not unfrequently large companies were to
be seen, attending the contracting parties on their
errand to the capital for this purpose. Thus it
came to pass, that on the eve of the Revocation
of the Edict of Nantes, the city was crowded
with strangers, and the taverns and lodging-
houses were filled to overflowing. Determined
to cut off all hope of escape, the government
now ordered every Protestant to return to
consistory of the French church in Charleston wrote, March
3, 1700, to the consistory of the French church in London,
asking for a minister “pour remplir la place que M. Trouill-
art laisse vacante dans notre Eglise.” He became pastor
of the French congregation in St. John’s, Berkley, and con¬
tinued in office until his death in 1712.
Chap. VII.
1681-
1686.
Wedding
companies.
IOO
FLIGHT FROM PARIS.
chap. vii. the province and the town to which he be-
1681- longed. A week before the signing of the Edict
i686 of Revocation, notice was published in Paris
that all persons who had resided in that city less
than one year should depart within four days.
In the confusion that followed, not a few of the
Huguenots found opportunity to leave the city
and the kingdom. Whole families fled together,
„ wandering from towm to town, until at length
ing the £Ood providence of God opened to them a
from , r i
town to door of escape from the country.
These facts, which are related by the historian
Benoist,1 strikingly confirm certain interesting
traditions preserved by Huguenot families in
America. We give one of these traditions in
the homely language in which it was written
down, many years ago, from the lips of an aged
person :
“ The Requa 2 3 family lived in Paris, previous
to their departure from France in consequence
of the persecution by the Romish Church
against the Huguenots, as they were called.
They departed in the night, to save their lives,
leaving the greater part of their property, which
they could not convert into money. There were
eleven other families that went at the same time.
The priests used to search every house where
they imagined that there were Bibles or meet¬
ings held. They concealed their Bible for some
time, but finally it wras discovered and taken
1 Histoire de l’Edit de Nantes, tome troisieme, seconde
partie, pp. 863, 864.
3 Perhaps originally Requier or l’Escuyer.
FAMILY TRADITIONS.
IOI
away. They managed, however, to retain some
leaves, which were concealed under the bottom
of a chair. The twelve families fled by night
from Paris to La Rochelle, where they contin¬
ued for some time. But intelligence from Paris
to La Rochelle soon detected their several abodes.
Their houses were to be broken into on a
certain night. They would all have been cut
off, had it not been for a good man, a Catholic,
who had become acquainted with them. Lie
gave them notice ; so they fled the night before,
at about one or two o’clock. The twelve fami¬
lies muffled the wheels of their waggons, so
as not to make any noise, but they were
discovered on the way and pursued to a
river, before they were overtaken. Ten families
got over the stream safely, but two were taken.
The others succeeded in getting aboard a ship
which sailed for America.”1
Daniel Streing and his wife were also in Paris
at the time of the Revocation. Leaving his wife
there in possession of his property, the hus-
1 Document in the possession of F. R. Fowler, Esq., of
Peekskill, New York. The document proceeds to state,
that among the fugitives who escaped were Requa and his
family. During the voyage, a fever broke out among the
passengers, many of whom died. Among the victims were
Requa and his wife, who left an only son, Claude, to become
the founder of the family in America. Tradition gives the
name of the emigrant as Gabriel ; but the English patent
rolls mention the naturalization of John and Claude Esquier
or Equerie ; and the Records of the French Church, New
York, mention the decease of Jean Equier, marinier, natif
de la Tremblade, who died in the harbor on a ship from
London, December 22, 1689.
Chap. VIL
1681-
1686.
Kequa’s
escape.
102
FLIGHT FROM PARIS.
Chap. VII,
1681-
1686.
Charlotte
Le Mestre.
band embraced an opportunity to remove to En¬
gland, where he obtained a lieutenant’s commis¬
sion in the guards of James II. Meanwhile,
the severities directed against the Protestants
increased ; the property of the refugee was con¬
fiscated, and the wife found herself friendless
and destitute. Baffled in repeated attempts to
escape, she at length in her desperation gave her
child, two years old, into the care of the sentry
who detained her at the city gate, in pledge for
her speedy return from the suburbs, whither she
professed to be going in search of food. She
succeeded in reaching England, made her way
to London, and while wandering through the
streets of that city, was noticed and recognized
by some friends of her husband, who conducted
her to him.1
There were other residents and natives of
1 “A Memorandum of the family of Daniel L’Estrange
and of Charlotte his wife, who escaped from France in the
year 1685, in the time of the persecution under Lewis XIV.
and came to America in 1688 and settled at New Rochelle
in the County of Westchester then Province of New York.”
(MS.)
“ Mr. L’Estrange shortly after was- from the extended
benevolence and bounty of the English government enabled
to settle himself in the city of London where he resided and
remained some time ; he continuing in the Guards until
about the year 1688 when he having disposed of his commis¬
sion was enabled thereby to aid himself, and did embark
with a number of other Protestant refugees his associates,
many of whom were his acquaintances, for America, and ar¬
riving there landed at the City of New York in the course of
the year 1688 with his wife and one son or more children.
Mr. L’Estrange now in company with many of those his as¬
sociates proceeded to New Rochelle in the county of West¬
chester, where they making a settlement did settle them¬
selves in their respective callings of life.”
OTHER REFUGEES FROM PARIS. 103
Paris who joined the emigration to America, chap. vii
Henri Colie fled to England, upon the increase l68l_
of persecution in 1681 ; but subsequently while i6g6
on a voyage he was shipwrecked upon the coast
of France, and taken a prisoner. He obtained
his freedom through a feigned abjuration, which
he hastened to disavow when he arrived in Lon¬
don a second time. He came to New York,
some years later.1
Jonas Bonhoste,2 Elie Horry,3 Louis Picard,4
went to South Carolina; and Jean Beauchamp
became a prosperous merchant in Boston, Mas¬
sachusetts.5
1 Henry Collier was naturalized in England, March 8,
1682. “ Henry Colie, natif de Paris, s’est presente a la
cotnpagnie pour faire reconnoissance de l’abjuration qu’il a
faite de notre religion en France, oil le vaisseau dans lequel
il etoit echoua. II le fera dimanche prochain.” — (Records of
the Consistory of the French Church in London, September
20, 1700.) Henry Collier signed the protest against the
dismissal of pasteur Rou, in New York, September 24, 1724-
His widow, Susanne Colie, received assistance from the
French Church, New York, in 1726.
2 “ Jonas Bonhoste, ne a Paris, fils de Pierre Bonhoste et
de Marie Garlin, Catherine Allaire, sa femme, Jonas, leur
fils neen Caroline.”— (Liste des Franqois et Suisses refugiez
en Caroline.)
s “ Ellye Horry, ne a Charenton, fils de Jean Horry et de
Madelaine Du Frene.” — (Ibid.)
4 Louis Picard was in South Carolina in 1695. Appar¬
ently, he returned to England, where in 1705 Louis Picard,
of Paris, aged sixty years, was assisted, with his wife Anne,
by the Committee charged with the distribution of the
Royal Bounty.
5 Jean Beauchamp, a French Protestant refugee, was in
Boston as early as the year 1687, when his second daughter
was born. He removed to Hartford in Connecticut after
1720, and his descendants, who intermarried with other Hu¬
guenot families,— Chenevard, Laurence, Sigourney,— are
Chap. VII,
1681—
1686.
104 FLIGHT FROM MEAUX.
Two or three families that joined the emigra¬
tion to South Carolina, came from villages and
hamlets in the immediate neighborhood of
Meaux, — thirty miles to the north-east of Paris,
— where the first open preaching of the doc¬
trines of the Reformation took place, under the
patronage of Bishop Briconnet. It is possible
that these refugees in “ Orange Quarter” may
have been the descendants of some of the first
converts in France, who received the Gospel at
the lips of Lefevre and Farel, and whose faith
was confirmed by the testimony of one of the
earliest martyrs of the French Reformation,
Jean Leclerc, “the wool-carder of Meaux.”* 1
still to be found in that beautiful city. Beauchamp died in
Hartford, November 14, 1740, aged eighty-eight years.
“Jean Beauchamp, fils de Samuel Beauchamp et de Marie
Malherbe,” was baptized at Charenton, June 3, 1656. The
father, a lawyer, and one of the influential members of the
Church of Baris, fled, upon the Revocation, to England,
and died in Thorpe in 1688. — (La France Protestante,
seconde edition, vol. II., p. 9.)
1 History of the Rise of the Huguenots of France, by
Henry M. Baird. Vol. I., pp. 73-89.
Nicholas Bochet, a native of Nanteuil-les-meaux, son of
Nicholas Bochet and Marguerite Petit ; Susanne Dehays,
his wife, born in Magny, paroisse de Boutigny ; with
Susanne their daughter, born in Fublaines ; and Abel
Bochet, brother of Nicholas, born in Nanteuil ; were among
the settlers of Orange Quarter. Noe Sere, a native of
Luminie [Lumigny], son of Claude Sere and Esther Gilliet ;
and Catharine Challion his wife, also went to South Caro¬
lina. — (Liste, etc.)
Nanteuil, two miles from Meaux, is a village of twelve hund¬
red inhabitants. Fublaines, close by, contains but four
hundred. Lumigny, with five or six hundred inhabitants,
lies within the canton of Rosoy, whither Leclerc retired
from Meaux after his first punishment for heresy, by whip¬
ping and branding. — Rise of the Huguenots, I., 87.
THE COUNTS OF RICHEBOURG. 105
The village of Saint Severe, in the province
of Berri, was the birthplace of Isaac Porcher de
Richebourg, the ancestor of a prominent Hu¬
guenot family of South Carolina. Isaac was a
physician, and had taken his degree at the
University of Paris. With his wife, Claude
Cherigny, a native of Touraine, he fled soon
after the Revocation to England, perhaps in
company with his relative, Claude Philippe de
Richebourg, a Protestant minister, afterwards
pastor of the French colony on the James river
in Vircrinia, and of the French church in
Charleston. The Porchers were descended
from the Counts of Richebourg.1
1 “ Isaac Porcher, ne a St. Severe en Berry, fils d’lsaac
Porcher, et de Suzanne Ferre. Claude Cheriny, sa femme.
Isaac, Pierre, Elizabeth, Madelaine, et Claude, leurs enfans,
nez en Angleterre, et en Caroline.” — (Piste des Francois et
Suisses refugiez en Caroline.)
“ This family is descended from the Comtes de Riche¬
bourg. Isaac Porcher de Richebourg, M.D., of the Univer¬
sity of Paris, married Claude Cherigny, of the province of
Touraine, and after the Edict of Revocation, they fled to
South Carolina under British rule. Their son was Joseph
Porcher, father of Paul Porcher, who married Mary Du
Pie ; and his son, Josias Du Pre Porcher, removed from
Charleston, South Carolina, in 1768, being brought to
England by his uncle, James Du Pre, who had been gov¬
ernor of Fort George, Madras. His son was Josias Du Pre
Porcher, Esq., of Winslade House, Devonshire, M. P. for
Old Sarum, who married Charlotte, daughter of Sir William
Burnaby, and sister of the wife of John Chamier, Esq.,
who died in 1820. His eldest surviving son, Rev. George
Porcher, married in 1818, Francis Amelia, daughter of John
Chamier, Esq.; and his sons are George Du Pre Porcher,
Esq., barrister, and Captain Edwin Augustus Porcher,
R. N.” — (Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of
Lewis XIV. By the Rev. David C. A. Agnew. II., 256.)
To the same family, doubtless, belonged Claude Philippe
Chap. VII.
1681-
1686.
Isaac
Porcher.
Pasteur
De
Riche¬
bourg.
Chap. VII.
1681—
1686.
106 FLIGHT FROM BERRI.
From the neighboring town of Buzan^ais, the
brothers Pierre and Isaac Dugue, with their
sister Elizabeth, made their escape at the same
period, and ultimately reached South Carolina.* 1
de Richebourg. a Huguenot pastor who came to Virginia in
1699, as minister of the French colony at Manakin town, on
the James river. In 1712 he left that colony and removed
to South Carolina, where he succeeded Pierre Robert as
minister of the French settlement at Santee. He died in
11 19-
The Porcher family in South Carolina is at present repre¬
sented by Frederick A. Porcher, Esq., of Charleston.
1 “ Pierre Dugue, Isaac Dugue, son frere, et Elizabeth
Dugue, leur soeur, nez a Besance en Bery, enfansde Jacques
Dugue et Elizabet Dupuy.” — (Liste, etc.)
CHAPTER VIII.
The Revocation.
FLIGHT FROM THE EASTERN AND SOUTHERN
PROVINCES.
The hopes of the persecuted Protestants in
Eastern France, and especially in those provinces
of Champagne and Lorraine that reached
out into the German territory, were naturally
turned in their extremity to the region, compar¬
atively accessible, beyond the river Rhine and
the Jura mountains, where “the Protestant
Princes,” and the friendly States of Switzerland
and Holland, waited to show them kindness.
There, indeed, the greater number of the exiles
found permanent abodes ; while some, choosing
rather to seek for themselves and for their chil¬
dren a home in the New World, pursued their
journey northward to the German ocean, and
embarked from some English port for the colo¬
nies in America.
The names of but few refugees from those
provinces have been transmitted to us, in connec¬
tion with the places from which they fled. Nic¬
olas Vignon, a native of Metz, in Lorraine, came
to New York soon after the Revocation, and
died there in October, 1689.1
1 Records of the French Church, New York.
Chap. VIII
1681-
1686.
io8
FLIGHT FROM CHAMPAGNE.
chap. vm It was probably from the neighborhood of the
i68~i- same town that Abraham Rutan, one of the
1686. Hu&uenot settlers at New Paltz, escaped to the
Palatinate.1
Sedan, in the province of Champagne, was
the home of the Tiphaine or Tiffany family.2
From Sedan came, also, Susanne Rochette,
who afterwards married one of the French refu¬
gees in Virginia. Susanne was the youngest of
three daughters, the eldest of whom was six¬
teen years of age at the time of the Revocation.
Their home had been repeatedly visited by the
priests, who questioned the children, seeking to
find some occasion for sending them to the
Roman Catholic schools. At length the father
determined, if possible, to send his eldest daugh¬
ter out of the kingdom, and accordingly put her
under the care of a niece, who with her infant
child was about to set out for the nearest sea¬
port, hoping to escape to Holland. They were
conducted by men, dressed in women’s clothes.
1 Refugees of this name fled at an earlier day from perse¬
cution in Saint Mihiel to Metz.— (Bulletin de la soc de
1 Hist, du prot. franc., vol. II., p. 426.)
I he emigrant Rutan appears to have accompanied Abra¬
ham Hasbrouck to this country He reached New York
as early as May, 1680. Five children of Abraham Rutan
and Marie 1 etilion, his wife, were baptized by pastor Daille
iiRthe French church of New Paltz, 1683-1691.
. ' James (Jacques) Tiphaine and his wife Elizabeth with
six sons, were naturalized in England in 1682. Of 'these
sons, two, Jean de Sedan,” and Daniel, remained in Lon¬
don where several of their children were baptized • and
another 1 ierre, with his wife Susanne Renel, came to’ New
York._ Jacques, son of Pierre and Susanne Renel, was bap¬
tized in the Fiench church, New York, Oct. 13, 1704
ESCAPE OF DUPUY. log
On the journey, while crossing* in the night a chap.vm
small stream, the mother stumbled on some l68l_
rocks, and the child cried out. A paity of sol-
diers stationed at a mill near by, roused by the
sound, came forth, captured the women, and took
them to prison. The father was permitted to
bring his daughter home. A second attempt was
more fortunate, and he succeeded in sending his
two elder daughters to Amsterdam. The young¬
est, Susanne, was afterwards forwarded tohei sis¬
ters, concealed in a hogshead, and committed to
a friendly sea-captain. The family remained in
Holland until the marriage of the elder daugh¬
ters, who removed to the West Indies. Susanne
became the wife of Abraham Micheaux, a Hu¬
guenot, who ultimately settled in Virginia.1
Barthelemy Dupuy, the ancestor of a Hugue¬
not family that took root in Virginia, originated, Captain
it is believed, in this part of France. Accord- ^
ing to the tradition maintained in various
branches of that family, Dupuy was born in the
year 1650, entered the army at the age of
eighteen, and served for fourteen years, during
which he fought in as many pitched battles, in
Flanders. Promoted to be lieutenant, he was
transferred to the household guards of Louis
XIV. While in this service, he was occasion¬
ally sent on important errands, provided with a
written pass from the king, requiring all persons
to allow him to proceed on his way without
hindrance. About the year 1682, he retired
1 The Huguenots ; or, Reformed French Church. By-
William Henry Foote, D.D. Pp. 54I_545-
I IO
FLIGHT FROM CHAMPAGNE.
Chap. viii from the service, purchased an estate, and mar-
l6g2 ried a Countess Susanne Lavillon. He retained
the favor of the king, though known to be a
staunch Huguenot; and shortly before the Rev¬
ocation of the Edict of Nantes, a messenger
from the court came to apprise him of the
measure then preparing, and urged him to abjure,
promising him substantial reward. Soon after,
the cur 6 of the parish, with whom he wras on
friendly terms, called upon him, accompanied by
six armed men. At the sight of this force, Du-
puy drew his sword, but the priest entreated
him to forbear, inasmuch as resistance would be
hopeless, and besought him to be reconciled to
the Church of Rome. An earnest discussion
ensued, and finally Dupuy asked for a little
time to reflect upon the matter. To this the
curd consented, and he was left alone. That
night, accompanied by his wife, disguised in
male attire as his servant, he set forth on horse¬
back. Before dawn, they were far on their way
to the German border. Interrogated from time
to time by the military authorities whom he en¬
countered, he pleaded urgent official business,
and when pressed, exhibited a pass, bearing the
royal signature. At length the fugitives found
themselves beyond the boundary of France; and
dismounting, they kneeled by the roadside, and
prayed and wept together, and sang the psalm
of deliverance, “ I waited patiently for the Lord,
and He inclined unto me and heard my cry.”
Duouy remained fourteen years in Germany.
In 1699, he went to England, and soon after
ESCAPE OF L’EGARE.
1 1 1
joined the French colony on the James river chap.vni
in Virginia, where he ended his days. His l68l_
descendants in the United States are very
J i686.
numerous.1
The city of Lyons had at one time a large
Protestant population ; but during the period
of severe religious persecution, nearly the
whole of that population left the kingdom.
Among the fugitives was Francis L’Egare,2
whose eldest son, Solomon, became the founder
of an influential family in South Carolina. Ac¬
cording to the family legend, Solomon, a youth
of eighteen or nineteen, was absent from home,
at college, when his parents made their escape
from France. Word was brought to him by a
trusted servant, directing him to disguise himself
as a peasant, and proceed to Geneva. He sue- Lyons,
ceeded in doing this, and in due time joined the
family in Bristol, England, where they resided
for some years, before coming to America.
Francois L’Egare, with his two sons, was ad¬
mitted into the Massachusetts colony in 1691. 3
1 The Huguenots : or, Reformed French Church. By
William Henry Foote, D.D., pp. 549-555. The name of
Barthelemy Dupuy appears in a list of the inhabitants of
Manakintown, in 1714.
2 So the tradition runs. — MS. in the possession of Mrs.
Eliza Fludd, Charleston, S. C.
3 Francis L’Egare, jeweler, his wife Anne, and their sons
Francis Solomon, Daniel James, and Stephen John, were
naturalized in England, March 8, 1682. Francis Legare,
goldsmith, and two sons were admitted into the colony of
Massachusetts, February 1, 169:. “ Legare,” perhaps one
of the sons, joined the short-lived settlement in Narragan-
sett.
I 12
FLIGHT FROM THE LYONNAIS.
chap.vm Solomon removed to Charleston, South Caro-
1681- lina, where he lived to enter his ninety-eighth
1686. year. A man of strict uprightness and earnest
piety, he was of an excitable temper, and deter¬
mined will. It is said that he would never per¬
mit the French language to be spoken in his
family, wishing to break every tie that could
unite them to the land of their ancestors. Often,
relating the scenes of horror he had witnessed
and heard of, in that country, he warned his
children never to return to France. The Hon¬
orable Hugh Swinton Legare, a distinguished
American statesman and man of letters, was a
descendant of this Huguenot refugree.
ta rhe town of la Voulte, in Languedoc, on the
Vouite. west bank of the Rhone, seventy miles below
Lyons, was the birth-place of Judith Giton,
afterwards the wife of Gabriel Manigault. A
letter that she wrote upon reaching America,
to her brother, in Germany, gives a graphic
account of her flight from France. “ For eight
months we had suffered from the contributions
and the quartering of the soldiers, on account
of religion, enduring many inconveniences. We
therefore resolved on quitting France at night,
leaving the soldiers in their beds, and abandoning
the house with its furniture. We went to Ro¬
mans, in Dauphiny, and there contrived to hide
ourselves for ten days, whilst a search was made
The will of Francis L6gard, of Braintree, Suffolk county
Massachusetts, is dated February 3, i7 IO-i 1.— (probatei
January 26, 1711-12.) It mentions his wife, Ann, his son
Solomon, now at Carrolina,” and his son Daniel.
JUDITH MANIGAULT’S LETTER. 113
for us , but our hostess, being- faithful, did not ctap.vin
betray us when questioned if she had seen us. 77
b hence we passed on to Lyons, and thence to 1 4
Dijon, from which place, as well as Langret, my
eldest brother wrote to you ; but I know not if
either of the letters reached you. He informed
you that we were quitting France. We went to
Madame de Choiseule’s, "but accomplished noth¬
ing, for she was dead, and her son-in-law had the
control of everything. Moreover, he gave us
to understand that he perceived our intention to
escape from France, and that if we asked any
fa\ois from him he would inform against us.
We pursued our way towards Metz, in Lorraine,
where we embarked on the river Moselle, in
order to go to Treves. Thence we proceeded to
Cochem and to Coblentz, and thence to Cologne,
v here we left the Rhine and took wagons to
Wesel. There we met with an host who spoke
a little French, and who told us that we were
only thirty leagues from Luneburg. We knew
that you were 'there, in winter quarters, for we
had received a letter of yours, fifteen clays be¬
fore our departure from France, telling us that
you would winter there. Our deceased mother
and I entreated my eldest brother to consent
that we should go that way ; or else, leaving us
with her, to go himself to see you. It was in
the depth of winter. But he would not hear of
it, having nothing in his mind but ‘ Carolina,’
and dieading to miss any chance of coming
hither. The thought that we thus lost so good an
opportunity to see you at least once more, has
FLIGHT FROM DAUPHINY.
Chap. VIII
1685.
114
been a constant source of grief to me, ever
since. After this, we passed into Holland, in
order to go to England. We were detained in
London for three months, waiting for a vessel
ready to sail for Carolina.
East of the river Rhone, some fifty miles from
the home of Judith Giton, is the town of Die,
in Dauphiny, in the neighborhood of which
Rene de Durand, a Huguenot gentleman, was
residing, a few years before the Revocation.
The Protestant '‘temple” in the village adjoin¬
ing his estate was one of the first to be destroyed
in that district. Undaunted by threats and pro¬
hibitions, Durand assembled his family and
friends, and resorted every Sunday to the site
of the demolished sanctuary, to hold a service
of prayer and praise amidst the ruins. For this
daring act he was proscribed, his dwelling was
plundered and torn down, and his large estates
were confiscated.2
It was a brother of this nobleman who came
to Maryland and Virginia in the year 1686, and
’ Judith Giton, the writer of the letter above. quoted in
part, was married upon her arrival in South Carolina to Noe
Royer, and after his death became the wife of Pierre Mani¬
gault. The original letter is in the possession of his de¬
scendant, Dr. Gabriel PI. Manigault, of Charleston, S. C. I
am indebted to the courtesy of Dr. Manigault for a tran¬
script, which will be found in the Appendix to this vol¬
ume.
2 In a list of pastors and other persons persecuted in France,
who had, in 1683, taken refuge in Geneva, the name of “ M.
De Durand, gentilhomme du Dauphine, 50 ans,” occurs.
He was accompanied by his wife and four children. Bul¬
letin de la soc. de l’hist. du prot. franp., XIX., p. 3I3-
THE REFUGEE DURAND.
”5
who published upon his return to Europe a “ De- chap.vm
scription ” of those parts of America. The narra-
tive of his flight from Dauphiny gives us a vivid
picture of the effects of the dragonnades in that
province, as he witnessed them.
“ As yet, no soldiers had been sent into this
province, which was reserved for the last, inas¬
much as it contained only seven thousand
families of the Reformed religion. I gave direc¬
tions, in the neighborhood of my home, that I
should be apprised of their coming ; and on the
eighteenth day of October, 1685, about noon, I
learned that some had entered by way of Taras-
con. Accordingly I started, about midnight, Conver
with three horses and two servants. I presumed sions
that I should have time enough to reach Mar¬
seilles before the troops could advance ; for I
knew that there were in that vicinity five or six
large boroughs, of several hundred inhabitants
each, among whom there was scarcely a single
Papist ; and I knew of several persons in those
places who were worth as much as a hundred
thousand icus, and who were ardently attached
to ‘ the Religion.’ I judged, therefore, that
there was not one of these localities where the
repfiment would not be detained for a month
O
before the inhabitants could be induced to suc¬
cumb. Great, then, was my surprise, when on
the morrow, late in the afternoon, I saw a quan¬
tity of yellow cloaks descending a hill in the
distance. I could not doubt that these were the
dragoons. Concealing my party in a hollow
near by, I waited on the roadside, putting on
1 1 6 FLIGHT FROM DAUPHINY.
chap. viii the best face I could, while twelve companies of
i6Sq dragoons passed by.
“ So soon as they were out of sight, I hastened
forward, and journeyed all night, in order to go
out of the bishopric (of Die). Meeting some
soldiers, I asked them the news. They told
me, with evident dissatisfaction, and interlarding
their statement with oaths, that they had that
Disap day Passed through two or three large boroughs,
pointment filled with Huguenots, who displayed so little
troopers, attachment to their religion, that no sooner did
they hear the beating of their drums than they
rushed en masse to the churches, to make their
abjurations. It was true, my informants con¬
tinued, that the first towns they visited upon
entering the province made resistance for three
days, and they had settled up well with them in
consequence ; but as for the rest, they had not
been suffered to unbridle their horses in one
of them, or take so much as a fowl from the
roost.
“ I was astonished at the rapidity of these
conquests, and finding myself now beyond the
limits of the bishopric, and learning moreover
that there were no troops coming in that direc¬
tion, I resolved to stop at a place called
Merindol,1 and rest for a short time. I found
the poor people of this town in a lamentable
state. Their consciences had begun to reproach
1 A village six miles south of Nyons, now in the depart¬
ment of Drome, with a population of three hundred and
seventy-six inhabitants ; to be distinguished from Merindol
on the Durance, mentioned further on.
OTHER REFUGEES FROM DAUPHINY. I I 7
them with the crime they had committed so chap. vm
precipitately in abjuring. I lodged afterwards ^
in other places where there were no Protestants
at all. Here the dragoons had been quartered,
in consequence of the easy conversion of the
Huguenot villages, and so accustomed had they
become to license and extortion, that with the
exception of personal maltreatment, they prac¬
ticed upon these Roman Catholics the very
same outrages as upon Protestants ; a course
that called forth from the unfortunate people
the most dreadful imprecations upon that
infernal enterprise of the dragonnades.” 1
From Dauphiny came also Jacques de Bour-
deaux 2 and Paul Pepin,3 of Grenoble; and
Andre Rembert,4 of the neighboring town of Le
Pont en Royans. These emigrants went to
South Carolina. The Bard family, of New
Jersey, 5 and the Bessonets of Pennsyl-
1 Voyage d’un Francois exile pour la religion, avec une
description de la Virgine et le Marilan, dans l’Amerique. A
la Haye, imprime pour l’auteur, 1687.
2 “Jacques de Bourdeaux, ne a Grenoble, fils de Evre-
mond de Bourdeaux et de Catherine Fresne. Madeleine
Garillond, sa femme. Madeleine, Judith, leurs lilies, nez a
Grenoble. Anthoine, Jacques, Israel, leurs enfans nez en
Caroline.” — (Liste des Francois et Suisses refttgiez en Caro¬
line.)
3 “ Paul Pepin, ne a Grenoble, fils d’Alexandre Pepin, et
de Madeleine Garillon.” — (Ibid.)
4 “ Andre Rembert, fils de Francois Rembert et de
Judith Rembert, de Pont en Royan, en Dauphine. Anne,
sa femme, fille de Jean et Louise Bressan, du dit lieu. Anne,
Andre, Gerosme, Pierre, Susanne, Jeanne, enfans, nez en
Caroline.” — (Ibid.)
5 Several of this name are mentioned in lists of the per¬
secuted Protestants in Dauphiny. — Archives Nationales,
FLIGHT FROM DAUPHINY.
I 1 8
chap, viii vania, * 1 originated probably in the same
1686 province. From the Vaudois village of Me-
rindol, on the Durance, came Jean Andrivet,2
whose name appears among the names of the fu¬
gitive Protestants condemned by the parliament
of Grenoble in 1686. At a later day, Jean Henri
la Motte, “ a Huguenot, supposed to have been
from Provence, and to have resided for some
time in Holland,” came to Charleston.3
Tt. — La France Protestante, s. v. — Jacques Barde and
Marie his wife had a daughter baptized in the French
Church, Les Grecs, London, August 15, 1706. Peter Bard,
a native of France, was naturalized in New Jersey, June 12,
1713. John and Samuel Bard were prominent physicians
of New York in the last century.
1 A Protestant family of Dauphiny. Claude de Bessonet,
sieur de Gatuzieres, is mentioned, 1598 to 1614. — (La France
Protestante.) A century later, another Claude Bessonet was
naturalized in England, March n, 1700. He settled in
Waterford, Ireland, where the family occupied a high social
position. (Agnew’s Prot. Exiles from France, vol. II., p. 272.)
Francis Bessonet was minister of the French Church in
Dublin, 1765.— (Ibid, vol. I., p. 210.) Daniel Goudon Bes¬
sonet, fils de - Bessonet, was baptized in the French
Church, New York, July 30, 1710. The family settled about
the year 1720 in Bristol, Pennsylvania, where Charles Bes-
sonett was deputy postmaster during the Revolution.
2 “Jean Andrivet, banni du royaume pour dix ans,” is
mentioned among the “ religion naires fugitifs emprisonnes
et juges par le parlement de Grenoble en 1686.” — (Bulletin
de la soc. de l’hist. du prot. frang., VIII., p. 308.) Jean
Andrivet and Antoinette Buvier his wife were in New York,
May 14, 1693, when pastor Daille baptized their son Pierre.
Three other sons of the first wife were baptized in the
French Church; and “Jean Andrivet de Merindol en
Provence” was married to a second wife, Jeanne de
Loumeau, October 18, 1699. Denization was granted him,
April 18, 1695, and April 24, “John Androuet, Victualler,”
was made free of the city.
3 He arrived in South Carolina about the year 1727. Some
years after, he removed to Hagerstown, Maryland, but was
THE REFORM IN MONTPELLIER. 1 19
In no other part of France had Protestantism
flourished more remarkably than in the import¬
ant province of Languedoc. Its adherents,
shortly before the Revocation, exceeded two
hundred thousand ; and in many of the towns,
they still outnumbered the Roman Catholics.
Yet, half a century of repression, and of not un¬
frequent persecution, had greatly weakened a
cause which, in the early days of the French
Reformation, bade fair to gain over almost the
entire province. Montpellier, its principal city,
welcomed the Reform with unexampled alacrity.
Within a single year from the time of its intro¬
duction into the place, the Protestants were in
the majority. In an outburst of misguided zeal,
they seized the churches, destroyed some of
them, and abolished the mass, which was not
said for many years after.1 As in La Rochelle,
driven from the place at the time of Braddock s defeat. He
went to the neighborhood of Hanover, Pennsylvania, and
died in York, in that State, in 1794, aged eighty-nine years.
Upon his arrival in America, he married a widow Bollinger,
from Switzerland, and had five sons, John, Daniel, Henry,
Francis, and Abram. “ He was a very reticent man, and his
own family did not know that he could speak French until
the time of La Fayette’s first visit to America, when a Cap¬
tain Nicolas de la Motte, who claimed to be his cousin,
called upon him, with other French officers ; and from the
profound deference with which they treated him, and the
little that he said of himself, it is believed that he was of
high rank.” The descendants of Jean Henri de la Motte
are to be found at present in Pennsylvania, Ohio, and North
Carolina. — (Information received from William John Potts,
Esq., of Camden, New Jersey.)
1 Histoire de l’Eglise Reformee de Montpellier depuis son
origine jusqu’a nos jours; par Philippe Corbiere. Mont¬
pellier: 1861, p. 53.— Sixty years later, when at the close of
Chap. VIII
1685.
I 20
FLIGHT FROM LANGUEDOC.
chap, viii some members of the monastic orders embraced
the new faith, and the bishop himself was
thought to favor it.
o
Montpellier was one of the strongholds of the
Huguenots during the civil wars, and one of
their cautionary towns under the Edict of
Nantes. Since the breaking up of the political
party, Protestantism had waned, under the sys¬
tematic oppression which wras to culminate in
the abrogation of the edict. The two “ temples ”
of the Huguenots were destroyed, the one in
1670, the other in 1682; and in the autumn of
the year 1685, sixteen companies of troops en¬
tered the city, to commence the “ dragooning ”
mission which had been so fruitful of “conver¬
sions ” elsewhere. As elsewhere, the terror
produced by this apparition proved irresistible.
That very day, six thousand of the Protestants
of Montpellier abjured, and obtained the certifi¬
cates* 1 which exempted them from the visits of
the “booted missionaries” of Rome.
the siege of that city, Louis XIII. entered it, he found not
a church left standing, in which mass could be said. De¬
clining to follow the suggestion of some who urged him to
seize the “ grand temple ” of the Protestants, he ordered a
public hall to be fitted up for the purpose. — (Ibid., p. 162.)
1 These certificates were printed forms, duly filled up.
We translate a specimen given by Corbiere. — (Histoire de
l’Eglise Reformee de Montpellier, p. 261.) The words in
italics were supplied with the pen.
“ Extract from the registers of new converts of the diocese of
MONTPELLIER.
“ The year 1685 and the 29 th day of the month of Septem¬
ber, Sieur .Pierre Restouble , fish-monger , aged 45 years or
thereabouts , residing in this town of Montpellier, after having
been sufficiently instructed, made abjuration of the heresy
REFUGEES FROM MONTPELLIER.
I 2 I
Abjuration, in multitudes of cases, was fob chap.vm
lowed as speedily as possible by flight. Many
persons, however, had avoided the snare of a
forced conversion, by a timely escape, and were
now beyond the reach of persecution. It is not
always easy to say to which of these two classes
our American refugees belonged. In the list of
religionists and new converts, whose goods were
seized, upon their departure from France, we
find the name of Pierre Monteils, an iron mer¬
chant of Montpellier, born in Canet, in the diocese
of Lodeve, in Languedoc. Before leaving his
home, with his wife Jeanne de Bosson, and one
of their daughters, Monteils made over his
property to his son-in-law, Noe Cazalet, also a
■merchant, who remained in that city, professedly
a “ nouveau converti.” His sincerity however
was suspected. Questioned by the priests with
reference to his conformity to the rules of the
Church, Cazalet answered that he had directed
his children to attend mass, but as for him¬
self, “it must come from God.” He gives
no evidence of Catholicity, adds his examiner.* 1
of Calvin, and public profession of the Catholic, Apostolic
and Roman religion, in the chapel of the seminary , at the
hand of Pierre Fressmaud, priest of the oratory , in the
presence of Brothers Andre Peraud and Clatide Gilles, who
have signed the original. Compared with the original by
me, secretary of my lord the bishop.
Sauvaire, of the oratory."
1 “ Fugitifs : Pierre Monteils, marchand de fer, sa femme
et une de ses dies. — Possesseur des biens : Le sieur Caza¬
let, pres la croix des Sevenols, paroisse Notre-Dame. —
Premiere note : “ II m’a repondu qu’il avail bailie ses en-
fants, qu’ils allaient a l’eglise, mais que pour lui il fallait
122
FLIGHT FROM LANGUEDOC.
Chap. VIII
1685.
Toulouse.
Monteils had taken refuge in London, where he
resided for a number of years. He came to New
York early in the eighteenth century,* 1 and was
accompanied or followed by Cazalet.2 3
Toulouse, the capital of the province, had been
noted since the early days of the Reformation in
France, for its bitter hostility to Protestantism.
Twice, in the course of the sixteenth century, the
streets of the city were stained with the blood
of many of the inhabitants, massacred as here¬
tics. In spite of its well-established character,
que cela vint de Dieu.” — Deuxieme note : “ II ne donne au-
cune marque de catholicite.” (Etat des biens des religion-
naires et nouveaux convertis sortis du royaume, situes dans
le diocese de Montpellier, qui doivent estre saisis.— Corbiere.
Histoire de l’eglise reformee de Montpellier, pp. 290, 525.)
1 Pierre Montels, a native of Canet, diocese de Lodeve,
married demoiselle Jeanne de Montels et de Bosson. He
had two daughters, Marie, who married Noe Cazalet, and
Marguerite, who married Franpois Besart, merchant, of
London. Montels fled to England, where he was naturalized,
January 5, 1688, and was living in the parish of St. Martin,
London, July 4, 1699, when he made the will which men¬
tions several of the foregoing particulars. Pierre and Mar¬
guerite Montels were sponsors at the baptism of Pierre, son
of Gabriel Montels, in the French Church, Swallow Street,
London, July 18, 1695. He came to New York and was
made free of that city, May 27, 1702, as “Peter Montels,
Gent.” He and his wife were members of the French
Church, New York, of which he was one of the “chefs de
famille,” in T704. By his will, proved January 20, 1707 ,
Montels left all his property, in France or elsewhere, to his
wife.— (Wills, New York, VII. 334.)
3 Noe Cazalet was made free of the city of New York,
August 22, 1709, and was chosen constable in 1710. Five
children of Noe Cazalet and Elizabeth Ony his wife — ap¬
parently by a second marriage — were baptized in the French
Church, New York, 1711-1717. Both were deceased in
1743-4, when letters of administration were granted to John
Cazalet. — (Wills, New York, XII. no, 147.)
REFUGEES FROM MONTPELLIER. 1 23
however, Toulouse was still the abode of a
number of Huguenots at the period of the Rev¬
ocation. Among those who took refuse in
America, was Vincent de Laymerie, son of Noe
de Laymerie, and Marie Elisabeth his wife.1
A few emigrants from Montpellier, with their
families, reached South Carolina. Joachim
Gaillard,2 Francois de Rousserie,3 and a “ Mon¬
sieur Brie,” are mentioned.4 The Garrieues
family of Pennsylvania are descended, it is be¬
lieved, from a brother of David Garric, who fled
like him from Montpellier, at the time of the
Revocation, and came to this country, where he
joined the Society of Friends.5
Castres, in Languedoc, one of the most im¬
portant of the towns of that province, had been
among the first to welcome the Reformed doc¬
trines. Its Protestant inhabitants were sub¬
jected for half a century to numberless vexatious
1 Naturalized in England, April 15, 1693, as de Lainerie j
and in New York, 1705, as de Laymerie. — (Book of Deeds,
Albany, New York, X., 151.)
2 “Joachim Gaillard, fils de Jean Gaillard, de Montpel¬
lier en Languedoc. Ester Gaillard, sa femme, fille de
Andre Paparel et Caterine Paparel, de Bouin en Foret.
Jean, Pierre, enfans du susdits.” — (Liste des Franyois et
Suisses refugiez en Caroline.) The French refugee in Bos¬
ton, 1 6 S 7 , wrote, “ M. Gaillard, que mon pere connoit, est
arrive avec toute sa famille en Caroline.”— (Relation d’ un
Franyois refugie a Boston.)
3 “ Franyois de Rousserie, ne a Montpellier, fils d’ Alex¬
andre De Rousserye, et de Marie Suranne.” — (Liste, etc.)
4 Relation d’ un Franyois refugie a Boston.
3 Another brother, it is said, fled to Germany, where the
name still exists, slightly modified, as Garrigue. This family
is represented by William H. and Samuel B. Garrigues, of
Philadelphia, Penn.
Chap. VIII
1681-
1686.
FLIGHT FROM LANGUEDOC.
I 24
chap. viii restrictions; yet, as late as the year 1670, they
1681- f°rmed a majority of the population. Near
Castres was the birth-place of John Paul Masca-
rene, lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia from
1 740 to 1749. He was descended from one of
the most ancient families of Languedoc.1 2 His
1 The family of Mascarene, or Mascarenc, as the name
seems then to have been written, attained considerable im¬
portance at Castres in the latter part of the sixteenth cen¬
tury. Jacques and Antoine Mascarenc, brothers, were
among the bravest Huguenots of that brave little city.
Jacques Mascarenc was one- of three Protestant soldiers
who, when Castres had fallen into the hands of the Roman
Catholics, undertook the perilous venture of endeavoring to
ascertain whether an entrance could be effected through the
grated vault of a mill adjoining the walls, and who brought
word back to their brethren that the project was practicable.
— (Memoires de Jacques Gaches, p. 146.) This occurred on
Sunday, July 5, 1573. The plan was discovered by the
enemy, and failed ; but about a year later (Monday, August
23> 1 5 74), a band of thirteen Huguenots succeeded in astill
more daring enterprise which resulted in the recovery of
Castres by the Protestants. “ It would be gross ingratitude
to thes^brave men,” says Gaches, p. 178, “were their names
to be concealed from posterity ; and I shall therefore com¬
mit them to paper that I may be the herald of their valour.”
Jacques and Antoine Mascarenc figure among the immor¬
tal thirteen, and seem to have fully equaled, if they did not
surpass, their associates in intrepidity. Raised to the dig¬
nity of captains, both of the brothers distinguished them¬
selves for the effective help they gave to the Protestant
cause. In 1581, Antoine was murdered in a time of peace ;
but his elder brother continued for many years to be a
trusted leader.
Beside Jacques and Antoine, there was another Masca¬
renc, a Huguenot, who, in 1580, was one of the consuls of
Angles (Memoires de Jacques Gaches, p. 271). He may
have been an ancestor of Paul Mascarene, who, as we learn
from his narrative, had some lands near that place.
The pedigree preserved by the descendants of Jean Mas¬
carene, in Massachusetts, is as follows :
Martin Mascarene, born 1535, married Elisabeth de Siton.
They had three sons, of whom Jean, bom 1550, died
JEAN MASCARENE.
125
father, Jean Mascarene, a devoted and an intel- Chap.vni
ligent member of the Reformed Church of l68l_
Castres, and a man of high legal attainments,
& ^ 7 l686.
was councilor in the Chamber of the Edict,
which still existed, though now united to the
parliament of Toulouse. Upon the approach of
the dragoons, in the summer of the year 1685,
Jean Mascarene removed with his wife, Mar¬
guerite de Salavy, who was then pregnant, to
his country house at Carrelle, near Angles,
six leagues from Castres. But hearing that
Angles was also to be given up to the soldiery,
he sought refuge in a peasant’s cottage on one
of the neighboring mountains. Here Jean Paul
was born, in October, 1685. So soon as the
child was weaned, he was carried to his grand¬
mother in Castres, with whom he lived until the
1 660, married Guilste Dimbert. Their son Jean married,
April 26, 1649, Louise de Balarand, born August '8, 1642,
died December 13, 1731. Jean died in 1682. Jean Mas¬
carene and Louise de Balarand had eleven children, eight of
whom died young. Jean, the eldest, born April 20, 1660,
died April 6, 1698. He married, August 4, 1684, Marguerite
de Salavy, and had one son, Jean raul, born October, 1685,
died January 15, 1760. Jacques, eighth child of Jean and
Marguerite, died in 1718. Cesar, youngest child of Jean
and Marguerite, married, in 1702, Elisabeth Termangen,
and died in 1730. They had two children, Henri, born in
1703, and Anne. Henri married Baudecour, and had two
daughters, Elisabeth and Anne. — New England Historical
and Genealogical Register, vol. IX., p. 239 : where the date
of Jean Paul’s birth is given incorrectly: compare vol.
XXXV., p. 223.
Arms of the Mascarene family: — “Argent, a Lion,
Rampant, Gules, with a chief azure charged with three
Mullets, and a Mullet of the same for crest.” — N. E. Hist,
and Gen. Register, vol. IX., p. 247.
1 26
FLIGHT FROM LANGUEDOC.
cr
chap. viii age of eleven. His parents remained concealed
1686. in their mountain retreat, until the following
February, when they made their way to Tou¬
louse, and embarked on the Garonne, for Agen,
hoping to remain there unnoticed for a while.
But the officer in command of the troops quar¬
tered upon the Protestants at Agen, was a
native of Castres ; and the fugitives, fearin^
discovery, again took passage on the Garonne,
this time for Bordeaux. Scarcely had they gone
on board the boat, however, when a lieutenant
accosted them, and asked them if they did not
profess the “ religion called Reformed.” Upon
receiving an affirmative answer, he ordered
them to follow him. They were conducted to
prison, and in due time were brought before the
criminal judge, at Castres, charged with a viola¬
tion of the king’s edict, that forbade his subjects
to depart from the kingdom. Mascarene made
his defense, modestly, but with great firmness.
Asked if it were not true that he had intended to
depart the kingdom, he replied that he “ loved
his country too well to leave it, unless forced to
do so.” Asked what was his object in going to
Bordeaux, he replied that he went because he
could not safely remain in Agen, and was in
hope that he might pass a few days there un¬
noticed and in quiet. Asked whether it were
true that when questioned by a gentleman as to
his willingness to change his religion, he had an¬
swered that he was convinced of the truth of his
religion, and hoped to be faithful to it all
his life, he not only admitted the fact, but told
CONDEMNED TO THE GALLEYS. 127
the judge that if he would take the trouble to chap, viii
put the same question to him, he would ever
make the same reply. This courageous confes¬
sion did not avail him. In April, 1686, with a
fellow-prisoner, Dupuy of Caraman, he was sen¬
tenced to the galleys for life. His property was
confiscated, and a fine of three thousand livres
was imposed upon him. He calmly made his
appeal to the Parliament of Toulouse, and as he
left the court, said, “ My God abandoned every¬
thing for my sake, and expired upon the cross.
It is right that I should make for Him the small
sacrifice to which I am condemned. I am per¬
suaded that He will never forsake me, so long
as I remain faithful to Him.”
Mascarene’s imprisonment lasted for upwards
of two years. On the 7th of May, 1687, he
had a hearing before the Chamber of Parliament
in which he had himself been councilor. “ The
humiliating posture in which he was placed — the
chains on his legs, the presence of fourteen
judges — did not in the least dismay him. He
maintained an admirable firmness and composure
of mind, heard all his judges, answered each
of them without the slightest discomposure : de¬
fended himself with singular ability, and even
obtained from the court permission to interro¬
gate one of the judges who had put a question
to him — a thing quite unprecedented.” At the
close of the trial, he was asked whether he still
persisted in his belief. He replied, “Yes, I am
ready to follow my God whithersoever He may
please to call me. He gave up everything for
128 FLIGHT FROM LANGUEDOC.
chap, viii me ; it is but just that I should give up every-
1686- thing for Him.” He was remanded to the prison
1688 t^ie “ Conciergerie,” and a few days later, was
removed to that of the Hotel de Ville. This
was usually done in the case of criminals
destined for execution, and Mascarene con-
' eluded that the end of all his troubles was at
hand. But as time passed on, and no notice
to this effect reached him, he took courage,
and made every effort to secure a vindication
of his rights, but all in vain. At length,
early one morning in April, 1688, an officer
came into his cell, and ordered him to rise
immediately. Not doubting that his last mo¬
ment had come, he answered, “ Give me time
to say my prayers, and I shall be ready to go
where God may call me.” Half an hour later,
the officer returned, and having blindfolded him,
led him out, and placed him in a sedan chair,
seating himself at his side. He was then car-
<x>
ried to the frontier, set at liberty, and com¬
manded in the king’s name never to re-enter the
kingdom. He thanked the officer for the care
he had taken of him, but told him it was
scarcely worth while to detain him two years,
and finally to carry him whither he desired to
go ; adding-, that he took comfort under all his
sufferings, as he looked upon them as nothing
in comparison with the glory which was to be re¬
vealed, and which he firmly believed that he would
enjoy. He reached Geneva on the 10th day of
April, “ having nothing but what he carried on
his back.” His mother sent him from time to
A HEROIC CONFESSOR. 1 29
time such assistance as she could. He lived for chap.vm
ten years after his release, and died in Utrecht I(Ug
on the 6th of April, 1698, aged thirty-eight 9
- years.
Jean Mascarene was a heroic confessor of the
Reformed faith. Several interesting memorials
of him have been preserved by his descendants.
They will be found in the appendix to this
volume. Some of the sentences which he ad¬
dressed while in prison to the lawyer whom he
requested to plead his cause, show us the man.
“ Although my religion passes for a crime,
and I well know that but for my religion I
should not be in my present position, I make
bold to justify this so-called crime, and choose
rather to be the criminal that I am, than to
recover all I have lost.
“ All discussion apart, I am persuaded of the
truth of my religion ; my conscience refuses
that which is offered me, and I have an uncon¬
trollable aversion to hypocrisy.
“ ^ is my opinion that all that can bring us to
embrace any religion is the knowledge we have
of God and of what He has done for us, the
love and gratitude we feel toward Him, our
recognition of the truth, and our love of it, our
fear of infinite and eternal misery, and our hope
of perfect and eternal happiness.
“ I am resolved to use all the influence of my
friends and connections, all that I can claim of
them, and all that is left to me, to make good
my defense, leaving the issue to the will of God.
If I must suffer, I shall suffer more patiently,
Chap. VIII
1696.
130 FLIGHT FROM LANGUEDOC.
knowing that I have not to blame myself for
neglect in any respect. To my thinking, it is as
much a man’s duty to sacrifice his possessions in
order to save his life, as it is to sacrifice both
life and possessions to save his soul.”
Meanwhile, the son, Jean Paul, had been
brought up in Castres, under the care of his
grandmother, Louise de Balarand, and of his
uncle Cesar Mascarene. When he had entered
his twelfth year, it was decided, at his father’s
urgent request, to send him to Geneva. Accord¬
ingly, in the latter part of November, 1696, the
uncle set forth, accompanied by a trusty servant,
and by jean Paul, disguised as a page in green
livery. The three took the road to Lyons, de¬
signing to cross the Rhone at a village named
Seiffel, instead of passing over the bridge at St.
Esprit. They found a boatman just about to
loose from the shore, carrying a load of hay to
the other side of the river. The boatman con¬
sented to take Paul and his portmanteau on
board ; but the uncle and groom were obliged
to remain behind. Paul, “with all the resolu¬
tion of a man of twenty-four,” took off his green
livery and donned a sailor’s costume. His
portmanteau was stowed away in the hay ; and
after parting with his friends, he took the oar,
and crossed the Rhone in safety. He reached
Geneva on the 14th of December, 1696. He
was there placed under the care of M. de Rapin,
who superintended his education. After some
years he went to England, where he was nat¬
uralized in 1706. He entered the army, obtain-
THE PROTESTANTS OF NISMES. l 21
o
mg a lieutenant’s commission, and after a lono-
career of efficient and distinguished military
service, retired to private life, spending his last
years in Boston, Massachusetts.1
. AmonS the Protestants of Castres, imprisoned
m l6f7 on acc°unt of their religion, and subse-
quently transported to the French West Indies
was Susanne de la Vabre. This was the name
of the wife of Paid Droilhet, one of the first
Flders of the French Church in New York.
Nlsnies’ 111 Languedoc, long a Protestant city,
was still the abode of a large Protestant popu¬
lation, at the time of the Revocation. About
two hundred persons succeeded in making their
escape, before the coming of the dragoons. Many
more, when . they learned that the troops had
actually arrived, prepared at once for flight.
Hastily removing their furniture from their
houses, they piled it up in the streets, and offered
it for sale to any who would purchase. But the
authorities of the town instantly published a de¬
cree, forbidding all persons to buy the goods of
the heretics, upon pain of fine and imprison¬
ment. Learning this, the unfortunate Hugue¬
nots abandoned their property, and rushed to
the city gates, intent upon flight, though utterly
destitute, and not knowing whither to turn their
steps. Here, however, they were met by dra¬
goons, who sternly forced them back. Com-
Chap. VIII
1681-
1686.
’ Some of the particulars in the above account have been
gathered from statements made by a relative, in a letter
written in 1763 to the grandson of Jean Mascarene.
i32
FLIGHT FROM LANGUEDOC.
chap, viii pelled to return to their dwellings, and there
~6 await the coming of their merciless tormentors,
they yielded at last. Within a week, four
thousand were led into one of the largest
churches, to make their public abjuration ; and
the Duke of Noailles, who conducted the drag-
onnade, wrote to Louvois, the King’s prime
minister, “ The persons of chief importance in
Nismes made their abjuration, the day after
my arrival ; subsequently, there came a slacken¬
ing ; but by means of the quartering which I
ordered in the case of the most obstinate ones,
matters have got well under way again. The
number of religionists in this province is two
hundred and forty thousand. I think that by
the end of the month all will be expedited.”
Louis Bongrand, merchant, “born at Nismes
in the lower Languedoc within ye Realm of
F ranee,” was one of the first settlers of New
Rochelle, Westchester county, New York.1
Louis Liron, another fugitive from the same
city, established himself in trade at Milford,
Connecticut.2 Jean Aunant, of Nismes, fled to
1 He was naturalized in New York, September 27, 1687,
and bought lands in New Rochelle of Jacob Leisler, May
2r, 1690, but sold them three years later, reserving a plot
which he gave to the inhabitants for a church-yard. He
married Mary Van Bursum, by license dated November 8,
1695. Appointed constable of the North Ward in the city
of New York, October 14, 1696, he prayed to be excused
from serving, “ being above 60 years of age, and not under¬
standing the language.” He was one of the “chefs de fam-
ille ” of the French Church in 1704, and at his death in
1709 left _£\o to the poor of that Church.
2 Denization was granted in New York, October 28, 1696,
REFUGEES FROM NISMES.
133
South Carolina.* 1 The family of Says2 came at chap.vm
an early day to Delaware; that of Imbert,3 to ^
Pennsylvania and Virginia. Jean Courdil, a
native of Nismes, was a Protestant minister, 1
officiating in the house of the sieur La Cassaarne.
near that city. In 1683, he went to London,
took orders in the Established Church, and was
appointed to a charge in St. Paul’s Cathedral.
Three years later,, he came to New York, where
he remained until the summer of 1689. On his
way back to England in a British ship, he was
taken prisoner, with three other French Prot¬
estants, and carried into the harbor of Nantes.
After lying two months in prison, Courdil was
to ‘ Leuwis Lyron, a French Protestant.” He was natu¬
ralized, September 9, 1698. He was associated in business
with Bongrand. His tombstone in Milford, Connecticut,
bears the inscription, “ Mr. Louis Liron Merchant Departed
this life ye 18, Sept. 1738 In ye 88 year of his Age.” By
his will, dated October 9, 1736, he left £200 to the French
Church in Boston, and A"100 t0 French Church in New
Rochelle, “ whereof Mons. Mulinor is or lately was the
pastor or minister.” Liron left no children. He married,
late in life, the widow of Alexander Bryan, but she is not
named in his will, and doubtless died before him.
1 “ Jean Aunant, natif de Nisme, fils de Jean Aunant et
de Sibelle Dumas ; et sa famme Marie Soyer.” — (Liste des
Franpois et Suisses Refugiez en Caroline.) “JeanAunan,
marchand de soye, et famille.” — (Liste de refugies nimois en
1686. Bulletin de la soc. de l’hist. du prot. franp, XIV,, p.
260.)
2 Richard Seays, a Huguenot settler of Delaware. — (Early
History of Delaware, and of the Drawyers Congregation,
by Rev. George Foot.) Louis Says, marchand. — (Liste de
refugies nimois.)
3 Andrew Imbert promised obedience to the government
of Pennsylvania, July ro, 16S3. Imbert, one of the set¬
tlers of Manakintown, Virginia, 1699. Jean Imbert, refu-
gie nimois. — (Ibid.)
i34
FLIGHT FROM LANGUEDOC.
chap, viii placed on board a vessel bound for Copenhagen.
1681- One of his companions, who like himself had
i686 left France before the Revocation, was permitted
to return to his home, on condition of becoming
converted. The other two, having fled since
the Revocation, were condemned to the galleys.1
There were other emigrants, from smaller
places in Languedoc. Jacques Du Bose was a
native of Saint Ambroix ;2 Jean Guibal, of Saint
Andre de Valborgne;3 Moi'se Carion, of
Faugeres. These refugees settled in South
Carolina. Jean Balaguier, of New Jer¬
sey, was probably from Puylaurens.4 Guil¬
laume Barbut, of Boston, and subsequently
of Rhode Island, was a native of this province.5 6
1 Essai sur l’histoire des eglises reformees de Bretagne,
I535_I^°^- Par Vaurigaud. T. III., pp. 152-154. —
“ Courdil Ministre ” officiated at the baptism of a child in
the French Church, New York, April 25, 1689. — (Records.)
He had come to New York “pour y voir des Franpois de
ses amis.” — (Vaurigaud.) The consistory of the French
Church in Threadneedle Street ordered the treasurer, June
24, 1694, to give twenty shillings to supply the necessities
of M. Courdil, Ministre.
2 “ Jacques Du Bose, ne a St. Ambroise en Languedoc, fils
d’Andre DuBosc, et Marie Le Stoade. Marie Dugue, sa
femme, Marie, leur fille, nee en Caroline.” — (Listedes Fran¬
pois et Suisses refugiez en Caroline.)
3 “ Jean Guibal, fils de Henry Guibal et de Claude Guibal
de St. Andre de Val [borgne] en Languedoc. Ester Guibal,
sa femme, fille d’Andre Paparel et Caterine Paparel, de
Bouin en Forest.” — (Liste, etc.)
4 Jean Ballaguier, a French settler of New Jersey, lived in
1716, “within one mile of Burlington.” — (Memoirs of a
Huguenot Family : Journal of John Fontaine. P. 301.)
“Jean, fils de Barthelemy Balaguiers, ministre de cette
eglise,” was baptized in the French “temple,” Soho, London,
January 30, 1692.
6 Several of this name — all from Languedoc — are men-
PERSECUTION IN GUYENNE.
135
Jacques Gautier, “supposed to have descended Chap. viii
from a noble family of that name, formerly of
Languedoc, emigrated to this country shortly
after the Revocation,” and settled in the city of
New York.* 1 Jean Pierre Richard, and Marthe
Pont, his wife, both of Languedoc, were mem¬
bers of the French Church in New York in
1692. 2
Guyenne, the camping-ground of the Hugue¬
not armies, the stronghold of Henry of Navarre,
had witnessed many scenes of bloodshed during
the civil wars of the sixteenth century, and after
the close of the last war of religion, in the reign
of Louis XIII. But never before had military
force been employed to inflict so cruel a blow
upon the unfortunate Protestants of this province
as now befell them, after sixty years of peace,
when the soldiery of Louis XIV. came into
their towns and villages to drive them into the
Roman fold. It was true that in Guyenne, as in
other provinces, this blow had been preceded by
tioned in La France Protestante s. v. William Barbut, natu¬
ralized in England, January 31, 1690, was admitted into the
Colony of Massachusetts, February 1, 1691. He joined the
settlement in Narragansett, but went to Boston after its dis¬
solution, and was an Elder of the French Church in that
city in 1696. He returned to Rhode Island about the year
1700.
1 New York Gen. and Biog. Record. III. Pp. 1-9.
2 Records of the French Church, New York.
Jacques Jerauld was of this province. His parents were
silk weavers, but the son — one of twenty-one children — had
begun the study of medicine, when the Revocation occurred.
On his voyage to America, he formed the acquaintance of a
family of refugees, the youngest daughter of which, Martha
FLIGHT FROM GUYENNE.
136
chap, vm many significant measures aimed at the destruc-
1661- ti°n °f the Reformed religion. “ Long muttered
the thunder, before the lightning- struck.” It
1686. , . . . 6 . s . .
was in this province that the quartering 01
troops upon Protestant families in a time of
peace, was first resorted to, in the year 1661, at
Montauban, when, upon some slight pretext, that
Protestant town was occupied during four
months by a force of five thousand men, distrib¬
uted in the homes of the inhabitants, for the
purpose of compelling their conversion. Already,
the Calvinispc worship had been suppressed in
many places of the province, where not a single
Roman Catholic was known to exist. One by
one, the churches were closed. The Protestant
academy of Montauban, founded in 1599, was
first weakened, by transfer to another town, and
finally abolished, in March, 1685. Under multi¬
plying vexations and injuries, the Huguenots
continued pacific and loyal. With their prover¬
bial patience, they submitted, and waited, praying
and hoping for better times. No province had *
proved itself more true to the government of
France. When, upon the accession of Louis
XIV. to the throne, the prince of Conde raised
the standard of rebellion, the Protestants of
Guyenne, his own province, refused to join him,
and sent reenforcements to the royal army.
Dupee (Du Tay ?), he afterwards married. Jerauld settled
in Medfield, Massachusetts, as a physician, and died at an
advanced age in the year 1760. His son, Doctor Dutee
(Du Tay) Jerauld, practiced medicine in East Greenwich,
Rhode Island, where he died in 1813, aged ninety-one.
THE DRAGONNADES IN GUYENNE. 137
“ The crown was tottering upon the king’s chap.vm
head,” said the royal minister in 1651, to the l6si
deputies of Montauban. “ It is you that have
steadied it.” Loyal still, with the same sub¬
missiveness, and the same wonderful patience,
the persecuted Huguenots now bore the ex-
tremest severities. Forced to see their “tem¬
ples” destroyed, the homeless congregations
gathered around the ministers, who continued
to preach amidst the ruins of these sanctuaries,
until arrested and imprisoned for this offense ;
and then, quietly, in their dwellings, or in some
secret place of assembly in the forests or the
mountains, they endeavored to maintain the
worship of God according to the dictates of their
consciences.
Yet the dragonnades were not less effective in 1685
Guyenne than in the provinces of the west and
the north. “ Sixty thousand conversions ! ” wrote
Louvois, the royal minister. “ Sixty thousand
in the district of Bordeaux, and twenty thousand
in that of Montauban'. Such is the rapidity of
the work, that by the end of this month there
will not remain ten thousand religionists in the
district of Bordeaux, where in the middle of last
month there were a hundred and fifty thousand.”
These wholesale conversions were procured, as
usual, through the terror that was inspired by
the very approach and appearance of the
dreaded troops ; or under the brutalities that
they were licensed to commit, in the homes of
those who did not yield at once to the command
to abjure their faith.
FLIGHT FROM GUYENNE.
138
chap. viii We have no account of the circumstances in
1681- which the refugees from Guyenne who reached
1686. America made their escape. I he names that
have come down to us represent, we may be
confident, but a small portion of the emigration
from this province. Several of the settlers
in South Carolina were of this number. Jean
Boyd fled with his family from Bordeaux.1
Pierre La Salle was of the same city.2 Jean
Pecontal was a native of Caussade.3 Among
those who came to New York, were Henri de
Money,4 Jean Bouyer,5 and Josue Lasseur,6 of
Bordeaux; Denis Lambert,7 of Bergerac; Jean
1 His three sons, Jacques, Jean, and Gabriel, were born
in that city. Three other children, Jeanne Elizabeth,
Jacques and Jean Auguste, were born in Carolina, where
the father died before 1696. His widow was Jeanne Ber-
chaud, a native of La Rochelle.— (Liste des Franpois et
Suisses refugiez en Caroline.)
Pieire La Salle, ne a Bordeaux, fils de Charles La
Salle, et de Suzanne Hugla. Elizabeth Messett, sa femme,
Pierre et Elizabeth, leurs enfans nez en Caroline.” — (Ibid.)
Jean Pecontal, ne a Cossade en Languedoc , fils de Jean
Pecontal, et d’Anne Nonnelle.”— (Ibid). Caussade is, how¬
ever, within the limits of Guyenne.
Henry Monye, van Bordeaux,” was married in the
Dutch Church, New York, April 25, 1701, to Marianne
Grasset. Four children of Henry and Marianne de Money
were baptized in the French Church, 1702-1719. In 1721,
he was engaged in business in Elizabethtown, New Jersey. ’
5 “Jean Bouyer, de Bourdeaux,” was married, November
12, 1693, in the French Church, New York, to Madeleine
Sauzeau, de Marennes.
6 Letters of administration on the property of Josue Las¬
seur, of Bordeaux, France, were granted in New York in
1684, to Gabriel Minvielle.
7 “Denis Lambert, natif de Bergerac en France, decede
Mardy 29 Septembre, enterre 1 Octobre, 1691.”— (Records
JEAN BARBARIE. 139
Jacques Fouchard,* 1 of Duras ; Isaac de la Garde,2
of La Roche Chalais, in Perigord, and Jeremie
Latouche, of Villeneuve.3
Jean Barbarie, one of the principal refugees in
New York, was also, it is believed, a native of
Guyenne.4
of the French Church, New York.) His widow, Franqoise
Brinqueman, married Jean Barbarie.
1 “ Jean Jacques Fouchart, natif de Duras en Agenois, fils
de feu Simon Fouchart, et feue Suzanne Roche,” was mar¬
ried, October 31, 1688, in the French Church, Threadneedle
Street, London, to Suzanne Noger, also a native of Duras.
John James Fouchard, victualer, was made free of the city
of New York, May 2, 1704, and was elected constable, Octo¬
ber 15, 1705. His will, signed June 14, 1723, proved
August 25, 1724, mentions his son Jacob, and two daughters,
Marie, wife of “one Mr. Williams, Deptford, Great Britain,”
and another Marie in New York. — (Wills, N. Y., IX., 488.)
3 “ Isaac de Lagarde, son of Abraham Delagarde by Mary,
his wife, born at Laroche Chaylay in Perigord,” petitioned
for denization in New York, and was naturalized by act
passed in the twelfth year of King William III. — (Book of
Deeds, Albany, N. Y.)
3 “ Jeremie, fils de Isaac Latouche, fils de deffunt Pierre
Latouche, demeurant a Villeneuve de puichegru en Agenois
du Guyenne,” was baptized in the French Church, Bristol,
England, June 9, 1694. Jeremie Latouche, merchant of
New York, and Jeanne Soumain his wife, had three children
baptized in the French Church in that city, 1724-1738. He
was chosen “ancien et diacre ” for one year in 1740.
4 Jean Barbarie, naturalized in England, January 5, 1688,
with his two sons Pierre and Jean Pierre, came to New
York in the spring of that year, and from the first took a
prominent place in the community. He was an enterprising
merchant, and at the same time was active in political affairs.
He was apparently the principal founder of the French
Church in New York, which dates from the year of his
arrival, and of which he was Elder and Treasurer. He
married Marie Brinqueman, widow of Denis Lambert and
niece of Gabriel Minvielle. His son Pierre married Susanne
Lambert, and connected himself with Trinity Church, New
York, of which he was a vestryman and a warden. He
Chap. VIII
1681-
1686.
140
FLIGHT FROM GUYENNE.
Chap. VIII
1681-
1686.
Gabriel Minvielle, of Bordeaux, had preceded
these emigrants by several years. At the time
of the Revocation, he was one of the most pros¬
perous merchants of the city. His term of
office as mayor of New York had just expired,
and he was succeeded in that ofifice by another
Huguenot, Nicholas Bayard.* 1
Of the settlers of New Rochelle, several
were natives of Guyenne. Jean Magnon 2
owned valuable lands, both in the city of New York and
elsewhere in the province. The name of ‘‘ Barbarie’s Gar¬
den ” was long familiar to the inhabitants of New York.
1 Gabriel Minvielle, of Bordeaux, went to Amsterdam as
early as the year 1669, and came to New York in 1673, or
before. He was chosen alderman in 1675, and mayor in
1684. He held many important trusts, and was one of the
representative men of the province. He was a member of
the council under four of the governors. He married Judith
Van Beeck, August 5, 1674, in the Dutch Church, New
York. The wife named in his will, was Susanna. Minvielle
lived “ in the broad way next to Balthus Bayard.” He left
no children. His will mentions four children of his deceased
brother, Bierre Minvielle: — Isabeau, Jean Jacques, Jane, and
David : — and the children of a daughter of his sister, Marie
Minvielle, who had married one Brinqueman. Jean Jacques
Minvielle, made free of the city of New York, May 27, 1702,
married Susanne Papin, December 28, 1702, and had two
children baptized in the French Church, New York — Jacques,
born November 1, 1705, and David, born August 16, 1707.
2 “ Jean Magnon, tailleur d’habits, demeurant cy devant
a Tonneins en Guyenne, fils de feu Jacques Magnon et
Judith Herbe,” was married, February 4, 1695, in the French
Church, Bristol, England, to Claude, daughter of Elie
Badeau. Their son Jean was baptized in that Church, July
25, 1697. John Magnon, “ taylor,” came to New York that
year or the following year, and was made free of the city,
May 15, 1705. He had two children baptized in the French
Church : Elie, October 23, 1698, and Marie, February 4,
1700. He was one of the “ chefs de famille ” in 1704. In
1707 he had removed to New Rochelle, N. Y., where the
name became “ Mannion.”
ABRAHAM TOURTELLOT. H*
came from Tonneins ; and Pierre Villeponteux chapwm
and Jeanne Rivasson his wife, from the neigh- l66l_
borhood of Bergerac.1 Abraham T. ourtellot, a jggg
native of Bordeaux, came to this country with
Gabriel Bernon, and settled in Rhode Island.2
Philip Salue, of Bordeaux, had been educated
for the Protestant ministry ; but forced to flee
from France at the time of the Revocation,
came to America, and settled first in Eclgar-
1 Pierre Villeponteux was naturalized in England, March
5 1691. He bought the lands of David de Bonnefoy in
New Rochelle. He had trouble in 1701 and 1702 with the
sheriffs of Westchester county, and was for some reason
deposed from the Eldership of the French Church, New
Rochelle, by pasteur Bondet, against whom he made com¬
plaint to the governor. After this, he disappears from
view. Rivasson and Villemonteix— perhaps a clerical
mistake for Villeponteix— were both names of Protestants
persecuted in Bergerac and its vicinity.
2 Abraham Tourtellot came to Boston in the autumn of
the year 1687, on the ship Friendship, of Boston, John Ware,
commander. Benjamin Tourtellot, probably his brother,
embarked with him, but died at sea, September 25, 1687.
Abraham was a widower, with three children, Jacques
Thomas, Jacques Moise, and Jean. — (Act of naturalization.)
He married Marie, daughter of Gabriel Bernon. (So stated
in deed executed June r, 1699. Suffolk Deeds, Boston, lib.
XIX. fob 179.) He joined the Narragansett colony, and
after its dissolution removed to Roxbury, Massachusetts,
where two of his children were born : Gabriel, September 24,
1694, and Esther, June 12, 1696. He removed with Bernon,
his father-in-law, to Newport, Rhode Island. It is said that
he sailed from that place as master of a vessel, with his
eldest son, and that both were lost at sea— (Memoir con¬
cerning the French Settlements in the Colony of Rhode
Island, by Elisha R. Potter, pp. 118-121.) The descendants
of Abraham Tourtellot and Marie Bernon are numerous
The family tradition that the emigrant’s name was Gabriel
is erroneous.
142
FLIGHT FROM GUYENNE.
chap^vm town, and afterwards in Harwich, Massachusetts.1
1681- Jean Chabot, one of the members of the French
1686. Church in Boston, before the year 1700, was
probably of Bergerac.2 From Montauban came
Antoine Trabue, one of the French settlers on
the James river, in Virginia ; 3 Francois Benech,4
1 Information from T. G. Sellew, Esq., New York.
“ Chabot ; famille influente de Languedoc, qui embrassa
les doctrines de la Reforme aussitot qu’elles s’introduisirent
dans cette province.” — (La France Protestante.) Bernard
Chabot, de Bergerac, married Anne Ouradour, in the French
Church, London, May 16, 1690.
3 Antoine Trabue died in Manakintown, Virginia, in
January, 1724, aged fifty-six or fifty-seven years. A family
of this name still exists in Montauban.
Daniel Trabue, a grandson of the refugee, (born March
31, 1760, died in 1840,) has left a “memorandum” of his
family history, in which the following statement occurs :
“ My grandfather, Anthony Trabue, fled from France in
the year of our Lord, 1687, at the time of a bloody persecu¬
tion against the dissenters by the Roman Catholics. The law
against the dissenters was very rigid at that time. Whoever
was known to be one, or even suspected, if he would not
swear to suit the priest, his life and estate were forfeited,
and [he was] put to the most shameful and cruel torture and
death. And worse than all, they would not let any move
from the kingdom. Guards and troops were stationed all
over the kingdom, to stop and catch any that might run
away. _ At every place where they would expect those per¬
sons might pass, there were guards fixed, and companies of
inquisitors, and patrols going on every road and every other
place, hunting for these heretics, as they called them ; and
where there was one who made his escape, perhaps there
were hundreds put to the most shameful torture and death.
“ When the decree was first passed, a number of the peo¬
ple thought it would not be put in execution so very hast¬
ily ; but the priests, friars and inquisitors were very intent
for their estates, and they rushed quick.
“I understood that my grandfather, Anthony Trabue,
had an estate, but concluded he would leave it if he could
possibly make his escape. He was a very young man, and
he and another young man took a cart, and loaded it ’with
THE AYDELOTTS.
H3
Isaac Garrison,* 1 2 and David Minvielle, nephew ciiap.vm
of Gabriel.3 Thomas Lanier, “a Huguenot,”
of Bordeaux, France, who was driven out of that ]6g6
country by religious persecution, went to Vir¬
ginia, some years before the Revocation.4 The
Aydelott family, of Delaware, originated like¬
wise in Guyenne.5 6
wine, and went on to sell it to the furthermost guard : and
when night came, they left their horses and cart, and made
their escape to an English ship, which took them on board,
and they went over to England, leaving their estates, native
country, relations, and every thing, for the sake of Jesus
who died for them.” — (Communicated to the Richmond
Standard, May 10, 1879, by R. A. Brock, Esq., Secretary of
the Virginia Historical Society.)
1 Franpois Benech, a member of the French Church, New
York, in 1698. Antoine Benech, fugitif de Montauban.
— (Archives Nationales, Tt. N°. 445.)
2 Isaac Garrison, son of Isaac Garrison and Catharine de
Romagnac. His wife was Jeanne. Naturalized in New
York, 1705. — (Book of Deeds, Albany, N. Y., X., 151.)
3 David Minvielle, son of Peter Minvielle and Paul his
wife, born at Montauban, was naturalized in New York,
1705. — (Book of Deeds, u. s.) He came to America after
the death of his uncle Gabriel, (see above,) and married
Susanne Boudinot. Six children of David and Susanne
Minvielle were baptized in the French Church, 1711-1721.
4 Sketch of the Life of J. F. D. Lanier. New York :
] 87 r.
6 “ It is the tradition of the family that the Aydelotts are
all of Huguenot origin. They settled in what is now the
State of Delaware, at Indian River, Sussex county. They
are still numerous there, but many years since, they spread
south and west, into Maryland, Virginia, Ohio, Indiana,
Illinois and Kentucky.” — Letter from the late Reverend B.
P. Aydelott, D.D., Cincinnati, Ohio. — The name is that of
a Huguenot family that fled to England after the Revoca¬
tion. “ Isaac Aydelot, de Mauvoisin en haute Guiesnes,”
married Martha Bonnefous, October 30, 1688, in the French
Chapel of the Savoy, London.
144
FLIGHT FROM GUYENNE.
Chap. VIII
1681—
1686.
Several of the pastors, who at an early day
accompanied the refugees to America, or fol¬
lowed them, were from this province, and from
the adjoining Comte de Foix. William Gilet,
the ancestor of the Gillette family in America,
is believed to have come from the town of Ber¬
gerac, whence “ in consequence of his contin¬
uing to preach the Gospel, he was banished ; his
property was confiscated, and his life exposed
to imminent danger.” He settled in Milford, Con¬
necticut.1 Louis Latane went in the year 1701 to
Virginia, and was for more than thirty years min¬
ister of South Farnham parish in that province.2
1 Gilet was a Bergerac name. “Jacclues Gilet, de Ber-
geraq, ministre,” was married to Jeanne Mestre, October
11, 1701, in the French Church, Crispin Street, Spitalfields,
London. “ Elie Gillet, de Bergerac,” living in Ireland, re¬
ceived aid from the Royal Bounty in 1705. — In America,
the family has been noted for the large number of min¬
isters, of different religious bodies, that it has produced.
William, mentioned above, was married, November 14, 1722,
in Milford, Connecticut, to Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas
Welch. He early commenced the practice of medicine ;
and after acquiring sufficient knowledge of the language, re¬
sumed his labors as a minister also. He lived to the age of
ninety-two. He was distinguished for his zeal and self-
denial, and for his eccentricity also. Elisha, his son, a de¬
voted minister, born in Milford, August 17, 1733, spent the
greater part of his career on Long Island. He died near
Patchogue, in 1820. — (Annals of the American Pulpit, by
Wm. B. Sprague, D.D. Vol. VI., p. 719.)
2 “ Petrus Lataneus Neracensis,” was matriculated at the
Academie de Geneve, November 22, 1605. Isaac Latane,
pastor of sundry churches in l’Agenais, asked permission to
leave France upon the Revocation. The reply was, “ Comrae
c’est un homme fort considere et de beaucoup d’esprit, il
vaut mieux le laisser en prison , que de permettre son expatri¬
ation.” — (Bulletin de la soc. de l’hist. du prot. framp., III.,
145
CAIRON AND LABORIE.
* o. I in Guyenne,
escaped to Switzerland at the time of the Revo¬
cation. After spending some years in the Pays
de Vaud, he came to America, and in 1714 was
pastor of the French colony of Manakintown.1
Jacques Laborie, of Cardaillac, pursued the
study of theology in the academy of Geneva.
Upon completing it he went to Zurich, where
he was ordained to the holy ministry. He “ar¬
rived in England at the time of King William’s
Coronation, and ten years later removed to
Massachusetts.2 His wife was Jeanne de Res-
P- 499-) He escaped, however, to Holland. Daniel Latane
ned to England.
Louis Latane, the refugee in America, took Episcopal
orders while m England, and came in 1701 to Virginia. He
became the minister of South Farnham parish, Essex county,
and continued in office until his death in 1732. He was a
man of blameless life and devoted to the work of the minis¬
try— (The Huguenots ; or, Reformed French Church. By
W. H. Foote, D.D. Pp. 572-574.) A number of Mr. Latane’s
descendants are now living in Essex county.
Jean Cairon, ne a Figeac, ci-devant ministre de Cajarc
dans, la Haute Guyenne,” was one of the French pastors
who m 1688 had taken refuge in Zurich. In 1714 lie was
minister of the French settlement on the James river,
Virginia. He was then a widower, with three sons. — (Liste
generalle de tons les Francois Protestants Refugies, Etablys
dans la Paroisse du Roy Guillaume, Comte d’Henrico.)
Jacobus Laborie Cardailhacensis apud Cadurcos,”
completed the study of theology in the Academy of Geneva,
March 12, 1688. — (Livre du Recteur.) He was ordained in
Zurich, October 30, 1688, and went to England, where he
obtained a license from the Bishop of London, for teaching
grammar and catechising in the parish of Stepney. He
officiated in several of the French churches of London for
nine or ten years, and then, in 1698, came to America.
After ministering for some time to the French colony in
New Oxford, Massachusetts, and laboring as a missionary
Chap. VIII
1681-
1686.
146 FLIGHT FROM COMTE DE FOIX.
vm siguier. About the same time with Labone,
came Alexandre de Ressiguier— perhaps a rela-
tive_from the little village of Trescleoux, in
Dauphiny. His name appears in 1696, in the
list of the principal silk manufacturers employed
by the “ compagnie royale des lustrez in
London. His son Alexander settled in the town
of Norwalk, Connecticut.1
From the small county of Foix, in the ex¬
treme south of the kingdom, bordering on the
Pyrenees, came one of the most devoted Hugue¬
not pastors in America. Pierre Peyret was the
Grandson and the namesake of a Piotestant
among the savages in the vicinity, he went to New York and
took charge of the French Church in that city, as Peiret s
successor, for two years, October 15, i7°4, *° August 25,
1706. After this, he engaged in the practice of medicine and
surgery, and as early as the year 1716 settled m Fairfield
county, Connecticut, as a physician, occasionally assisting
the Church of England missionary. Fie married a second
wife, Abigail Blacklach, August 29, 1716, and died in or
before 1731, leaving two sons, James and John, both of
whom embraced the medical profession.
1 “Alexander Resseguie and his wife, Huguenot refugees,
had two sons. The elder was educated with a view to. his
return to France to claim the family possessions, the titles
to which had been preserved by Alexander : but as he was
about to sail from New York, he was seized with the small¬
pox, and died. The younger son, Alexander, purchased
land in the town of Norwalk, Connecticut, in 1709, and in
the same year married Sara, daughter of Peter Bontecou, of
New York. The family flourished for many years in Nor¬
walk and the adjoining towns, but is now represented m
that region only by Mr. Abijah Ressiguie and lus daughter,
of Ridgefield. Mr. Ressiguie is ninety-two years old, a
warden of the Episcopal Church, and held in high esteem.
Many of the name are to be found in the interior of the
State of New York.”- — (Communicated by John E. Morris,
Esq., Hartford, Connecticut.)
PIERRE PEIRET
I4;
officei, who distinguished himself by his bravery chap.vm
in the siege of Mas d’Azil. He married Mar- 1^_
guei ite de Gi enter la Tour, des Verriers de
Gabre. “ Driven from France on account of l686'
religion,” Peiret “preached the Word of God
for seventeen years” in the French Church of
the city of New York, “living as he preached,”
until his death, on the first day of September,
in the year 1704.1
The accounts of the London committee for
the distribution of a sum of twelve thousand
pounds sterling, granted by the queen to poor
French Refugees, mention among extraordi¬
nary cases relieved in the year 1705, that of
“ Marguerite Peyret, of Bearn, widow of a
minister deceased in New York, where she now
is, with two children : twelve pounds.” 2
The remains of this excellent minister lie in Trinity
church-yard, in the city of New York. His tomb bears the
following French and Latin inscription :
Ci-git-le-reverent-Mr Pierre- Peirete-
M : D-St. Ev-qui-chasse-de-France pour
la-religion-a preche-la-parole-de-Dieu-
dans-l’Eglise- F rancoise-de-cette-ville-
pendant-environ-17-ans-avec- 1 appro¬
bation - generale - et - qui - apres - avoir
vescu-com me-il-avoit-preche - jusques-
a-1 age-de-60-ans-il -remit -avec une-
proffonde-humilite - son - esprit-entre -
les-mains-de - Dieu - le - x- Septembre-
1704.
Hic-jacet-reverd-Dom- Petrus - Per-
rieterus-V-D-M-qui-ex - Gallia - religi -
onis - causa - expulsus - verbum-Dei-in-
hujus-civitatis-ecclesia-Gallicana-per-
annos-17-cum-generale-approbatione-
proedicavit-quique-eum-vitam-proedi-
cationibus-suis - conformem -duxeret-
usque-ad-60 - aetatis-suae-annum- tan-
dem-in-manus- Domini-spiritum - hu-
militer-deposuit - 1 -mens - Sept- ann-
Dom-1704.
2 Another refugee from Bearn joined the French colony
in the city of New York. This was Jean la Tourette,
“ natif d’Osse en Bearn,” who married Marie Mercereau^
July 16, 1693, and had three children, Marie, Jean, and
David, baptized in the French Church. Pierre Latourette,
perhaps a brother of Jean, married Marie Mercereau. David
married Catharine, daughter of Jacques Poillon. David and
Pierre were members of the French congregation on Staten
Island in 1735.
CHAPTER IX.
Chap. IX.
1684-
1686.
The Refuge.
ENGLAND.
A standing invitation had gone forth to the
persecuted Huguenots, from the Protestant
powers of Europe, to take refuge among their
fellow-religionists in foreign parts. Multitudes
had already accepted that invitation, and were
now enjoying a generous hospitality in England,
Holland, Germany and Switzerland. For those
who remained behind, the thought of the kind¬
ness and the proffered protection of the “ Prot¬
estant Princes” was a strong consolation. At
length the moment came, when the hope thus
set before them was all that was left to the vic¬
tims of the dragonnades : and they hastened to
avail themselves of it. Three hundred thou¬
sand persons made their escape from France.
The largest numbers fled to Holland. But En¬
gland was the “ city of refuge ” for very many
of those who ultimately reached America ; and
in the following pages we shall attempt to trace
the fortunes of our refugees in that country
principally.
The flight was, in most cases, precipitate and
blind. It is true that there were those among
ARRIVAL IN LONDON. 149
the wealthier classes of the French Protestants, cimp.ix.
whose knowledge of foreign lands, and whose !686.
lelations with their exiled countrymen abroad,
enabled them to select the localities for their
refuge, and to make some arrangement for
reaching them. Not so, however, with the
majority. Ignorant of the land, as of the lan¬
guage , trusting themselves to the winds and
waves, or to the guidance of strange captains
and pilots ; the fugitives had little choice, gen¬
erally, as to the port they would make. Often,
the place whither a favoring providence brought
them, became the place of their permanent resi¬
dence ; and little colonies of French Protestants
were formed in many of the towns along the
English and Irish coasts. London, however, was
the destination of the greater number of the
refugees ; and from Plymouth, and Barnstaple,
and Southampton, and other harbors, they soon
made their way to the capital, where many of
their countrymen were already settled, and
where a French Protestant Church had long
existed.
Arrived in London, our refugees found them¬
selves in a newly built city. The streets,
indeed, were crooked and narrow, and wretch¬
edly paved ; but the houses, for the most part,
were fresh and substantial. In fact, London
might almost be called a new city. Scarcely ber?i666.
twenty years had passed since the “ o-reat
re swept away nearly the whole of the city
within the walls ; and the old buildings of wood
and plaster, with stories projecting over each
THE REFUGE : ENGLAND.
Chap. IX.
1686.
150
other, and “ so nearly approaching together, on
opposite sides, that people could hold a tete-a-
t£te in a low whisper from the windows across the
street,” had given place to buildings of brick
buildings “without magnificence, or anything
like it,” but suggestive of comfort and security.
Twenty churches had been erected, or were now
in process of erection and new Saint Paul s,
commenced ten years before, was now suffi¬
ciently advanced to display something of the
grandeur of its proportions.1 The emigrants,
few of whom probably had ever visited their
own capital, saw much to amaze and delight
them in this populous town, d hey greatly ad¬
mired the shipping, especially ; the forest of
masts rising in the midst of the metropolis ; the
beauty of the Thames, above and below the
town ; and the facilities of travel which the
river afforded, by means of the boats that were
continually plying along its banks. The free¬
dom and heartiness of English manners sur¬
prised them much. Lords and commoners alike
availed themselves of the hackney-coaches in
the streets, and the barges on the river. The
coffee-houses and cook-shops were “ extremely
1 The workmen were engaged (1685-1686) in pulling
down the old western gable ; in removing the partition wall
between S. Gregory’s and the Cathedral ; in taking down
the old Lanthorn on Lollard’s tower ; and in erecting scaf¬
foldings about the works. The choir walls seem to have
been complete up to the cornice ; the “ legs of the dome,”
to the capitals from which the arches spring ; the nave,
carried about two bays west of the dome. — (Information
kindly communicated by the Rev. Dr. Sparrow Simpson,
through the Very Rev. the Dean of St. Paul’s.)
FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE. 151
convenient.” It was a novel but not a displeas¬
ing sight, to behold the English mode of salu¬
tation, by shaking hands, instead of the more
formal uncovering of the head. But the con¬
sideration of transcendent interest to every ref-
ugee, was the fact, that he had now reached the
city which had been the asylum of his exiled
countrymen for more than a hundred years, and
where, like them, he might enjoy the priceless
boon of liberty of conscience, denied him in his
own land.
One of our American Huguenots has left on
record his first impressions of London. So few
accounts of this kind have come down to us,
that we are tempted to give the homely story!
very much as he relates it.
Durand, of Dauphiny, had escaped from
Marseilles to Leghorn, where he embraced the
first opportunity to embark for England. After
a long and dangerous voyage, he landed at
Gravesend, on the last day of March, 1686.
Leaving his family there, he took boat for Lon¬
don. “ Not aware of the great extent of the
town, I went ashore,” he says, “ where I saw the
first houses, and asked for a room to let ; but I
could not make myself understood. I kept on
for a considerable distance, until at length, by
signs and otherwise, I acquainted a man with
my desire to be conducted to a place where
there were Lrenchmen, accompanying the re¬
quest with a promise of some money, which I
showed him. He led me finally to the Ex¬
change, and left me, having put me in the care
Chap. IX.
1686.
Chap. IX.
1686.
152 THE REFUGE : ENGLAND.
of one of my countrymen. To excite this per¬
son’s compassion, I related to him what had
happened to me ; but he told me that he
no longer belonged to ‘the Religion;’ assur¬
ing me, however, that I need not give myself
any uneasiness on that account, for though he
lived at a distance of a league and a half from
there, he would not leave me until he should see
me safe in lodgings. We inquired, but without
success, for a room in that quarter ; and I found
myself obliged to have recourse to the letter
which had been given me at Leghorn for one
Mr. John Brokin. We ascertained his address,
and had no trouble in reaching the house, but
he was not at home. However, I begged his
wife to open the letter, and to direct me to
some place where I might lodge ; and she at
once sent her maid, who engaged a room for me
in a' house across the way, and ordered food for
me. This did not come amiss, for it was now six
in the evening, and I was worn out with fatigue
after my long walk, the pavements of London
being the very worst that I had seen as yet.
“ The following day being Saturday, I re¬
turned early to Gravesend, and brought my
family to London. The custom-house officers
allowed us to take none of our effects with
us, except our beds. It was fortunate that
my lodgings were quite near the river ; for
I was compelled to carry my little boy almost
the whole way in my arms. On the morrow,
which was Sunday, I made particular in¬
quiries, and after being directed to several of
SPITALFIELDS.
153
the English churches, was finally conducted to chap.ix.
the French “temple” of London, where I
arrived a good while before the first “preche”
began. It was with inexpressible joy that I
again beheld the precious torch of the Gospel,
which had been transported out of our kingdom
to this place. I rendered my most humble
thanks to the Almighty for my escape from
Babylon, and for my happy arrival in this
favored land, where the truth is preached with¬
out let or hindrance.”
Durand gives us his impressions of the capital
and of the kingdom. “ The Savoy,” he writes,
“ is the largest suburb ( faubourg ) of London.
It is the part that contains the palace of the
king, and that of the queen dowager, and the resi¬
dences of nearly all the great lords of the court.
There are two French churches in this suburb,
and there is one in the city proper. The greater
number of the French lodge here, and in the
district of Spitalfields, ( faubourg Dcspedlefil ,)
which is on the other side, and where rents are
lower than in London.1
“England,” he continues, “is a fine country,
very rich, and abounding in all sorts of grains
and vegetables, and especially in pasture lands.
Quantities of cattle are raised ; and the only
The peopling of the waste Spital Fields was entirely
due to the French : in a generation nine churches had
arisen there : and the workmen were so many and so busy
that the silk manufacture of London was multiplied
twenty fold.” — (A History of the Huguenots of the Disper¬
sion at the recall of the Edict of Nantes. By Reginald
Lane Poole. Pp. 82, 83.)
J54
THE REFUGE: ENGLAND.
chap. ix. fault to be found with the butchers’ meat is, that
l6gg it is too fat. The productions of the country
being subject only to the tithes for the support
of the bishops and ministers, and imposts being
levied only upon merchandise and the tin ex¬
tracted from the mines : this, together with the
vast commerce of the nation, makes it the
wealthiest in Europe. Scarcely any poor are
seen in the streets and at the doors of the
churches. But what contributes most, doubt¬
less, to the fertility of the soil, is that through¬
out winter and the spring it rains nearly every
day ; or else a species of fog broods over the
land ; and one seldom sees a very clear and
serene sky. This renders the air very damp and
thick, and persons unaccustomed to it become
rheumatic.”
Finding himself inconvenienced by the deten¬
tion of his effects in the custom-house at Graves¬
end, and not knowing where to seek relief, Du¬
rand went on the following Wednesday to the
weekly “ preche ” jn the French Church, and
after that service sought an interview with the
Consistory. “ These gentlemen requested Mr.
Herman Olmy, a worthy English merchant, to
assist me in this matter. He did so with the
utmost kindness ; nor was it the only service I
received from him. He spoke French very well ;
and so obliging was he, that as often as I had
occasion to resort to him — as I did daily, on
account of the language — he would leave every¬
thing to attend to me — though he had much
business — and would never suffer me to leave
THE ROYAL BOUNTY. 155
his house without making me take a glass of
Spanish wine. Meanwhile Mr. Brokin returned
from the country, and immediately sent for me.
He offered me a thousand services, and often
had me at his table ; indeed, I might have taken
a meal with him every day, had I so chosen.”
1 he refugees were not always left to chance
acquaintance for guidance and relief. Many of
them, like Durand, had brought some property
with them, and could live with economy in Lon¬
don or elsewhere. But many more had arrived
empty-handed and utterly destitute. For these,
provision already existed, in the balance that
remained of a fund that had been raised five
years before, by collections throughout the king¬
dom, for the relief of French Protestant refu¬
gees. That amount was now swollen by similar
collections, made on the twenty-third of April,
1686, and after. The fund thus created, eventu¬
ally reached the sum of a quarter of a million
pounds sterling. It was known as the Royal
Bounty. But never was there a greater mis¬
nomer. For neither of the kings under whose
auspices it originated — Charles II. and James
II. — had any sympathy with the movement, or
compassion for the persons to be helped. The
fund was The English People’s Bounty ; the
magnificent testimonial of a nation’s pity, and of
a nation’s hospitality. A royal brief or letter,
however, enjoining these collections, was neces¬
sary in order to their legality, and this brief,
James the Second, like Charles, was induced,
though most reluctantly, to order.
Chap. IX.
1686.
The
English
People’s
Bounty,
156 THE REFUGE : ENGLAND.
chap, ix. I he attitude of the king and of his govern-
1686. ment toward the refugees, was indeed anoma¬
lous. James was an avowed Roman Catholic,
and was believed to be bent upon bringing back
his people to the allegiance of Rome. The
Huguenots had escaped from the rule of Louis
the Fourteenth, to put themselves under the
protection of an English monarch, who in big¬
otry and intolerance was not a whit behind Louis,
and who had made himself the servile tool of
the French king. It was no secret that he
looked with an evil eye upon the fugitives from
France. And of this fact they soon had start¬
ling evidence. One of the banished Huguenot
Burnin Pastors> Jean Claude, the famous preacher of
of s Charenton, had published an account of the suf-
ciaude’s ferings of the French Protestants. A transla-
b°°k. tjon 0f that book appeared in England. Upon
complaint of the French ambassador, James or¬
dered both the translation and the original to
be publicly burned in London by the hangman.
1 his was done on the fifth day of May, 1686— one
month after Durand’s arrival ; — and the enthu¬
siastic Frenchman, with others of his fellow-
refugees, happening to pass the Exchange, may
have seen their great countryman’s book com¬
mitted to the flames, in this opprobrious man¬
ner.
The king was their enemy ; but an enemy
shorn of his power to molest them. England
was their friend. The sufferings of the Protest¬
ants of Prance had stirred the heart of the
English people to its very depths ; and the
A GENEROUS WELCOME.
157
Protestant feeling of the nation, aroused as Chap. ix,
never before by the arbitrary conduct of the
king, and his undisguised purpose to reinstate
the Romish religion, went out in kindliness and
helpfulness to these strangers who had fled to
them for protection.1 The Church of England
extended to them a generous welcome. The
non-conformists greeted them as brethren. The
refugee pastors were aided from the “ Royal
Bounty.” Worshipers who could not find room
in the “ temple ” already existing in Thread-
needle Street, were assisted in obtaining new
1 An interesting memorial of that kindliness still exists in
London. It is the “Hospital for poor French Protestants Hospital
and their descendants residing in Great Britain.” This “^a
hospital — long known among the refugees themselves by the Provi-
name of “ La Providence ” — was founded in the year 1708 dence.”
by M. de Gastigny, who bequeathed the sum of one thousand
pounds sterling, to be applied by the distributors of the
royal bounty, toward the building and maintenance of such
an institution. Other donations and bequests were soon
added, and in 1716 a site for the projected hospital was
purchased in Bath Street, St. Luke’s, near the City Road.
From time to time, the fund created for this charity was
increased by gifts and legacies, from Englishmen as well as
from Frenchmen ; and by the year 1736, the directors were
able so to enlarge the hospital as to provide for as many as
two hundred and thirty persons. In 1862, it was thought
expedient to remove the institution from its ancient site, to
a locality north of Victoria Park, and not far from the dis¬
tricts of Spitalfields and Bethnal Green, whence a large
majority of the inmates of the hospital are drawn. Here a
stately and spacious building, surrounded by attractive
grounds, affords a peaceful asylum for some of the poor and
aged descendants of the French refugees. The directors of
the institution are chiefly representatives of French Protest¬
ant refugee families. The present governor is the Right
Hon. the Earl of Radnor. The secretary is Arthur Giraud
Browning, Esq.
158
THE REFUGE: ENGLAND.
chap. ix. sanctuaries; and in the single year 1687, fifteen
1686. French churches were built with the aid of
moneys drawn from this charitable fund ; three
in London, and twelve in provincial towns.
Plymouth, on the south coast of England, and
Bristol in the west, were the chief among these
provincial towns. At Plymouth, there were said
to be about three hundred French Protestants
in January, 1686. It was here that Pierre Jay
rejoined his family upon escaping from La Ro¬
chelle. The greater number of the French in
Plymouth, however, removed very soon to other
towns. Bristol, at that time second only to
London in commercial importance, was a more
permanent home. Of all the refugee colonies in
Great Britain, this one possesses the greatest
September interest for Americans. The register of the
lls’r huguenot congregation of Bristol, from its
formation in 1687 to the close of the century,
abounds in names that have become naturalized
with us. Here were the Badeaus, the Bonnets,
the Morins, the Quintards, and others, whose
flight from the towns and villages of western
France we have already traced, and whose hap¬
piness it now was to be gathered in a harmoni¬
ous brotherhood in the hospitable city of Bristol.
The marriages and baptisms that occurred
among these friendly exiles, were occasions of
special interest. It was a Huguenot fashion,
very characteristic of that warm-hearted and
cheery lace, to honor such domestic solemnities
by a large attendance ; and even during their
persecutions in France, the danger of detection
r 1 1 k Mayor’s Chapel, Bristol, England.
( Occupied as a French Protestant Church, from 16S7 to 1721.)
THE HUGUENOTS IN BRISTOL.
J59
and punishment did not prevent them from
assembling at such times in companies far
beyond the limit set by the law, which restricted
the number of “assistants” to twelve, and those
only the nearest of kin. The sober citizens of
Bristol often saw the lively and social foreigners
trooping to their “ temple,” on week-days as
well as Sundays, accompanying to the altar
some happy pair, who perchance were soon to
seek a home beyond the seas ; or following the
proud father and the demure “ marraine,” as
they bore to the font some future emigrant to
Massachusetts or Carolina.
This little colony of refugees composed a
select and favored group. They enjoyed the
patronage of the Bishop of Bristol, Sir Jonathan
Trelawney — that Trelawney who a few months
later became the hero of popular song in En¬
gland, as one of the seven prelates whose re¬
sistance to James the Second precipitated the
Revolution of 1688.1 It was this good bishop’s
influence, doubtless, that procured for the refu¬
gees of Bristol the privilege of using as their
house of worship the beautiful church known
as St. Mark’s, or the Gaunt’s Chapel. An¬
ciently attached to the Hospital of St. Mark,
founded in the thirteenth century, this building
had been granted by the crown in 1540 to the
mayor and burgesses of Bristol for public uses ;
and it was with their consent that the French
1 The History of England from the Accession of James
II. By Thomas Babington Macauley. Vol. II., p. 341.
Chap. IX.
1686.
Chapel
of the
Gaunt.
i6o
THE REFUGE: ENGLAND.
chap, ix, Protestants worshiped here, from the year 1687
! 68 7— to the year 1721. The first ministers were
r Alexandre Descairac and Jeremie Tinel. The
excellent Descairac, who had been pastor in
Bergerac before the Revocation, was stricken
with apoplexy while preaching to his flock in
Bristol, on Sunday, the fourteenth day of June,
1 703 ; and on the following Tuesday he was
buried in the Chapel of the Gaunt, the bier be¬
ing carried from the house to the church by the
clergy of the city, followed by the entire con¬
gregation.
The French colony in Bristol was strength¬
ened from time to time by fresh arrivals from
the land of persecution. In the early part of
the eighteenth century, it had grown to be
considerable. “ The chapel was full to excess,
the aisle filled with benches as well as the altar,
The so that there must have been several hundreds.”
Peioquins. The leading family among the Bristol Hugue¬
nots was that of Etienne Peloquin, a native of
La Rochelle, and a merchant of high standing.
It was a son of this refugee whom the citizens
of Bristol in 1751 elected to the office of mayor.
The elder Peloquin married the sister of Pierre
Jay ; and it is more than probable that Jay him¬
self, after removing from Plymouth, took up his
abode in Bristol. The families were intimate ;
and the intimacy was continued in succeeding
generations.1 s
remained unmarried, and the family
name, however, has been preserved in
e
The Mayor's Chapel, Bristol, England.
CONFORMIST AND NON-CONFORMIST. 1 6 1
The French congregation of Bristol, like that
Of 1 lymouth, was a “ Conformist ” congregation
Its ministers, Descairac and Tinel, had taken
orders m the Church of England, and had adopted
the Book of Common Prayer. Upon this subject
of conform, ty, the refugees of England, as well
as their pastors were greatly divided. Equally
attached, doubtless, when they left France, to
the I resbyterian discipline and to the Calvinistic
worship of their own Reformed Church, they
differed in their views of duty and expediency
when they found themselves on British soil.
Many of them clung to the ecclesiastical system
that had been maintained by the Protestants of
H ranee, so long as they were allowed by the
government to keep it up : and these were in
favor of establishing, for the Huguenot con¬
gregations in England, “ colloques” and synods,
such as they had maintained at home, and such
as the refugees in England who preceded them
had continued to maintain. Others were willing to
surrender their preferences, and fall in with the
honorable remembrance in the city of Bristol, through a
we 1 known chanty trust, known as “Mrs. Mary Anne
Peioqinn s Gift ” Tins maiden lady died on the twenty-
°( y’ I778’ ]eaving t0 the mayor and aldermen
ot iMistol the siim of nineteen thousand pounds sterling
upon the condition that they and their successors in office
should yearly upon St. Stephen’s day, apply the interest of
three hundred pounds of that sum to the rector, curate clerk
and sexton of St. Stephen’s Church, Bristol, for reading
prayers and preaching a sermon on the afternoon of that
day m the said parish Church : and also the revenue from
fifteen thousand two hundred pounds for distribution among
thirty-eight poor men and thirty-eight poor women, on the
same day.— (Communicated by [ohn Taylor, Esq, Bristol )
Chap. IX.
1687.
Chap. IX.
1686-
1688.
Calvin’s
position.
162 THE REFUGE: ENGLAND.
methods of the Episcopal Church, by law estab¬
lished. Acknowledging the Scriptural sound¬
ness of its creeds, and finding little to object to
in its ritual, they were not disposed to remain
aloof from it upon grounds of church order.1
Meanwhile, a certain degree of pressure was
used, to lead them to conform. It was urged—
and the argument had weight with sensitive and
o-rateful souls — that those who had received so
_
1 The cordial understanding that existed between the Re¬
formed Churches of France and the Church of England,
dated from the times of Calvin. That great reformer, clear
in his own convictions as to the Scriptural and primitive
warrant for the mode of ecclesiastical government which he
advocated, had no word of condemnation to utter with
reference to the forms of polity preferred by other Protest¬
ant Churches, sound in doctrine. His relations with the
English Reformers and Bishops, were most friendly ; and he
deprecated any disposition to break the unity of the national
body on account either of ceremonies or of modes of dis¬
cipline. “Touchant des ceremonies,” he wrote, “ pource
que cesont choses indifferentes, les Eglises en peuvent user
diversement en liberte. Et quant on seroit bien advise, yl
seroit quelque fois utile de n’avoir point une conformite
tant exquise, pour monstrer que la foy et chrestiente ne con-
siste pas en cela.”— (Lettres de Jean Calvin, recueillies par
Jules Bonnet. Lettres franqaises, Yol. II., pp. 29-30.). And
upon the subject of polity he expresses himself not less for¬
cibly : “ Talern nobis hierarchiam si exhibeant, in qua sic
emineant episcopi, ut Christo subesse non recusent ; ut ab
illo tanquam unico capite pendeant, et ad ipsum referantur ;
in qua sic inter se fraternam societatem colant, ut non alio
nodo quam ejus veritate sint colligati : turn vero nullo non
anathemate dignos fatear si qui erunt qui non earn reveren-
ter summaque obedientia observent.” (De Necessitate Re-
foimandae Ecclesiae.)
On their part, the English Reformers showed no less cor¬
diality toward Calvin and other continental Divines ; freely
acknowledging the validity of their orders, and inviting
their counsel and concurrence in the most important meas¬
ures.
THE PLEA FOR CONFORMITY. 16*
o
much kindness from the State and from tJlg Chap, IX.
State Church, might with a good grace accept 1686-
t le invitation to identify themselves with the
laity and clergy of that Church. No such argu- *
ment in behalf of conformity would have been
necessary in the Protestant lands of continental
Europe. The Huguenots who fled to Holland
found there a Walloon Church, which formed
part and parcel of the Reformed Church of the
nation, and with which they became incorporated
at once. In Switzerland, there was a ready
fusion of religious as of social life. In Germany,
the French Protestants either maintained their
own church organizations, which in many cases
received State support, or else blended them at cJnti-
will with those which they found already estab- c^Ses
lished. Nowhere, on the continent, was the
ministerial standing of the pastors questioned.
And nowhere did the refugees on their part find
occasion to mistrust the Protestant character of
the National Churches. It was otherwise in
England. The Church of England now made
ordination by the hands of bishops a rigid con¬
dition for the exercise of the ministry within its
pale. It could not be easy for men who had
preached the Gospel for years under the cross of
persecution, to submit to this condition. At the
same time, the refugees met with some things
that tended to repel them from the Establish¬
ment. Some, like Bostaquet, took exception to
the ceremonial of the Anglican worship, which
seemed to them “ very much opposed to the sim¬
plicity of our Reformed religion.” Others, like
1 64 THE REFUGE: ENGLAND.
chap. ix. Fontaine, were thrown among those . who
“7 reo-arded the Establishment with no friendly
1606 feeling. The recollections of the Act of Uni-
l688' formity, and of St. Bartholomew’s day, were still
living in the minds of English Non-conformists,
and their resentment had been sharpened by the
more recent atrocities inflicted upon their bi eth-
ren by Lord Jeffries. It is not surprising that
many of the French imbibed this feeling, and
were strengthened in their determination to
cling to their “ ancient discipline.”
But just at this time, the Church of England
became immensely popular. Forced by the
encroachments of James II. to take a stand foi
their Protestant principles, the clergy, headed
by the bishops, refused to sanction a royal
measure designed to strengthen the Papal inter¬
est. “ Never had the Church been so dear to
the nation as on the afternoon of that day. The
May spirit of dissent seemed to be extinct. Baxter
from his pulpit pronounced a eulogium on the
bishops and parochial clergy. The Dutch min¬
ister, a few hours later, wrote to inform the
States-General that the Anglican priesthood had
risen in the estimation of the public to an in¬
credible degree. The universal cry of the Non¬
conformists, he said, was that they would rather
continue to be under the penal statutes, than
separate their cause from that of the prelates.
This tide of popularity, doubtless, helped to
float the newly-arrived French Calvinists into
1 Macaulay, History of England, II., 327.
PLANS OF EMIGRATION. 165
the haven of the Established Church. Indeed,
not a few of the refugee clergy had already en¬
tered, despite the bar of reordination. It is
difficult to determine the proportion which these
bore to the numbers of the French who re¬
mained Huguenots in church polity and worship,
during the first generation. But it seems prob¬
able, from the facts before us, that whilst more
than half of the congregations of French Protest¬
ants existingin Fondon and elsewhere in En¬
gland maintained their original constitution,1 at
least uQtil the close of the seventeenth century,
the greater portion of the bodv of the Hu^ue-
not “pasteurs” conformed to the Established
Church. This accession was an enrichment.
Many are the distinguished names that occur in
the list of the French Conformist ministers ; and
many more have been the useful and illustrious
men among the Anglican clergy, who have
traced their descent from the pious exiles for
conscience’ sake that fled to England after the
Revocation.
Those, however, who were now meditating- a
speedy removal to America, had little occasion
to concern themselves at present about conform-
1 Of twenty-two French churches in London that were
founded before the close of the seventeenth century, thir¬
teen or fourteen continued to be non-conformist churches
until 1700 at least ; while the remaining seven or eight were
either founded as conformist churches, or became such. Of
twenty churches founded elsewhere in England before the
close of that century — some of them at a much earlier date
— fully one-half appear to have continued non-conformist
until 1 700.
Chap. IX.
1686-
168S.
Chap. IX.
1686-
1688.
166 THE REFUGE : ENGLAND.
ity. Their stay in England was brief. The Hu¬
guenots who came by way of England to Mas¬
sachusetts, Rhode Island, New York, and Caro¬
lina, reached these colonies, for the most part,
very soon after their flight from France.
The subject of emigration to America was occu¬
pying many minds, in the French quarters of Lon¬
don. Frequent and lively were the discussions in
the coffee-houses resorted to by the refugees in
Soho and St. Giles, and in the weavers’ shops of
Spitalfields, over the relative advantages of the
northern, the middle, and the southern colonies,
and the ways of reaching them. It was not a
new subject, by any means. The thoughts of
the suffering Huguenots of France had long
turned towards the New World. Those who
came from the maritime provinces possessed
some knowledge of it, through the commercial
relations of these coasts with Canada, Boston,
and New York; and even in the central and
eastern parts of France, much interest had been
awakened in the matter of emigration, through
o> 7 o
printed broadsides and pamphlets that had been
stealthily circulated among the Protestants,
already before the Revocation. Some came to
England, “having nothing but Carolina in their
minds,” all eagerness to reach that land of fruits
and flowers. Others were intent upon joining
their countrymen who had already become do¬
mesticated and prospered in the more northerly
settlements, particularly New York and Boston.
The Dauphinese emigrant Durand, whose
“ relation ” we have already quoted, was much
DIFFERING COUNSELS.
167
inclined towards Carolina. But before deciding
O
upon his course, he went to see the “ famous
Monsieur Du Bourdieu,” formerly minister in
Montpellier, and now pastor of the French
Church in the Savoy, with his son Jean Armand
as colleague. He was received with open arms
by the warm-hearted old “pasteur.” Du Bour¬
dieu, however, strongly advised him to relin¬
quish his design. In common with many of the
refugees, he still cherished the hope that the
persecutions in France would soon abate, and
that the government of Louis XIV. might be in-
duced to alter its policy toward the Protestants.
He counseled Durand not to leave England,
and promised to use his influence for thepurpose
of procuring him a comfortable subsistence there,
for two or three years. “ After that,” he added,
“as we belong to neighboring provinces, we
must return to France together;” for though
now seventy years old, he did not expect to
die without preaching once more in Montpellier.
“ This shook my resolution somewhat,” says
Durand ; “ but on leaving him I met an acquaint¬
ance, who informed me that Monsieur Pyoset,
pastor of the Church of London, had received a
letter from America, addressed to him by a
merchant from his own place, who had lately
gone thither. Accordingly, I went to see him.
He told me that his correspondent wrote only in
favorable terms of Carolina, and he advised me
to go thither, cautioning me at the same time to
be careful as to the vessel in which I should em¬
bark ; inasmuch as his friend complained that he
Chap. IX.
1686-
1688.
Chap. IX.
1686-
1688.
168 THE REFUGE : ENGLAND.
had been very badly treated by the captain with
whom he had come over.”
Gabriel Bernon, formerly of La Rochelle, was
now in London, meditating a settlement in Mas¬
sachusetts. He had been engaged for years, as
we have seen, in trade with Canada ; and upon
leaving France at the period of the Revocation,
his thoughts naturally turned to the northern
colonies of America. Bernon arrived in London
from Amsterdam early in the year 1687. Here
he chanced to meet a fellow-refugee, who intro¬
duced him to the president of the Society for
Promoting and Propagating the Gospel in New
England. That society had been formed in
Cromwell’s day, nearly forty years before, in
consequence of the interest awakened in Great
Britain by the news of Eliot’s successful labors
among the savages. The president of the cor¬
poration, Robert Thompson, was a London
merchant of high standing. Business consider¬
ations mingled with his philanthropic designs
respecting the wilds of America : for the Gen¬
eral Court of Massachusetts, in recognition of
valuable services rendered to the colony, had
given him five hundred acres of land in the
Nipmuck country, a territory as yet unoccupied,
in the interior of the province. At the same time,
the General Court had granted to a company,
organized in London, with Robert Thompson
at its head, a larger tract of land — eight miles
square — for the site of a settlement. The terms
of this grant required that thirty families should
occupy the land, within four years from the date
LAND AGENTS IN LONDON. 169
of the grant ; and that they should*be accompa- chap. ix.
nied by an able orthodox minister. When Ber- “7
non made his appearance, the four years had 1
nearly elapsed ; the company had not yet sue- l688‘
ceeded in effecting the settlement ; and at their
request the General Court of Massachusetts had
extended the term for three years more. To the
associates, the intelligent and enterprising
Frenchman was a godsend indeed ; while to Ber-
non himself, the vision of a “ seigneurie,” or at
least a “ gentilhommiere,” to be set up in the
new and free country whither he proposed to re¬
move, must have been a tempting one. He was
immediately chosen a member of the Society for
Propagating the Gospel among the Indians, and
was offered a share in the company’s Massachu¬
setts lands. A further inducement to eneaee in
the scheme of colonization soon presented itself.
Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau, a refugee from Poi¬
tou,1 hearing of Bernon’s plans, offered to cross
over at once to New England, obtain a grant of
land, and begin a plantation. Bernon was per¬
suaded to acquiesce in this arrangement. He
advanced the money required for the settle¬
ment ; and in the spring of the following year,
stimulated by the letters that he received from
Bertrand, decided, as we shall see in a subse¬
quent chapter, to remove to Boston.
Other colonies besides Massachusetts and
South Carolina had their advocates in London,
eager to secure the French refugees for settlers.
1 See above, page 51.
170
THE REFUGE: ENGLAND.
chap. ix. Chief among these was Pennsylvania. There
1686- were no emigrants whom William Penn desired
1688 more ardently for his plantations on the Dela¬
ware and Susquehanna, than the persecuted
Huguenots ; and many of them, even before
reaching England, had heard of the advantages
possessed by Pennsylvania, through the state¬
ments which his agents circulated in all Europe.
The proprietors also of certain lands in Virginia,
bordering upon Occoquan Creek, were busily
distributing their proposals, and offering either
to sell in fee simple, or to rent upon easy terms,
the eligible lots laid out in the neighborhood of
the town of Brenton, then building.
Disinterested benevolence had perhaps little
to do with any of the schemes that were pressed
upon the attention of our refugees during their
stay in England. Yet it is probable that the
inducements held out were in most cases sincere,
and the transactions were genuine. There was,
however, one notable exception. The unscrup¬
ulous Atherton Company had its agents in
London, and they succeeded but too well in se¬
curing purchasers among the French Protestants.
A party of forty-five families, designing to settle
in the Narragansett country, within the territory
claimed by Rhode Island, sailed for New En¬
gland in the autumn of the year 1686. The
emigrants had with them a minister and a phy¬
sician. The minister was Ezechiel Carre, for¬
merly pastor of Mirambeau and of La Roche
Chalais, in France. I he physician was Pierre
Ayrault, a native of Angers, in the province of
THE EMIGRANT’S OUTFIT. I 7 1
Anjou. At the head of the expedition was
Pierre Berthon de Marigny, the representative
of a prominent family of Chatellerault, in the
province of Poitou. No other band of French
emigrants bound for America, left England bet¬
ter equipped, and with fairer prospects ; and no
other was doomed to suffer greater hardships,
and experience more bitter disappointment.
Much thought was given by the refugee to
his outfit for emigration. Materials to build
with, could indeed be found in abundance in the
American forest ; but iron tools, and iron fasten¬
ings, must be carried with him. More import¬
ant than these, however, in the Frenchman’s
esteem, were the plants that might be domesti¬
cated in a foreign soil, and made to give a touch
of home to his rude dwelling in the wilderness.
New emigrants were strongly recommended by
friends who had crossed the ocean before them,
to bring with them a supply of the best varieties
of the vine. A bill of lading that describes the
worldly goods of one of the Huguenot families
that removed to Massachusetts, mentions, in
curious juxtaposition, a “ bundle of wrought
yron,” and “ two chests of vine plants.” Other
provisions were laid in, according to the taste
and the means of the purchaser. The poorer
refugees were assisted in their preparations by
the committee that dispensed the Royal Bounty,
or by the Consistory of the French Church in
London. Those in better circumstances, like
Durand of Dauphiny, were at no loss for
advisers in the expenditure of their funds. “ My
Chap. IX,
1686.
Vine
plants.
THE REFUGE: ENGLAND.
I 72
chap. ix. mind having now been made up to emigrate,”
1687. writes the garrulous refugee, “ I began to buy
articles of furniture, implements of labor, and
hardware for building purposes ; but as money
has no flukes wherewith to anchor itself to its
possessor, I no sooner bought one article, than
I was counseled to buy another, because those
who had preceded me to America provided them¬
selves with the like ; and thus by the end of my six
weeks’ stay in London, I had spent in these pur¬
chases some forty louis-d' or.”
Many refugees before leaving England applied
to the British Government for letters of natural¬
ization. It was not always without a struggle
that the French Protestant resigned himself to
the necessity of renouncing forever the country
that had refused him the exercise of his relio-ious
LcttGrs <7? »
of and civil rights, and declaring himself the subject
dtiona‘ of a foreign prince. Often, the emigrant delayed
this action for a number of years, or even spent
the rest of his days in the land of exile as an
alien, without resorting to it. But more generally,
those who were about to seek a refuge in some
distant dependency of Great Britain, saw the
wisdom of securing her protection, and obtaining
the privileges of trade, as naturalized subjects.
To such, letters-patent of denization were readily
granted, upon individual application. Hopes
had indeed been held out to the persecuted
French, when invited by Charles II. to take
refuge in England, that a general act for their
naturalization would be passed by Parliament.
The promise was not fulfilled until long after the
THE BRITISH PATENT ROLLS. 173
Revocation. Meanwhile, the refugee could ob- chap. ix.
tain from the government a grant, under the l6g
royal seal, securing to him and to his family,
“ all rights, privileges and immunities ” enjoyed
by free denizens of the realm. No fees or other
charges were to be required, and no condition
binding upon the applicant was attached to the
earliest of these grants, except that of actual
residence in England, or elsewhere within the
king’s dominions. At a later day, some addi¬
tional requirements were made, d he applicant
for naturalization was expected to present a cer¬
tificate, showing that he had received the Holy .
Communion. Later, a promise was exacted, that tionai
he would take the oaths of allegiance and
supremacy, within a year from the date of his
denization. Some of the letters-patent issued
by James II. were conditioned upon participation
in the Sacrament of the Lord’s Supper “ accord¬
ing to the usage of the Church of England.
But both of these clauses were soon afterwards
omitted.
The British Patent Rolls, or lists of persons
of foreign birth, naturalized by loyal letters-
patent, contain the names of a large number of
the French Protestants who actually removed to
America. Not a few, however, waited until their
arrival in the New World, before seeking natural¬
ization. This was particularly true of the settlers
ifi New York, Virginia and South Carolina
provinces that received the greater portion of
the refugees. Scarcely any more intciesting
memorials of the Huguenot immigration exist
1 74
THE REFUGE: ENGLAND.
Chap, ix. than the petitions, in which the applicants for
1687. naturalization sometimes recite the sufferings
through which they have passed on account of
their religious faith. The colonial legislatures
encouraged such applications, and granted them.
Virginia was foremost in taking this course. As
early as the year 1671, the General Assembly of
that province passed an act, admitting all strangers
desirous of making it the place of their permanent
home, to the liberties, privileges and immunities
Naturaliz- °f natural born Englishmen, upon their petition
atit°hein t0 t^6 AssemblV anb uPon taking the oaths of
provinces. allegiance and supremacy. New York adopted
a similar measure in the year 1683.1 Fourteen
years later, the Assembly of South Carolina
passed an act for making aliens being Protest¬
ants free ” of that province. Many hundreds of
French and other loreign Protestants were
admitted under these acts to naturalization.
But all this was done without the sanction of
the home government. For England held per¬
sistently, that no provincial legislature, or pro¬
vincial governor, had power to grant letters of
denization. It was a prerogative of Parliament,
or of the Crown, to do this. It is true that in
the year 1740, a statute was passed, for the
special benefit of the British colonies in America,
providing for the admission of all Protestant
Where I met with a merchant among the French and
known to be a good Protestant, to such I grant letters of
Denization. Lord Bellomont to the Lords of Trade New
York, Sept. 21, 1698. — Documents relative to the Colonial
History of the State of New York. Vol. IV., p. 379
EXPENSES OF THE VOYAGE. I 75
foreigners to the privileges of natural-born sub¬
jects, upon a residence of seven years, and upon
taking the required oaths, and receiving the
sacrament. Yet as late as the year 1773, the
king in council disallowed certain laws, passed
in some of the colonies in America for conferring
the privileges of naturalization on aliens ; and
the governors of the colonies were forbidden to
o
give their assent to any bills that might have been
or that might thereafter be passed by the colonial
assemblies for such naturalization. But at best,
the advantages conferred could be enjoyed only
within the limits of the colony conferring them.
Frequently, the refugee, after obtaining letters of
denization from the provincial government under
which he was living, made application in England
for letters-patent from the Crown.
The expenses of transportation to America
were usually borne by the Relief Committee in
London. In fact, no small part of the Royal
Bounty — the English People’s Bounty — went to
pay for the passage of the refugees across the
ocean. “ An account of Monies received to¬
wards the Reliefe of Poore Protestants Lately
come over from the Kingdom of France,” be-
o-innine on the second day of the year 1681,
contains the following items: —
“January 29th, 1682, Paid Mr Peter Du Gua,
Elder of ye french at ye Savoy, toward the charge
of twelve persons in their voyage to Jamaica,
sixty pounds sterling. May 3rd, 1683, Paid Mr
David Dushaise, Elder of the French Church of
London, for fifty-five french Protestants to goe
Chap. IX.
1687.
The
Relief
Committee.
THE REFUGE : ENGLAND.
i 76
Chapax, to Virginia, seventy pounds sterling. June 15th,
1683- i6§3, Paid Mr Daniel Duthais, for transportation
1700. of several french protestants to the West Indies,
twenty-six pounds sterling. October 12th, 1684,
Paid M Peter Delaforetre, being allowed to
him and two others with their famillys to go to
America, twelve pounds sterling.” 1 In the single
year 1687, six hundred French Protestant refu¬
gees were sent to America at the Committee’s
charoes.
Settiers Some years later — just as the seventeenth cen-
virginia. tury was closing — a yet larger body of foreign
Protestants, one thousand in number, received
aid fiom the same source, for their removal to
America. A few of these emigrants went to
Florida, more settled in South Carolina ; but the
greater part, seven hundred at least, were bound
for Virginia, where many of them formed a set¬
tlement known as Manakintown, on the James
river. I shall anticipate the order of events, for
the purpose of presenting here the facts con¬
cerning this later emigration, in connection with
the work of the Committee for the distribution
of the Royal Bounty, from which the expenses
of transportation to America continued to be
drawn.
It was in the spring of the year 1700, that a
fleet of four vessels set sail from Gravesend,
having on board two hundred French Protest¬
ant refugees. They were followed within two
1 Documents preserved in the Library of Guildhall Lon-
in *
THE EXPEDITION TO VIRGINIA. 177
months by a second company, of one hundred
and seventy. A third detachment sailed not
long' after, and a fourth, with one hundred and
ninety-seven emigrants. In all, the colonists
numbered over seven hundred.1 At their head
was the brave and devoted Marquis de la Muce, of
whom an account has been given in a preceding
chapter.- Associated with him was another
Huguenot of position, Charles de Sadly. Three
ministers of the Gospel, and two physicians, ac¬
companied the expedition. The ministers were
Claude Philippe de Richebourg, Benjamin De
Joux, and Louis Latane. The physicians were
Castaing and La Sosee.
Preparations for this important movement
had long been on foot, and more than once its
destination had been changed. Two years before
the date of the embarkation, negotiations were
opened by the leaders of the body, with Doctor
Daniel Coxe, “ proprietary of Carolana and
Florida,” for the purchase of half a million
acres of land in the latter territory. The tract
in question was situated near Appalachee Bay,
and the purchasers were to have the privilege of
an additional half-million acres, at the nominal
rent of “a ripe Ear of Indian Corne in the sea¬
son,” for the first seven years. At another time,
Carolina was the objective point of the expedi¬
tion. A third site suggested for the settlement
' I have not found the number of the third detachment.
If it approached that of the first, the second, or the fourth,
the aggregate must have exceeded seven hundred.
2 Pages 87-90.
Chap. IX.
1700.
De La
Muce
and
De Sailly.
i ;8
THE REFUGE : ENGLAND.
Chap. ix. was in Norfolk county, Virginia, on the Nanse-
I?00 mond river, in the neighborhood of the Dismal
Swamp. Eventually, the emigrants upon their
arrival in Virginia were directed to a spot some
twenty miles above Richmond, on the James
river, where ten thousand acres were given them,
on the lands of the extinct Manakin tribe of
Indians.
It may be safely said that no more interesting
body of colonists than that conducted by Oliver
de la Muce, had crossed the ocean within
the last half of the century then coming- to a
close. Many of them belonged to the perse-
1686. cuted Waldensian race. Several thousands of
these people had taken refuge in Switzerland,
Refugees when driven from their valleys in Piedmont by
Piedmont, the trooPs of Louis XIV. In 1 698, the number
of the exiles was increased by new arrivals, and
the Swiss cantons, finding themselves unable to
support so many strangers, took steps for their
removal to other and wealthier Protestant coun¬
tries. In England, the appeal for aid to accom¬
plish this end, met a liberal response. A refugee
pastor was sent over to the continent for the
purpose of enlisting the Vaudois in the scheme
of emigration to Virginia. Printed proposals
and maps were circulated in several of the cities
of Switzerland, Germany and Holland. How
many actually joined the expedition, cannot be
stated. An account of moneys received for the
transport and supply of the French Refugees,
mentions a party of seventy-five who had come
from Switzerland by way of Rotterdam. It
VAUDOIS AND FRENCH COLONISTS. 179
seems probable that a large proportion of the
emigrants may have been Waldenses. Certain
of the names of the Virginia colonists indicate
this ; while the prominent mention made of the
Vaudois in the accounts of the Committee for
the distribution of the Royal Bounty, would
lead us to believe that they may have formed
the laiger portion of the emigrating body.
A biief for a collection in behalf of the Prot¬
estant refugees was issued by King William IIP,
in the year 1699. The proceeds, amounting to
nearly twelve thousand pounds, were intrusted
as usual to the Chamber of the city of London
for safe-keeping. From this fund, disbursements
were made by the Chamberlain, upon the order
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir William
Ashurst, and others composing the Committee.
On the twenty-fourth of April, 1700, the Cham¬
berlain was desired to pay to Sir William
Ashurst the sum of eighteen hundred pounds
sterling. This was the remainder of a sum of
three thousand pounds, appropriated, at the rate
of six pounds per head, “ for the transportation
of five hundred Vaudois and French refugies
designed for some of his Majesties plantations ;
to be paid to Sir William Ashurst upon an ac¬
count given by him for so many of them as from
Tyirm to Tyme shall bee on shipboard in order
to their transportation. In the following June,
the sum of thirty-eight pounds was given, “ out
of the collection,” “to Monsr Benjamin De Joux,
Minister, appointed to goe to Virginia ; besides
twenty-four pounds for the providing of himself
Chap. IX.
1700.
180 THE REFUGE : ENGLAND.
Chap. ix. with necessarys for the voyage. ’ In August,
~Q the Bishop of London writes to the city Cham¬
berlain, “Sir: the bearer, Monsieur Castayne, is
going out Surgeon to ye French now departing
for Virginia. Fie wants twenty pounds to make
up his Chest of Drugs and instruments. It is a
very small matter for such a voyage ; but if you
have in yor hands to supply that summe, I will
answer for my Lord of Canterbury, that he shall
allow of yor so doing.” In November, the
Chamberlain is requested to pay to Sir William
Ashurst, Knight, and Alderman of London, two
thousand pounds for the use of such Vaudois &
French refugies as design to settle in Virginia,
to be distributed among them at the rate of six
pounds pr head when on shipboard, in order to
their transportation. And in December, an
additional sum of one thousand pounds was
ordered to be paid to the same person, in behalf
of other “Vaudois and French Refugies design¬
ing to settle in Virginia or some other of his
Majesties Plantations.” 1
1 Documents preserved in the Library of Guildhall,
London.
CHAPTER X.
The Emigration.
ON THE HIGH SEAS.
Two hundred years ago, a transatlantic voyage
was necessarily attended with inconveniences
and perils, of which we have little conception at
the present day. Almost inevitably it was a
long voyage, for the pathway of commerce and
emigration across the deep was as yet but im¬
perfectly defined ; and the small, unwieldy ships
that pursued it doubtfully could make but poor
progress, save with the most favorable winds.
A passage of three or four months was not un¬
common. The uncertainties of navigation were
very great. The shipmaster had indeed his
compass to guide him ; but he was unprovided
with either quadrant or chronometer. His charts
were exceedingly imperfect, and often utterly
untrustworthy. Measuring the ship’s headway
by dead reckoning, he would not unfrequently
mistake his position by a whole degree, and was
tolerably satisfied if not more than a hundred
miles out of his true longitude. Dangers
thickened as the vessel approached the coast.
There, no pilot was waiting to conduct her into
port ; and no light-house sent its beams across
the waters, warning the sailor of hidden rocks.
Chap. X.
Dangers
of the
passage.
I 82 THE EMIGRATION : ON THE HIGH SEAS.
chap. x. Many a ship was foundered on some treacherous
reef, when the long cruise had nearly come to its
desired end. Such was the fate of one of the
vessels that bore Huguenot refugees bound for
Massachusetts. The French Protestant pastor
Sautreau, with his wife Elisabeth Fontaine, and
their five children, “were wrecked, and all
drowned, within sight of the harbor of Boston.”
Piracy greatly increased the voyager’s appre¬
hensions, and added much to his actual discom-
Piracy. forts. For fear of the corsair and the privateer,
even the smallest craft crossing the sea must
needs carry ordnance and ammunition. Happy
was it if these preparations proved unnecessary,
and no report of an unfriendly ship, sighted in
the distance, spread consternation through the
crowded company of refugees.
The liability to contagious disease was yet
more to be dreaded. Many of the accounts
Disease, that have come down to us mention the terrible
ravages of fever during those weary months
spent on the ocean. A company of Huguenots
that reached Boston in the summer of 1686, lost
“ their Doctor and twelve Men ” during their
“ long passage at sea and the survivors were
greatly reduced by sickness. “We were three
months in London,” wrote Judith Manigault,
“waiting for a vessel ready to sail for Carolina.
Once embarked, we were miserably off indeed.
The scarlet fever broke out in our ship, and
many died, among them our aged mother. We
touched at two ports, the one Portuguese, and
the othei an island called Bermuda, belonging
HARDSHIPS ENDURED. 182
to the English. Here our vessel put in for
repairs, having been badly injured in a -severe
storm. Our captain having committed some
dishonesty was thrown into prison, and the ship
was seized. It was with the greatest difficulty
that we secured our passage in another ship, for
our money had all been spent. After our
arrival in Carolina, we suffered all sorts of
evils. Our eldest brother died of a fever,
eighteen months after coming here, being un¬
accustomed to the hard work we were subjected
to. We ourselves have been exposed, since
leaving France, to all kinds of afflictions, in the
forms of sickness, pestdence, famine, poverty,
and the roughest labor. I have been for six
months at a time in this country without tasting
bread, laboring meanwhile like a slave in tilling
the ground. Indeed, I have spent three or four
years without knowing what it was to eat bread
whenever I wanted it. God has been very good
to us in enabling us to bear up under trials of
every kind. I believe that if I should under¬
take to give you the particulars of all our ad¬
ventures, I should never get through. Suffice
it to say that God has had pity on me, and has
changed my lot to a happier one, glory be to
H is name.”
We must take these various inconveniences
into view, thoroughly to appreciate the jubilant
and grateful tone of a letter written by one of
the French Protestants shortly after landing in
Boston in the autumn of the year 1687. “By
the goodness of God,” says he, “ I arrived in
Chap. X.
1686.
Judith
Mani-
gault’s
account.
Chap. X.
1687.
Fishing
on the
Banks.
184 THE EMIGRATION : ON THE HIGH SEAS.
perfect health in this favored land on the seven¬
teenth day of last month, after a passage of
fifty-three days— counting from the time we left
the Downs, sixty miles from London, to the
time we reached Boston — and I have to say
that few ships make the trip in so short a time.
Our voyage was a very happy one, and with the
exception of three days and three nights, during
which we experienced a heavy storm, the time
passed agreeably and delightfully, enjoyed by
every person on board. The women, the young
girls and the children, gathered on the forward
deck, almost every day, diverting themselves.
We did not have the pleasure of fishing on the
Banks, for we sailed fifty leagues to the south
of them, our course being almost uniformly from
east to west.
“Whoever wishes to come to this country
should embark at London, from which place a
ship sails about once a month. The most suit¬
able time for embarking is the latter part of
March, or the end of August and the beginning-
of September. Then, the weather is neither
too hot nor too cold ; and besides, one avoids
the dead calms that occur frequently in summer,
and on account of which some vessels are four
months in making the trip. It is well to have
a physician on board, as we had in our ship.
With regard to danger, one must be particular
to take passage on a good vessel, well equipped
with men and with cannon, and well supplied
with victuals, especially with plenty of bread
and water. As to the route, there is risk only
I
VARYING FORTUNES. 185
in approaching land, and on the sand-banks.
We took soundings twice, off Cape Sable, and
on St. George’s Bank. After that, we took no
more soundings ; for three days later we sighted
Cape Cod, which is sixty miles from Boston,
toward the south ; and on the next day we
reached Boston, after passing a multitude of
exceedingly pretty islands, most of which are
cultivated, and present a very pleasing appear¬
ance.”
Very different were the fortunes of another
refugee, bound for South Carolina. His voy¬
age lasted over four months. The captain,
inexperienced and headstrong, instead of hold¬
ing on in a southwesterly direction, sailed to
the north-west, hoping to meet northerly winds
when off the coast of America. “ In due time,
we found ourselves several degrees north of the
latitude of New England, where we saw mon¬
strous whales.” During a violent storm en¬
countered at a distance of six hundred miles
from Charleston, the ship’s stores were damaged,
and the passengers were reduced to short rations ;
three pounds of mouldy biscuit, per week, being
allowed to each person. The water gave out,
and several died of exhaustion and privation.
Fortunately, as the vessel approached the shore,
the sailors succeeded in catching a quantity of
fish, to eke out the supply of food. At length,
land was seen, and the emigrants, “greatly de¬
lighted, began to prepare to go on shore, expect¬
ing to sleep that night in Charleston.” They
were charmed by the sight of innumerable birds,
Chap. X.
1687.
1 86 THE EMIGRATION : ON THE HIGH SEAS.
Chap. X.
1687.
From
London
to
James¬
town.
of all varieties, that perched upon the masts and
rigging. But their joy was short-lived. By
noon, although the wind had not increased, the
violence of the waves became such as to shatter
the bow of the vessel. The foremast was swept
away, and in its fall broke two of the mainyards.
The disabled ship was forced to seek the open
sea, and eventually cast anchor at the mouth of
York river, four hundred miles from the place of
its original destination.
Descendants of the Huguenots may be curious
to compare the accommodations provided for
their ancestors on the long voyage to America,
with the luxuries enjoyed in the floating palaces
that now accomplish the same trip in a single
week. A contract for carrying two hundred
French emigrants, in the year 1700, from Lon¬
don to Jamestown in Virginia, gives us an in¬
sight into the arrangements for the comfort of
passengers, on a vessel of the better class. The
Nassau was a ship of five hundred tons burden.
Her owner engaged to supply the emigrants
“with the same sort of provisions as those for
the ship’s company.” Their daily allowance was
to be furnished to them in messes, of eight
passengers to a mess ; and on every Monday
morning the weekly allowance of bread, butter
and cheese was to be distributed. The bill of
fare ran as follows : “ Every passenger above
the age of six yeares to have seven pounds of
Bread every weeke, and to a mess eight passen¬
gers ; and to have two pieces of Porke, at two
pounds each peece, five days in a weeke, with
A BILL OF FARE.
187
pease; and two days in a week, to have two chap. x.
four-pound peeces of Beefe a day, and peese, or ~Q
one four-pound peece of Beefe with a Pud¬
ding with Peese ; and at any time if it shall
happen, that they are not willing the Kettle
should be boyled, or by bad weather cannot, in
such case every passenger shall have one pound
of cheese every such day ; and such children as
are under six yeares of age, to have such allow¬
ances in flower, oat-meal, Fruit, Sugar and But¬
ter, as the overseers of them shall judge con¬
venient.” The ship was to be fitted out with
“ Lodgings or Cabbins for the said passengers
with two in an apartment, and with hammocks”
for beds. One-fourth part of the hold was
reserved for the emigrants. The price agreed
upon for the passage was five pounds sterling
for each person, and one hundred pounds in ad¬
dition for the use of the part of the ship reserved
to the emigrants. Stores of “ Brandy, sugar,
figgs, raisons, and sugar-biscuit for the sick,”
were laid in, besides abundant supplies of garden
seeds and tools, fire-arms, nets, and other articles
for the projected settlement. There was a
special provision for the accommodation of the
passengers in case the ship should put into port
or other place, in the course of the voyage. “ If
any of the said passengers shall be on shore, then
the said ship shall stay for their returning on
board twenty-four hours in the whole after the
wind shall be fair, and send the ship’s boats on
shore to bring- them off — after which four-and-
twenty hours, the ship to have liberty to pro¬
ceed.”
CHAPTER XI.
The Settlement,
boston.
chap, xi. No facts concerning the various emigrations
to America that took place in the course of the
seventeenth century, are better understood, than
those that account for the coming of the Protest¬
ant refugees from France. The persecutions
to which they were subjected in that country
because of their conscientious belief, stand out
distinctly to our view as the procuring cause of
this expatriation.
Little attention, however, has been given to
the particular reasons for the settlement of the
Huguenots in the several colonies to which they
came. Originating in a forced flight, the move¬
ment continues to present to the imagination
the appearance of a dispersion, hasty and inco¬
herent ; and we think of the fugitives as cross¬
ing the ocean, very much as many of them
crossed the British Channel, panic-stricken, and
nearly desperate, abandoning themselves in
utter ignorance to a guiding power in which they
religiously trusted. It will be found, on further
inquiry, that the emigration was an intelligent
one. Providentially directed, its course was
shaped by the mature judgment of well-informed
MOTIVES FOR THE CHOICE. 189
men, who were enterprising and practical as chap.xi.
well as devout.
Thus the Huguenots who came to Boston, had
their reasons for so doing. That city had long
been known in the seaports of western France,
and especially in La Rochelle. The trade with
Canada, and still more that with Nova Scotia,
chiefly controlled by the Protestant merchants and
conducted by the Protestant shipmasters of La
Rochelle, had brought the French in frequent
contact with the coastwise commerce of New
England. More than once, also, in the course
of the quarrels and intrigues of those rival
Acadian chieftains, La Tour and Charnise, who
were always eager to drag Massachusetts into
their dispute, a ship from La Rochelle had
looked in upon Boston harbor ; and her crew,
whether Protestant or Romanist, had received
the hospitality of the town. In these ways, and
in others besides, the Huguenots of western
F ranee had gained a more distinct and more favor¬
able impression of the Puritan capital, than of any
other American locality ; and though it seemed
almost impossible for them to write its name
correctly, the geographical position, and the
social and commercial advantages of “ Baston” 1
were widely understood among them.
1 So the word constantly appears, not only in private
letters, but also in government reports, in charts, and in the
Mercure historique. Possibly an orthoepic reason may be
assigned. The broad French sound of the letter A, in the
dialect of Saintonge especially, would best represent the
anomalous English sound of the letter O, in ‘ Boston. I
may add that I am sustained in this opinion by the judg-
19° THE SETTLEMENT: BOSTON.
chajhXi. It was doubtless on this account that, as we
1660. have seen, a body of French Protestants ex-
1680. polled from the city of La Rochelle petitioned
the Governor and magistrates of the Massachu¬
setts colony, in the year 1662, for liberty to set¬
tle among the English in their jurisdiction.* 1 For
the next twenty years, no considerable number
of refugees came to Boston. But meanwhile
Salem, the population of the neighboring town of Salem
received some valuable accessions from the
Channel Islands of Jersey and Guernsey. These
islands, lying off the coast of France, originally
belonged to the dukes of Normandy, and re¬
mained subject to the English crown after the
Norman conquest. The inhabitants were for
the most part of French descent, and spoke a
French dialect. At the time of the Reformation
they embraced the Protestant faith ; and from
the reign of Elizabeth, these islands became a
place of refuge for many of the persecuted
Fluguenots. They brought with them their own
ecclesiastical customs, and organized churches
“after the model of Geneva.”2
ment of the learned Rochellese historian, M. Louis Meschi-
net de Richemond.
1 See volume I., p. 270.
2 Among these refugees were nearly fifty ministers, some
ot them men of distinction for rank and learning. “ So
effectually did they beat down every superstition remaining
that in a little while not a Papist was left in the island (of
Jersey), nor has there been one ever since.” (Caesarea •
or an account of Jersey, the greatest of the islands remain¬
ing to the Crown of England of the ancient Dutchy of Nor
mandy. Second edition. By Philip Falle, some time Rec-
toi of St. Saviour s and Deputy from the States of the
SETTLERS FROM CHANNEL ISLANDS. 191
Enjoying special opportunities and privileges
of trade, these islands furnished many bold and
enterprising mariners, to whom the coasts and
seaports of New England were well known.
Salem, in particular, sustained commercial rela¬
tions with the island of Jersey, as early as the
year 1660; and subsequently, a number of per¬
sons from that island came to establish them¬
selves there. Philip English, John Touzell,
John Browne, Nicolas Chevalier, Peter Morrall,
John Vouden, Edward Feveryear, Mary But¬
ler, Rachel Dellaclose, the Valpys, Lefavors,
Beadles, Cabots, and other inhabitants of Salem,
were natives of Jersey. Most of these names
suffered some change in the transplanting. John
Island to their Majesties William and Mary. London :
1734. First published in 1681.) These ministers intro¬
duced the discipline and liturgy of the French Reformed
Churches, in place of the English service-book, which had
been translated into French under Edward VI., and used in
all the churches of the island. They ordained elders and
deacons, in the church of St. Helier, the chief town, and pre¬
vailed with the magistrates and many of the principal inhab¬
itants to petition the Queen for leave to have all the other
churches modeled like unto that of St. Helier. This she
refused to do, while permitting the order instituted in that
church to be continued. By degrees, however, the example
set them was followed ; and in June, 1576, a synod of min¬
isters and elders was called to meet in the town of St. Peter
Port, Guernsey, and a form of ecclesiastical discipline was
adopted for the Reformed Churches in the islands of Jersey,
Guernsey, Selk and Oriny, with the approval of the govern¬
ors of the islands. The Queen took no notice of these
changes, and James I., in 1603, confirmed the order thus
established. Some modifications were subsequently intro¬
duced ; the office of dean was revived, and the English
liturgy was recommended, but great liberty was allowed in
its use.
Chap. XI.
1660-
1680
Jersey
and
Guernsey,
192
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1670.
Philip
English.
April
21,
1692.
Browne was probably Jean Le Brun. Philip
English was Philippe L’Anglois, son of Jean
L’Anglois, as his baptismal certificate shows.1 * * * *
Philip English came to Salem about the year
1670, and soon rose to be a prosperous mer¬
chant. He carried on an extensive trade with
France and Spain, and with the West Indies.
At the height of his success, in 1692, he owned
twenty-one vessels, fourteen buildings in the
town, and a wharf and warehouse. His own
dwelling was a stately mansion, long known as
“ English’s great house,” which remained stand¬
ing until 1833. His business accounts were
chiefly kept in the French language, and he
long maintained a correspondence in the same
language with his relatives in the island of Jer¬
sey. From time to time, he brought over from
that island a number of young men and young-
women ; the men, to be let out at sea-service for
a term of four years, and the girls to serve as
apprentices for seven years. He was a man of
indomitable energy, high-spirited and impulsive,
and intolerant of wronm During- the terrible
reign of the witchcraft delusion in Massachu¬
setts, English was a prominent sufferer. His
wife, a daughter of William Hollingworth, a
wealthy merchant of Salem, was accused of
witchcraft, and committed to prison. Her hus-
1 Some Remarks on the Commerce of Salem from 1626 to
1740 — with a sketch of Philip English — a Merchant in Salem
from about 1670 to about 1733-4. By George F. Chever.
(Historical Collections of the Essex Institute, vol. I., pp.
67-gi, 117-143, i57-i8i-)
EMIGRANTS FROM CHANNEL ISLANDS. 193
band was subsequently arrested, and with five chap xi
others, they were removed some time after to
Boston. All were put to death, except English
and his wife, who escaped from prison with the
connivance of the authorities, and fled to New
York. The following year, when the storm of
fanaticism had abated, they returned to Salem,
to find their home sacked by the mob, and their
goods attached and confiscated by the sheriff.
English manfully set himself to rebuild his for¬
tunes ; but his wife died not long after from the
effects of the bi utal treatment she had received.
The husband lived to a good old age, and died
in the year 1736. It is highly probable that the
Huguenots who came to Massachusetts from
time to time found a warm and generous friend
in this Salem merchant. Bernon mentions him
with great respect, as one who was cognizant of
the affairs of the Oxford plantation.
Other emigrants from the Channel islands
came about the same time to Boston. Jeffrey
IH oye and John Foye, “well known in London, Foye.
and in all Boston, as a pious, good and discreet
man,” were probably from Guernsey. John Au¬
gustine, a native of Jersey, settled in Reading,
but removed in 1680 to Falmouth. Captafn PhmP
Philip Dumaresq, at a later day, brought over a Dumaresq>
considerable number of Huguenots from the same
island; and in 1716, Dumaresq himself settled
in Boston. In 1711, Joseph Roy, of the parish
of St. Aubin, in the island of Jersey, came to Joseph
Boston with his infant son John. He remained Roy'
eleven years in that town, and then removed to
Chap, XI.
1680.
Deputa¬
tion
from
La
Koshelle.
194 THE SETTLEMENT: BOSTON.
Woodbridge, New Jersey. His family finally
settled in Basking Ridge, where five generations
have lived. The family tradition represents the
emigrant as a Huguenot who had fled to Jersey
from France.1
Early in the year 1680, a deputation from La
Rochelle visited Boston, commissioned to ask
permission in behalf of their brethren to settle
within the bounds of the colony.2 The request
was granted; but either the project fell through,
or the refugees were drawn to some other col-
ony ; for no account of their arrival in Massa¬
chusetts appears.
Soon after this, however, the increasing per¬
secutions in France gave a fresh impulse to
1 “ Francis Gerneaux escaped from (to?) the island of
Guernsey, during the bloody persecution that arose in con¬
sequence of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantz. One
of his neighbours having been martyred, a faithful servant
of his deceased friend informed him that he himself had
been doomed to the same fate, and that he was to suffer
that very night, at twelve o’clock. Being a gentleman of
wealth, and having trustworthy and influential friends
around him, he at once secured a vessel, and, having caused
his family to be placed on board, he was himself conveyed
in a hogshead to the same retreat, and before morning, the
vessel was not to be seen from the harbor. Mindful of
the condition of other persons, at other Protestant settle¬
ments, he so managed as to send his boat ashore at several
of those places and by this means his company of emi¬
grants was much enlarged. They sailed for America, and
arrived safely at New York. * * * Mr. Gerneau died
at the extraordinary age of one hundred and three years.”
(Annals of the American Pulpit, by William B. Sprague, D.D.,
vol. VI., p. 62.) The name became corrupted to Gano.
The Rev. John Gano, an eminent Baptist minister, (born
1727, died 1804,) was a great-grandson of this refugee.
2 Voyage to New York, by Dankers and Sluyter, p. 390.
FUGITIVES FROM PERSECUTION. 1 95
emigration ; and in 1682 a few fugitives found
their way over, in a state of destitution that
appealed powerfully to the sympathies of the
people. An order of the Governor and Council
informed the churches of Boston and the neigh¬
boring towns that “ Several French Protestants
have fled hither for shelter by reason of the
present sufferings in their own country.” They
came, recommended by known persons of emi¬
nent integrity in London. The Council, taking
into consideration the distressed condition of
the strangers, and how much it might be for the
credit of religion that they should be suitably
and seasonably relieved, recommended that col¬
lections be made for the benefit of “ these Chris¬
tian sufferers.” The next Thursday was to be
a general fast; and the ministers were requested
to publish to their congregations, in the morn¬
ing of that day, that such collections would be
made in the afternoon.1
The refugees were twelve in number — four
men, three women and five children. Few as
they were, and far as they were from France,
the persecuting government of that country had
its eye upon them. An official list of the families
of the Pretended Reformed Religion who went
from Aunis and the coasts of Saintonge to
foreign countries, between the year 1681 and the
year 1685, contains the following names and
annotations : — “ Marie Tissau, widow of Jean
Pare, parish of S. Sauveur, La Rochelle, with
Chap. XI.
1682.
June
15.
Collections
in the
Churches.
1 Massachusetts Archives, vol. XI., p. 22.
196 THE SETTLEMENT: BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1682.
Judith,
Marie
and
Susanne
Pare,
her three daughters. Year of departure, 1681.
Place of retreat, New England. Property left,
an estate at Marsilly, and a house in town.”
“ The widow Guerry, with her two sons, her
son-in-law, and two small children. Year of
departure, 1681. Place of retreat, Baston.
Property left, none.” “ Elie Charron, seaman.
Year of departure, 1682. Place of retreat, Bas¬
ton.” “Francois Basset, seaman, Year of de¬
parture, 1682. Place of retreat, Baston.”1
It is pleasant to know that the kindly welcome
extended to these strangers, upon their coming to
Boston, was, to some of them at least, the presage
of happiness in after days. Marie Tissau’s three
daughters found homes in America, that made
up, it is to be presumed, for the loss of the town
house in La Rochelle, and the country-seat at
Marsilly. Judith Pare married Stephen Robineau,
a Huguenot refugee, who settled in Narragan-
sett. Her sister Marie became the wife of
Ezekiel Grazillier, one of the leading members
of the Huguenot colony in New York ; and Sus¬
anne married the excellent Elias Neau, the first
1 Archives Nationales, TT- N0, 259. “ Liste des families
de la religion pretend iie reformee qui sont sorties des pays
d’Aulnix, Isles et costes de Xaintonge pour aller dans les
dits pays estrangers depuis l’annee 1681, jusques ala fin de
May, 1685.”
The malevolent interest with which Louis XIV. traced
the fortunes of his escaped subjects, has another illustration,
in a map of the town, bay, and environs of “ Baston,’’
drawn in 1693 by Franquelin, “ hydrographe du Roy.” The
locality of the Huguenot Church in Boston is indicated on
this map by the words “ renegats franqois.” — (Fac-simile in
the Public Library of Boston.)
ELIE NEAU IN BOSTON. 197
catechist of Trinity Church in New York, and
one of the most remarkable of all the French
Protestant refugees that came to this land.
Boston was the first home of Elias Neau in
America, and he resided there for six years. It
was at this period that he became acquainted
with the famous apostle to the Indians, John
Eliot, and saw something of his work among the
Christianized tribes in Massachusetts. That
work, in Eliot’s own words, was then under “a
dark cloud ; ” and Neau seems to have formed
an unfavorable opinion of the sincerity and
steadfastness of the “ praying Indians yet one
cannot help thinking that the young Frenchman
must have caught something of the zeal and the
pity that he displayed afterwards in his own
unwearied labors among the Indians and neo-roes
of New York, from the veteran missionary of
the cross, whose career was nearly finished.
But the blow designed to annihilate Protestant¬
ism in France, had now fallen. The Edict of
Fontainebleau, revoking in form all those pro¬
visions of the Edict of Nantes which had already
been annulled one by one, was signed by Louis
XIV. in October, 1685. It was at this period,
when hundreds of thousands fled the country,
that Massachusetts received its largest accession
of Huguenots. A letter from La Rochelle,
written to some person in that colony, on the
first day of the memorable month of the dragon-
nades and the Revocation, announces in quaint
English the coming of many of them.1
1 See volume I., page 314.
Chap. XI.
1686-
1692.
John
Eliot.
198 THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. xi. “ The country where you live (that is to say
October 1 New England) is in great estime ; I and a great
1685- many others, Protestants, intend to go there.
Tell us, if you please, what advantage we can have
there, and particularly the boors who are accous-
tumed to plough the ground. If some body of
your country would hazard to come here with a
ship to fetch in our French Protestants, he would
make great gain.”
1686 The ship did not come ; but fertile in expedi¬
ents, many of the persecuted Rochellese man¬
aged to escape from France, and in due time to
reach New England. Meanwhile, the summer
and autumn of the next year witnessed the arrival
of several other companies of Huguenot refugees.
In July, 1686, application was made by certain
French Protestants “lately arrived from St.
Christophers ” for admission to the colony ; and
Ji27 the Council passed an order, not only for the
applicants, but also for such other French Prot¬
estants as might come into that territory, that
they should be allowed to reside in his Majesty’s
said dominion, and to proceed from and return
hither as freely as any other of his Majesty’s
subjects, upon taking the oath of allegiance be¬
fore the President of the Council.1 In the fol-
1 Massachusetts Archives. Council Records, 16S6 & 1687
P. 52.
12th July, 1686.
* * * * * * * *
“Upon application of the French Protestants (lately arrived
from St. Christophers) to the President for admission to
reside and dwell in this his Majtyd Dominion and to brine;
their effects and concerns here.
“ Ordered, That upon the takeing the oath of Allegiance
i99
FIFTEEN FAMILIES ARRIVE.
lowing month, a “brief” was prepared and chap.xi.
appointed to be read in all the meeting-houses
of the colony, setting forth the necessities of a
number of emigrants “lately arrived here in August
great distress.” I he congregations of Boston &-
and other towns were apprised, that “ There are
lately arrived fifteen French familyes with a Re¬
ligious Protestant Minister, who are in all, Men,
\\ omen and Children, more than fourscore
soules, and are such as fled from France for
Religions sake, and by their long passage
at sea, their Doctor and twelve Men are
Dead, and by other inconveniences, the living
are reduced to great sickness and poverty
and therefore objects of a true Christian
Charity.” They were told also that “many
other poor French Protestants” were “daily
expected, as letters inform,” who would “ bring
further distress and charge with them.” Two
of the principal citizens of Boston, Captain
Elisha Hutchinson and Captain Samuel Sewall,
had consented to receive and distribute the
moneys that might be collected, for the relief of
these needy strangers ; and the ministers of the
churches were desired, not only to publish this
order from their pulpits, but also to “ put for¬
ward the people in their charity.” 1
before the President, and under his hand and seal of his
Majtys Territory and Dominion, they be allowed to reside
and dwell in his M?jtys sd dominion, and to proceed from
hence and return hither as freely as any other of his
Majlys subjects, and this to be an order for all such French
Protestants that shall or may come into this his Majtys Ter¬
ritory and Dominion.”
1 Mass. Archives, Council Records, 1686 & 1687. P. 67.
200
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chap. xi. Five weeks later, the expected visitors ar-
1686 riyed. A small ship entered the port of Salem,
having on board a third company of persons
September, u flying for shelter from the great Persecution
against the Protestants in France.” “ Neces¬
sitated to leave the said kingdom to seeke out a
place where they might live in peace in the free
exercise of their Religion according to a good
conscience,” they had been “encouraged by sev-
erall of their Friends that they would be re¬
ceived and bid welcome in this Country.” The
good people of Salem were not slow to show
their compassion toward these immigrants ; and
August the 5th, 1 686.
“Ordered: That a Brief be drawn up & printed, and
read in all Meeting houses to supply the necessityes of the
French lately arrived here in great distress ; a coppie whereof
followeth :
“ There are lately arrived fifteen Familyes with a Relig¬
ious Protestant Minister, who are in all Men, Women and
Children, more than fourscore soules, and are such as fled
from France for Religions sake, and by their long passage at
sea, their Doctor and twelve Men are Dead, and by other
inconveniences, the living are reduced to great sickness and
poverty & therefore objects of a true Christian Charity.
“ Alsoe fifty persons, Men, Women and Children, which
were by the cruelty of the Spaniards beaten off from Elea-
theria (an Island of the Bohemiahs) naked and in great
distress, as also many other poor French Protestants are
dayly expected (as letters inform) who will bring further
distress and charge with them. The President and Councill
have intreuted Cap'1 Elisha Hutchinson and Cap'1 Samuell
Sewall to receive & distribute the same among them accord¬
ing to the direction of the President and Councill from time
to time for their respective necessityes, and to whom such as
are Betrusted in the severall Townes are desired to return
what shall be collected ; and the Ministers in the severall
Townes are desired to publish this order and to put forward
the people in their charity.”
CONSPICUOUS NAMES.
201
the Council ordered that “the money lately
gathered at Salem by way of contribution for
the relief of the poor distressed French Protest¬
ants be returned thither for the necessary sup¬
port ” of the new comers.1
Some fifty years ago, the “ French house” in
Salem was still pointed out, as the place where
many of these immigrants were sheltered upon
their arrival.2
But the Huguenots did not long continue to
require commiseration or assistance. Habits of
industry and thrift enabled them, in a new and
free country, soon to provide for their own and
for another’s wants. Moreover, these destitute
fugitives were followed, in the two succeeding
years, by many who had been more fortunate in
carrying with them from France a portion at
least of their property. The ships that sailed
nearly every month from London for Boston,
were now bringing over families whose names
have become historic with us, and not a few of
whom had inherited wealth and ancestral rank.
Bernon, Baudouin, Cazneau, Sigourney, the
Faneuils, the Allaires, were here by the autumn
1 Mass. Archives, Council Records, 1686 & 1687. P. 79.
Sept, the 27th, 16S6.
“Ordered : That the money lately gathered at Salem by
way of contribution for the relief of the poor distressed
French Protestants be returned thither for the necessary
support of the French lately arrived there and to be dis¬
tributed according to discretion.”
2 Boston News-Letter and City Record, vol. I., p. 199.
The house in question stood in a lane near Fligh Street, at
the head of the South river.
Cliap. XI.
1686.
“ Men of
Estates,”
202
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chap, xi. of the year 1688. Mr. Palfrey has stated1 that
1687- about a hundred and fifty families of French
1688 Huguenots came to Massachusetts after the
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. The
estimate is probably too low. But if such an
estimate were based only upon the names that
can be gathered at this distance of time, the
proportion of those that have been conspicuous
and honored, would be found very considerable.
The good ship John and Elizabeth, of Lon¬
don, Jonas Leech, master, sailed from the river
Thames in March, 1688, with a number of
c? ants on board. Several families
crossed in the same year on the ship Dolphin,
John IHoy, master. A third detachment came
ovei about the same time on the Friendship, a
vessel of one hundred tons, carrying fourteen
guns, and commanded by captain John Ware.
First The first impressions of our Huguenots on
^ons approaching Boston, were very favorable. “ We
Boston. Passed>” wrote one of them, “a multitude of
exceedingly pretty islands, most of them inhab¬
ited and cultivated by peasants, and presenting
a very attractive appearance. Boston,” he corT-
tinues, “ is situated within a bay three or four
leagues in circumference, and shut in by these
islands. Here ships ride in safety, in all kinds
of weather. The town is built upon the slope of
a little hill, and is about as large as La Rochelle.
With the suburbs, it nearly forms an island. It
would only be necessary to cut through a sand-
1 History of New England. Vol. I., Preface.
SUBURBAN HOMES.
203
bar, three hundred paces wide, and in less than
forty-eight hours Boston would be an island,
with the sea beating upon it on all sides. The
town is constructed almost entirely of wood ; but
since the ravages made by tires, it is no longer
allowed to build of wood, and several very hand¬
some houses of brick are at present going up.”
The stranoers who now arrived did not all
o
establish themselves in Boston. Some, whose
circumstances permitted, purchased or leased
small farms in the neighborhood. “ Several of
the French families,” wrote the refugee whose
letter we have just quoted, “have bought En¬
glish habitations already improved, and have
obtained them on very reasonable terms. M.
de Bonrepos,1 * * * * & our minister’s brother, has secured
1 The following petition for naturalization, addressed by
Elie de Bonrepos to the governor, is without date, but occurs
in the Council Records for the years 1686 and 1687 :
“ To His Excellence Sr Edmund Andros, Governour &
Cap1 Generali of His Majties Territories of New England
& in America. The humble Petition of Elias De Bonrepos,
Frenchman, late of St. Christophers, nFchant, Humbly
sheweth unto your Excellency that being forced by the Per¬
secution at France ag* all Protestants, hee retired to this
Towne of Boston (by vertue of his Maj“es of Great Brittans
Proclamapon in Favor to all French Protestants) Vnder
your Excellencies protection together wth his Famillie, being
Five in Number, whoe haveing a dessigne to Establish him¬
self & to finish the rest of his dayes in this Countrie, hath
bargained with Mr John Nelson for a House and about five
Acres of Land scituate neere Salem wch bargain he would
not conclude wth out Leaue from your Execellencie that in
case your humble Petitioner should suddainly depart this
Life his Famillie might be disposest thereof being in hopes
that his Majtie will be soe bounteous as to send orders to
your Excellencie in there favor for there Naturalizeing that
soe his Children & there successors may not be troubled in
Chap. XI.
1687.
Elie de
Bonrepos.
204 THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chap. xi. one at a distance of fifteen miles from here, and
1687. within three miles of Salem, a very pretty town,
having a considerable trade ; for which he paid
sixty-eight pistoles, or six hundred and eighty
French livres. There are, connected with it,
seventeen acres of land completely cleared, and
a small orchard. Mr. Legare, a French mer¬
chant — a goldsmith — has purchased a property
twelve miles to the south,1 with ten acres and a
half, which cost him eighty pistoles, or eight
hundred livves. M. Mousset, being burdened
with a family, has rented a farm, for which he
pays eight pistoles a year. It has a good dwell¬
ing house, with twenty acres of cleared land.”
The Among the French who arrived in the sprino-
P°Se?s and earlY summer of the year 1688, was a com-
arrive‘ PanY of some forty persons, headed by Gabriel
Bernon. The greater number of these emigrants
were destined for the. plantation at Oxford ; but
Bernon himself, with his nephews Allaire’ and
Depont, and his connections Benjamin and Andre
I aneuil, settled in Boston,2 where they were soon
there right possession. Wherefore your humble Petition
humb • ' Excellence to grant him Libertie to make
?e*s & Negotiate as a M'chant in buying & s
' nance of his Famillie within the Extent
ot your Excellencies Territories and Governin' as if he were
a ” ' ’ abject & he will ever be bound humbly to
pray for your Excellencies Long Life and prosperitie.”
At Biaintree, Norfolk County, Massachusetts.
2 Almost the first concern of the refugees— particularly of
those among them who were “ Men of Estates ’’—was the
registration of their names as naturalized subjects of Great
Biitain. Thus Bernon who, as we shall see in the next
chapter, arrived in Boston on the fifth day of July, 1688— is
PIERRE BAUDOUIN. 205
joined by another exile from La Rochelle, Pierre
Baudouin.
Pierre Baudouin was a native of La Rochelle,
and sprang from one of the most ancient and
important families of that town. The severities
that were practiced in France toward the Prot¬
estants, compelled him to depart from that coun¬
try with his family, and to take refuge in the
realm of Ireland, in the city of Dublin. There
he obtained a position in the royal Customs, but
a change of officers left him without employ¬
ment, and he was consequently induced to come
to America, and settle in Casco— now Portland
— in Maine. In the summer of the year 1687,
Baudouin petitioned Governor Andros for one
hundred acres of land.1 His prayer was
found on the twentieth of that month in the office of the
registry of deeds for the county of Suffolk, where Thomas
Dudley, clerk, “ at the Desire of Mr Gabriel Bernon one of
the Partys therein mentioned,” records the letters-patent of
denization that have been issued in London on the fifth of
January in the same year, in favor of some four hundred
French Protestant exiles and their families. — (Liber XIV.,
folio 212.) Not one in ten of these families came to Amer¬
ica ; yet nothing short of the entire transcription of the
patent would content the refugee, accustomed to the scru¬
pulous formality of all civil procedures in his native country.
Similar instances of exactitude occur in the deed-books for
the province of New York. The names of persons natural¬
ized by letters-patent issued in London, March 21, 1682, in
behalf of Stephen Bouchet and thirty-five or forty other
French Protestants with their families, are entered in Liber
IX., folio 326, for the sole benefit of Francois Vincent, his
wife Anne, his children Anne and Francois, and John Hain.
A note appended states that the parties sailed from London
for New England, March 28, 1682. — (See also Liber X.,
folio 40.)
1 “A Son Excellance, Monsieur le governeur en chef de
la nouuelle Engleterre.
Chap. XI.
1687.
206
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. xi, granted “ but the patent for the land was fraudu-
1688. len tly withheld from him by the surveyor ; and
in the autumn of the next year he was forced to
seek redress. His letter to the governor is on
“ Supplie humblement Pierre Baudouin, disant que les
rigeurs qui ce exzercere en France contre les protestans, lau-
royent oblige den sortir auecq sa famille et ce seroyent refu-
gies en le royaume dirlande en la ville de Dublin, auquel
lieu il auroit pleu a messieurs les receueurs des droits de sa
majeste dadmettre le suppliant a vn employ de garde des bu¬
reau mais comme du despuis il y aheu changement d’officiers
il seroit demeure sans employ, ce quy auroit este cause que
le suppant et sa families quy sont aau nombre de six per-
sonnes se sont retirez dans ces territtoire, dans la ville de
Casco en la conte de Mayne, et d aultant quil y a plusieurs
terres quy ni sont point occupee et principallement cedes
quy sont situee a la pointe dusus de Barbary Crike Ce con¬
sider^ monsieur il plaize a vostre Excellance, ordonner quil
en soit deliure au suppliant jusque au nombre de cent acre,
aux fins que ce luy soit un moyen dentretenir sa famille et il
continura a prier Dieu pour la sante et prosperite de vostre
Excellance.
“ Pierre Baudouin.”
(Endorsed 2d August, 1687.)
The original of the above letter is in the possession of the
Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, Boston. A fac-simile is given in
a volume of Mr. Winthrop’s occasional addresses, entitled
“Washington, Bowdoin, and Franklin.”
1 A warrant dated October 8, 16S7, signed by Governor
Andros, and directed to Mr. Richard Clements, deputy sur¬
veyor, authorizes and requires him to lay out one hundred
acres of vacant land in Casco Bay for Pierre Baudouin, in
such place as he shall be directed by Edward Tyng, Esq.,
one of his Majesty’s Council. “Before the warrant was
executed, however, Pierre Baudouin had obtained possession
of a few acres of land on what is now the high road from
Portland to Vaughan’s Bridge, a few rods northerly of the
house of the Hon. Nicholas Emery. A solitary apple-tree,
and a few rocks which apparently formed the curbing of a
well, were all that remained about twenty years ago, to mark
the site of this original dwelling-place of the Bowdoins in
America.” — (The Life and Services of James Bowdoin : by
Robert C. Winthrop.)
PIERRE BAUDOUIN.
207
record in the archives of Massachusetts, and like chap.xi.
the writings of other refugees that have come ,^TS
down to us, almost uniformly, its construction
shows that the petitioner was a man of intelli¬
gence and cultivation. He represents that in
his flight from the kingdom of France, he has
lost nearly the whole of the property which he
possessed ; and what remained has been used in
conveying himself and his family, consisting of
six persons— four of whom are little children not
yet old enough to earn their livelihood — to this
country. He prays therefore to be exempted
for a few years from taxation, having already
been compelled to sell at a sacrifice some of his
effects, in order to pay for the survey of his
land.1
1 “ A son Excellence monsieur le governeur en chef de la
nouvelle Engleterre.
“ Supplie humblement Pierre Baudouin, disant quil a pleu
a Vostre Excellence de lay accorder cent acre de terre en la
despan[dan]ce de Falmouth province de Mayne, et mesrne
ordonne au sieur Richard Clements harpanture [charpen-
teur ?] en cette partie deputte d’en faire charpantement, apres
quoy en faire son raport aux fins quil soit delivre patentes
ou baillettes de la ditte terre. Et d’autant que par la fuitte
du supfplijant du royaume de France, pays de sa naissance,
causee par les rigeurs quy cy exerce contre ceux de sa re¬
ligion, d a preque tout perdu le bien quil poceddoit et ce
quy luy restoit a este employe a son transport et de sa
famille en ces territoires estant au nombre de six personnes
ayant quatre petits enfans quy ne sont encore en age de
gaigner leur vie ce considerfant], monsieur il plaist a votre
Excellence en continuant vos faveurs envers le supliant de
luy faire delivrer la ditte baillette pour dieu [?] et de lexan-
tir pour quelques annee des taxes quy selevent sur les pro-
priaitaires des terres et le supliant continuera a prier Dieu
pour la prosperity de Vostre Excellence, ayant desia paye
audit Clements trante quatre shillings et deux penny en
208
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chap^xi. Benjamin and Andre Faneuil 1 came, like Bau-
1687. douin, from La Rochelle. Thoroughly trained
to business, alert and self-reliant, they were pre¬
pared to enter at once upon trade in Boston ;
and we soon find the firm of “ Faneuil and Com¬
pany well under way. Benjamin was the elder,
and for the first few years his name is prominent.
Of Andre we hear little, until the early part
of the eighteenth century; and it may be that
within this period he visited FFolland, where he
was married. Meanwhile, Benjamin became one
of the solid men of Boston. Gabriel Bernon,
with whom, he was interested in the settlement
of New Oxford, mentions him foremost among
the several worthy Gentlemen ’ whose testi¬
mony he gives concerning the purchase. About
the year 1699, however, Benjamin removed to
New York, where he is shortly after heard of as
a person of considerable note ” among the
Fiench inhabitants of that city, FFe married
Anne, daughter of Francois Bureau. Andre
now re-appears, as a man of rapidly rising for¬
tunes. Fie soon takes rank among the wealthi¬
est and most enterprising citizens. FIis ware-
aigeant tant pour charpantement de 90 acres de la ditte
terre, que pour les certifficats comme il apert par son mes-
moireayantesteoblige .de vandre quelque esfaits quy luy
restoyent a moytye de juste pris pour avoir argeant pour le
dit Clements.
Mass. Archives, vol. CXXTX.
(Dated in the index, October
“ Pierre Baudoin.
» P- 237-
7, 1688.)
>>
1 See volume I., page 281.
FRANCOIS BUREAU. 209
houses were on Butler square, near State street. Chap.xi,
His lesidence was on I remont street. Erected j^s-
m 1 71 1, this edifice must have presented an
imposing appearance. It was built of brick,' '7°°'
painted white ; and over the entrance-door was
a semi-circular balcony. “ The hall and apart¬
ments were spacious, and elegantly furnished.
I he terraces, which rose from the pavement be¬
hind the house, were supported by massy walls
of hewn granite, and were ascended by flights
of steps of the same material.”1 But the occu¬
pant of this palatial dwelling was childless. At
his death, in 1737, it became the home of his
nephew Peter Faneuil, the eldest son of his
brother Benjamin ; whose name was destined to
live in the history of his country, through its
association with the “ cradle of Liberty,” Faneuil
Hall.
Francois Bureau, whose daughter became
the wife of Benjamin Faneuil, was also of
La Rochelle. He came to America in 1688,
bringing with him his wife Anne, two daughters,
and two sons. He was the brother of Thomas
Bureau, one of the principal French merchants
in London, “ living near ye Savoy great gate in
the Strand.” Francois, who invariably signed
himself “ Bureau l’aine,” joined the settlement
in Oxford, and upon the breaking up of that
colony, removed to New York.
Within the last decade of the seventeenth
century, the following Huguenot residents ap-
Memorial History of Boston, vol. II., p. 259.
2 IO
THE SETTLEMENT: BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1687-
1700.
pear in Boston : Louis Allaire,1 William Barbut,2
Philip Barger,3 David Basset 4 Peter Basset,5
Peter Baudouin, Jean Beauchamp,6 Gabriel Ber-
non, Isaac Biscon,7 Louis Boucher,8 Stephen
1 Louis Allaire was a son of Antoine Allaire, of La Ro¬
chelle, and a nephew of Alexandre Allaire, one of the early
settlers of New Rochelle, New York. He probably accom¬
panied Gabriel Bernon, whom he calls his cousin, to Bos¬
ton. — The connection was not very close. Jean Allaire, a
brother of Antoine and Alexandre, had married Jeanne
Bernon, Gabriel’s sister. Louis joined the Narragansett
colony upon his arrival, but soon left it, and became a resi¬
dent of Boston. The firm of “ Louis Allaire and Company ”
was already established in 1692, and was carrying on a
trade between Boston or Salem and southern ports. Louis
removed some years later to New York, and died, appa¬
rently of a lingering illness, before April 30, 1731, when
administration upon his estate was granted to his widow,
Abijah. (Wills, N. Y., XI., 127.) M. Torterue Bonneau, of
La Rochelle, wrote to his cousin Peter Jay, of New York,
May 21, 1726, “ Ce que vous me dites du pauvre Allaire
ln'aftlige beaucoup. Je prie le Seigneur qu’il l’ait soulage
dans un mal aussy facheux que celuy la.”— (Jay Papers.)
2 See page 134 of this volume.
3 Philip Barger, a Huguenot exile, came about 1685 to
Casco with Pierre Baudouin. He died in 1703, leaving a
widow Margaret, and probably a son Philip, who died in
1720. — (Savage, Genealogical Dictionary of the First Set¬
tlers of New England.)
1 David Bassett, a French Protestant, had two children
baptized in the Old South Church ; Mary, April 13, 1684 ;
and David, September 25, 16S7. — (Ibid.)
6 See page 26.
8 See page 103. John Beauchamp, leather-dresser,
bought the house which pasteur Daille had occupied in
AVashington street. By his will, he left ten pounds to the
French Church in Boston.
7 See volume I., page 31 1. Isaac Biscon was admitted a
resident of the colony, February 1, 1691.
8 Louis Boucher was naturalized in England, March 20,
1686. “ Mr. Louis Boucher, marchant a Boston,” is men¬
tioned in Gabriel Bernon’s accounts, March 23, 1703, to
August 15, 1704.
OTHER HUGUENOT NAMES.
2 I I
Boutineau,1 Trancis Bridon,2 IHrancis Bureau, chap. xi.
Peter Canton,3 Paix Cazneau,4 John Chabot,5 T~_
Peter Chardon,6 Deblois,7 James and Gabriel ’ W
— - -
1 See page 33. “ Stephen Boutineau, a Huguenot mer¬
chant, came from La Rochelle to Casco, 1686 ; accompa¬
nied his friend Baudouin, 1690, to Boston, and married,
August 22, 1708, Baudouin’s daughter Mary. He had six
sons and four daughters: — Anna, born April 24, 1709;
James, January 27, 1711 ; John, April r, 1713 ; Mary, Au¬
gust 5, 1715 ; Elizabeth, February 11, 1717 ; Mary (2nd),
January 18, 1719 ; Stephen, May 22, 1721 ; Peter, Decem¬
ber 11, 1722 ; Thomas, October 11, 1724; and Isaac, June
22, 1726.” — (Savage, Gen. Diet.) Administration was
granted, November 6, 1745, to James Boutineau, of Boston,
merchant, upon the estate of his brother Peter, formerly of
Boston, but late resident of St. Christopher’s, merchant.
—(Probate Office, Suffolk Co., No. 8365.)
2 See page 14.
* Peter Canton was engaged, in partnership with Gabriel
Bernon, 1692-1694, in making rosin.
4 Paix Cazneau, or Cazaniau, resided in Boston after the
breaking up of the Oxford colony. Letters of administra¬
tion on the estate of Adam De Chezeau were granted in
1738 to his brother-in-law Isaac Casno, of Boston, saddler.
Bonds were given by Peace Casno, felt- maker, and others.
(Probate Office, Suffolk Co., No. 7206.)
"See page 142. Chabot is mentioned in 1700 among the
leading members of the French Church, Boston, who were
designing to leave it. Apparently, he removed to New
York, where in 1711 John Chabot subscribed 16 shillings
toward the expense of building the steeple of Trinity Church.
6 See page 63. The family became affluent and influen¬
tial. Peter Chardon, “a prominent merchant of the
Huguenot stock,” lived “on the corner of the street bearing
his name.” — (Memorial History of Boston, II., p. xlviii.)
The last of the Chardons, Peter, of whom John Adams
speaks in 1758 as among the young men of Boston “ on the
directest road to superiority,” (ibid.,) died in the West In¬
dies in October, 1766.
7 See page 25. Deblois went first to South Carolina,
but soon left for the north. — (Relation d’un protestant refu¬
gee a Boston, 1687.) Gilbert and Louis Deblois, braziers,
convey property in Boston to Stephen Deblois, in 1754.
— (Memorial History of Boston, II., xviii., xli.)
2 12
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chap. xi. Depont,1 Broussard Deschamps,2 Benjamin and
i68~ _ Andre Faneuil, Bastian Gazeau,3 Rene Grignon,
Louis Guionneau,4 Daniel Johonnot,5 James
1700.
1 They were the sons of Paul Depont and Suzanne Ber-
non. James removed from Boston to Milford, Connecti¬
cut, and died in or before 1703.
2 Isaac Deschamps, “ likewise known by the name of Sa-
viot (or Sceviot) Broussard,” was in New York as early as
the year 1674. In 1683, he bought a parcel of land in that
city for Pierre Daille. He removed to Boston, but returned
in 1686 or before, to New York, where he made trouble in
the French Church. His wife, whose name he seems to have
assumed, was Mary Broussard. Deschamps was one of the
settlers in Narragansett. Plis last abode was in New Ro¬
chelle, where Marie Broussard in 1709 sold land formerly
belonging to him. His daughter married first Benjamin
D’Harriette, and after his death Andre Stuckey.
3 Bastian Gazeau, whom Savage supposes to have been a
Huguenot, was in Boston, 1686-1690. Several refugees of
this name, from Saintonge and Poitou, are mentioned.
4 See volume I., page 287. “ Marchand a Boston,” 1706,
1707. — (Bernon Papers.)
5 Daniel Johonnot, “born in France about 1668, was [the
head of] one of thirty families who arrived in Boston in
1686, in company with his uncle Andre Sigourney, distiller,
from La Rochelle. They went to Oxford, and remained till
the Indian massacre of August 25, 1696. The victims were
John Johnson and three children. Mrs. Susan Johnson was
the daughter of Andre Sigourney, and was saved from the
massacre, so the tradition runs, by her cousin Daniel Johon¬
not, to whom she was married by Rev. Samuel Willard of
the Old South Church, 1700. Johonnot was a distiller, and
was followed in his business successively, by his son Andre
and his grandson Andre. He died in Boston, 1748, aged
eighty years. The children of Daniel and Susan Johonnot
were : Zacharie, born January 20, 1701 ; Suzanne, born
April 18, 1702; Daniel, born March 19, 1704, died 1721 ;
Andre, born June 21, 1705; Marianne, born August 17,
1706; and Francois, born November 30, 1709, died March
8, 1775.” — (Memoranda of the Johonnot family: in the
New England Historic-Genealogical Register, October, 1852,
and April, 1853.)
OTHER HUGUENOT NAMES.
213
and Anthony Le Blond,' Francis Legare,1 2 Jean chap.xi.
Maillet,3 Francis Mariette,4 Bartholomew Mer- l68?_
cier,5 John Millet,6 lames Montier,7 Thomas
J J ’ 1 7 00.
Mousset,8 John Neau,9 Anthony Olivier,10 John
1 See page. 83. “ Mr Jacques Le Blond,” December 18,
1702. “ Mr Anthoine Blond, chandellier, a Boston,” Feb¬
ruary 6, 1703.— (Bernon papers.) “ James Le Blond, 1689,
probably a Huguenot, whose wife Ann united in 1690 with
Mather’s church.” — (Savage, Gen. Diet.) Their children,
baptized in that church, were, James, June 7, 1691 ; Peter,
January 6, 1695 ; Gabriel, March 6, 1698 ; Ann, December
15, 1700; Philippa, April 23, 1704; Marian, March 10,
1706: and Alexander, September 4, 1709. — (Ibid.)
2 See page in.
3 Jean Maillet, one of the inhabitants of Oxford, settled
afterwards in Boston. The will of Jean Mallet, shopkeeper,
of Boston, signed October 7, 1734, was offered for probate,
January 27, 1741.
4 See page 97.
6 See volume I., page 292. Bartholomew Mercier made
petition, October 29, 1684, in New York, for exemption
from payment of duties, having come from Boston to settle
in that city. He obtained denization for Catharine and
Henry Mercier and himself, October 17, 1685. His wife,
Catharine Laty, was a relative, probably a sister, of Marthe
de Lasty, wife of Guillaume Le Conte.
6 Jean Millet was an inhabitant of Oxford, and an “an-
cten ” of the French Church in that place.
7 See page 74. Jacques Montier was a resident of Bos¬
ton in 1696 and in 1703. — (Bernon Papers.)
6 “ Thomas Moussett, Boston, by wife Catherine, had son
Peter, born October 18, 1687. He owned land in Roxbury,
1698, and had lived in Braintree.” — (Savage.) Mousset
was one of the Elders of the French Church, Boston, in
1696.
9 Mentioned in the Bernon Papers, 1703.
10 “ Mr Anthoyne Olivier, chandellier, de Boston, 1704,5.”
(Bernon Papers.) “ Olivier, en Angleterre,” is named among
the fugitives from Niort, in Poitou. John and Peter Olivier
were naturalized in England, November 12, 1681. ‘‘An¬
toine Olivier, the Huguenot” — probably in the second gen¬
eration — ‘‘had by wife Mary fifteen children born between
1712 and 1731. Susanna married Andrew Johonnot. It
Chap. XI.
1 68 7—
1700.
214 THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Pastre,1 John Rawlings,2 Stephen Robineau,3
Joseph Roy, Abraham Sauvage,4 Peter Signac,5
has been found impossible to trace out this line satisfacto¬
rily, since the English name of Oliver is often found on our
records ; but the family was represented here in 1850 by
George Stuart Johonnot Oliver.” — (W. H. Whitmore, in
Memorial History of Boston, II., p. 554.)
1 John Pastre was naturalized in England, October 10,
1688. In 1689, he was a merchant in Boston, and one of
the leading members of the French Church. Administra¬
tion was granted, December 11, 1745, to Margaret Pastree,
widow, on the estate of her grandson George Pastree, gla¬
zier, late of Boston. — (Probate Office, Suffolk Co., No. 8396.)
2 Joshua Moody wrote from Portsmouth, March 20, 1683-4,
to Increase Mather, “ If one Mr. John Rawlings brings this
himself, and you bee at leisure to admit any discourse with
him, you will find him serious and pious. Hee hath been a
Ruling Elder of the french church in South-Hampton. He
is often with us, and you may hear from him more fully how
matters are here. He is sober and credible.” — (Collections
of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Vol. VIII., Fourth
Series. P. 363.) Rawlings was one of the Elders of the
French Church, Boston, 1696.
3 Stephen Robineau, perhaps a native of Poitou, where
the name rvas borne by several Protestants who went into
exile, was naturalized in England, April 15, 1687, with his
wife Judith and his daughter Mary. Judith Pare, wife of
Stephen Robineau, was a sister of Susanne Pare, wife of
Elias Neau. (See the will of Mary [Pare] Grazillier, in
Surrogate’s Office, New York, VII., 465.) Mary, daughter
of Stephen (deceased) and Judith Robineau, was married
May 9, 1703, in the French Church, New York, to Daniel
Ayrault. For an account of the descendants of Daniel Ay-
rault, see Memoir concerning the French Settlements in the
Colony of Rhode Island, by Elisha R. Potter, pp. 105-109.
The statement made in that account, that Mary was the
granddaughter of Elias Neau and Susanne his wife, is
incorrect.
4 See page 94.
6 “ Mr. Peter Signac, merchant, of Boston,” is mentioned
in the Bernon Papers, 1702-1705. Also, “ Coysgame (?) et
Signac et Compagnie.” Administration was granted, March
20, 1732, to Ann Signac, spinster, with others, upon the es¬
tate of her father, Peter Signac, formerly of Boston, but late
GABRIEL BERNON.
215
Andrew Sigourney,* 1 John Tartarien,2 Abraham Chap. xi.
Tourtellot.3 1687-
Among these names, there is one that claims I7oo
a special notice. Of Gabriel Bernon, we know
indeed much more than of any other of the
French Protestant emigrants to Massachusetts.
He was a ready writer, and he carefully treas¬
ured up his family papers and correspondence.
The Revocation, we have seen, found him a
prosperous merchant in the city of La Rochelle.
Leaving his affairs in the charge of a brother-in-
law, he fled, in the month of May or June, 1686,
to Amsterdam. A balance sheet drawn up with
great precision, just. before his departure, shows
on the credit side the sum, considerable for
those times, of fifty-one thousand seven hundred
and sixty-two livves. But the amount which he
succeeded in transmitting to his bankers in
Amsterdam was scarcely a tenth of this sum.
From Holland he proceeded, in February of the
following year, to London ; and in the summer
of 1688 he came to Massachusetts.
While in England, Bernon was induced to
associate himself with another French refugee,
Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau, for the settlement of
a plantation in the township of Oxford, in \\ or-
cester county, fifty miles from Boston. I his
of Newfoundland, merchant, deceased.— (Probate Office,
Suffolk Co., No. 6398.) , ,
1 See volume I., pages 282, 324, 325. A Genealogy ot
the Sigourney Family, by Henry H. W. Sigourney,’ was
published in Boston in 1857.
2 See page 41.
3 See page 141.
2 I 6
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chap. xi. enterprise, which proved every way unfortunate,
1688. swallowed up a great part of the means he had
brought away from France ; but it did not ab¬
sorb his energies. Soon after his arrival in New
England, we find him engaged in the manufac¬
ture of rosin, and other naval stores, for expor¬
tation to Great Britain. His success in this
manufacture was such as to attract the attention
of a government agent, who had been sent over
by the Earl of Portland, to ascertain what
advantages existed in the American colonies for
supplying the royal fleet with these articles. By
the agent’s advice, Bernon crossed the ocean, in
t693, for the purpose of -communicating his
views, and the results of his experience, to the
government, and of obtaining a patent for the
manufacture of such naval stores. He was well
received in London, by Lord Portland, and by
Lord Carmarthen, president of the royal coun¬
cil ; and in spite of powerful opposition, headed
by Sir Henry Ashurst, afterwards agent in En¬
gland ior Massachusetts, he succeeded so far as
to secure a contract with the government for a
certain term of years.
Bernon made a second visit to London, upon
the same errand, in December, 1696. He re¬
turned to Boston in the following spring, in
company with Governor Bellomont, to whom he
had been introduced and strongly recommended,
while in England, by the Earl of Galway and
other distinguished persons. Lord Bellomont
entered heartily into his plans for the encour¬
agement of colonial products, and urged upon
HUGUENOT ENTERPRISE.
217
the royal council the expediency of appointing chap.xi,
Bernon to superintend the manufacture of naval
stores. The project seems to have been favor¬
ably considered. It was brought again and
ao-ain to the notice of the Lords of Trade. But
o
nothing ever came of it. The government, it
would seem, could not bring itself to depart,
even in a matter that so nearly concerned the
public interest, from the policy of discouraging
all colonial industries.
Meanwhile, Bernon’s indomitable energies
were seeking new channels. We find him, as
early as the year 1692, engaging with the
Faneuils and Louis Allaire in trade with Penn¬
sylvania and Virginia ; exporting goods to
England and the West Indies, -in partnership
with other Boston merchants; and joining
Charles de la Tour in the peltry trade
with Nova Scotia. He was interested in the
manufacture of nails, in the making of salt,1
and in the building and purchasing of ships.2
1 “ The V Governor and near twenty of the most consid¬
erable merchants at Boston imployed a Frenchman to make
salt work there. The Frenchman performed his part, and
some hundred bushels of salt were made. (Eail of Bello-
mont to the Lords of Trade, November 28, 1700.)
2 It is more than likely that Bernon, in common with
other refugees who were men of estates in their own
country, received remittances more or less regularly from
correspondents in La Rochelle. Long after the Revocation,
many representatives of Protestant families that remained
in France— perhaps as “ new Catholics ” or professed con¬
verts — looked after the interests of relatives who had fled to
foreign parts, and transmitted to them with scrupulous
fidelity the revenues from funds left in their keeping, or the
portion that fell to them upon a division of inherited prop-
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
218
chap. xi. Nor was his activity confined to the furtherance
1690. the arts of peace. In April, 1690, he enters
upon an agreement with one Jean Barre, a fel¬
low-refugee, promising to furnish him with “ one
firelock muskett of three pounds valeu, one
pistoll of twenty shillings price, one Carthuse
Boxe of three shillings, one hatchet of two shil¬
lings,” and other necessaries, besides three
pounds in money; “ for his now intended voyage
on Board the Good shipp called the Porkepine,
Cap1 Ciprian Southack, Commander, now bound
to sea in a warfareing voyage.”
Captain Southack was a Boston skipper, who
became noted at a later day for his success in
breaking up piracy. The “ good ship Porcu¬
pine ” belonged to the fleet that was then
getting ready to sail from Boston harbor, under
Sir William Phips ; and the “warfareing voy-
age ” in question, was the expedition for the
capture of Port Royal, or Annapolis, in Nova
Scotia, which Massachusetts sent forth in the
spring of the year 1690, preliminary to the
enterprise then on foot for the conquest of
Canada.
The expedition for the capture of Annapolis
was thoroughly successful, and it awakened eager
hopes in Boston for the more important under¬
taking of which this was but the first step — the
attack about to be made upon Quebec. None
erty.— (Les Protestants rochelais depuis la Revocation de
I’Edict de Nantes jusqu’au Concordat. Par M. L. Meschi-
net de Richemond. P. 4.)
CAPTURE OF PORT ROYAL.
219
were more keenly interested in these movements chap XI
than the newly arrived Huguenots in Boston.
“ Our fleet,” wrote Benjamin Faneuil, in great i69°'
glee, on the twenty-second of May, to Thomas May
Bureau in London, “ our fleet which we sent out
from here to take Port Royal, has sent back
a ketch, which has arrived this day, with news
of the taking of the place, on capitulation.
They have seized six ketches, or brigantines,
loaded with wine, brandy, and salt, together
with the governor and seventy soldiers, and ^gy
have demolished the fort. They have also taken
twenty-four very fine pieces of cannon, and
thirty barrels of powder. We expect them
hourly. Our fleet which was composed of six
vessels, one of which carried forty guns, will be
reenforced with a number of strong ships, and
will be sent with twelve hundred men and some
Indians, to take Canada. I hope it will
succeed.”1 * *
1 “ Notre flotte que nous auions envoye dicy pour prandre
Port Royal a envoye une Ketche qui est arrivee aujourdhuy
avecq la nouve’lle de la preize de la place a compossission.
Us ont pris six Ketche et brigantins chargez de vin o de vie
[eau de vie] et sel avecq le gouverneur et 70 soldats et ont
desmoly le fort. Us ont pris aussy 24 piece de tres baux
cannon et 30 barils de poudre. Nousles attendons a toutte
heure. Notre flotte etoit composee de six batimans dont il
y en a vng de 40 piece de cannon. On va la ranforcer en¬
core de quelques navires de force et on envoye douze cents
hommes et des Indiens pour prandre Canada ce que jespere
quy reussira.” (Mass. Archives, French Collection, vol. IV.,
p. 13.) The letter is addressed “For Mr Thomas Bureau,
french merchant Tilling near y° Savoy great gatte in the
Strand in London. Pr Cap4 Sampson, L D G [livrez de
grace].” From the fact that this letter found its way into
220
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chapoa. Massachusetts could ill afford to lose so active
1697. and enterprising a merchant as Gabriel Bernon.
There was scarcely a branch of colonial traffic
to which the versatile Frenchman did not turn
his hand. After a residence of nine years, how¬
ever, he left Boston in 1697, and made his home
for the rest of a long life in Rhode Island.
About the same time, a number of other FIu-
guenot merchants removed from that city to
other parts. A letter written by the Elders of
the French Church in Boston, in June, 1700,
states that Bernon, Tourtellot, Basset, Mariette
and others, have already left, and that Bernard,
Gngnon, Buieau, Barbut and Chabot, are about
to leave them.
The French Church in Boston existed as
early as the year 1685. There are indeed indi¬
cations of an earlier origin ; and it seems highly
probable that this congregation, like some
others, may have been gathered by the excel¬
lent Pierre Daille, shortly after his comino- to
America in 1682 or 1683/ But we first hea&r of
the archives of the French government, we infer that it was
intercepted, and never reached its destination. Soon how¬
ever, Faneuil s correspondent must have learned through
other channels the ignominious failure of the expedition
rded 1 fr°m Quebec> repulsed by Frontenac, dam-
aged by tempestuous weather, and utterly demoralized.
1 n ^ PTr,ec.1Se date of Daille’s arrival in America is not
!T Vn,; . has been believed heretofore that he came at
e call of die Consistory of the Protestant Reformed Dutch
Clnirch of New York to preach to the French in that city.
(Manual of the Reformed Church in America, by E T
PevTl’ mV- ”*) But from a ^ter addressed by' the
Rev. Christopher Bridge, of Boston, to the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, October 15,
THE FRENCH CHURCH IN BOSTON. 221
the Church at a later date, through a corres¬
pondence between Daille himself, then in New
York, and the Reverend Increase Mather, min¬
ister of the North Church in Boston, and presi¬
dent of Harvard college.* 1 This correspondence
attests the kindness which the ministers of Bos¬
ton had shown to the little flock of strangers
among them. The public authorities were
not less kind. On the twenty-fourth day of
November, 1687, the Council granted liberty
“to the French Congregation to meete in
the Latine Schoolhouse att Boston as desired.”2
The schoolhouse was situated on School street,
between Fremont and Cornhill, now Washing¬
ton street. The schoolmaster, at the time, was
the celebrated Ezekiel Cheever. Permission to
meet in this building, and in the “ new school-
house” that succeeded it, was continued so long
as it was needed ; and the French Protestants
of Boston had no other place of worship for
twenty-nine or thirty years. In 1 7°4> the con¬
gregation sought leave to solicit money from
“ well-disposed persons,” for the building of a
church.3 They represented to the Council, “ that
1706, it would appear that Daille was sent out by the Bishop
of London. See below, page 236.
1 See the appendix to this volume.
2 Mass. Archives. Council Records. 1686 and 1687.
P. 155.
3 Mass. Archives, vol. LXXXI., p. 472. (Minutes of
Council, Tanuary 12, 1704.) “ Upon a Representation made
by M1' Daille Minister and the Elders of the French Prot¬
estant Church in Boston That his late Majesty, King Wil¬
liam, had bestowed on them Eighty-three pounds to be
Imploy’d towards building them a House for the publick
Chap. XI,
1686.
March-
July.
November
24,
1687.
222
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chapNSi. his late majesty, King- William, had bestowed on
I7o4. them eighty-three pounds to be employ’d”
toward this purpose ; and that they had “ pur¬
ely chased a piece of Land in Schoolhouse lane for
12- that use.” The petition was granted, but the
selectmen of Boston refused their consent to
the erection of the small wooden “temple”
which the petitioners proposed to build, renew¬
ing, however, the “ offer of the free liberty to
meet in the new schoolhouse,” which was “suffi¬
cient for a far larger number of persons ” than
that composing the congregation. Their plans
for building were accordingly deferred, and it
was not until after Dailies death, in 1715, that
a house of worship was erected on the plot of
ground purchased ten years before.1
Worship of God, setting forth, That they have purchased a
piece of Land in Schoolhouse Lane in Boston for that use
Praying to be Licensed to aske and receive the Benevolence
of well-disposed persons that shall be willing to encourage
vLTThrT°rket0,aSS1Stthemin the said Building:
d erebv collerfn? f accord,nS1y granted and the moneys
dard ESo° n n ? PUf Inj°,the hands of Simeon Stod-
other And the R ^ ^ for the aforesd and no
otner. And the House when built to be forever continued
and improved for religious worship.”
_ 1 he Huguenots of Boston were very sensible of the
ATakter'd^v11 A T ^ ^ ™agis.trates and b7 the people.
At a later day Andrew Le Mercier, Daille’s successor in
^a.eof the French Church, expresses this feeling
m ihe following terms : 1
When we consider the fiery Persecution of the Churches
° G d ,ln our native Country, the destruction of his Sanc-
fuaiys, his Rod, resting so heavily and so long upon us we
cannot but be affected as Jeremiah the Projhet when’ he
cZZ a"o„rrF 0lMhe R'"" of Jen.salem and the Temple
Uap 9. Our Eyes then must need be turned into Rivers
cl Waters to weep Night and Day the Desolation of the
KINDNESS SHOWN THE REFUGEES. 223
The friendly feelings of the ministers and the chap.xi.
civil authorities of Boston, toward the little com-
Daughter of our People. But when from that sad Spectacle
we cast our Eyes towards the Mercys of God, when we con¬
sider how graciously he hath been pleased to give us Places
of Refuge, and after a Flood of Miseries, preceeded by a
Flood of Sins, he hath vouchsafed to afford us in Foreign
Places, the comfort of serving Him, both according to his
Word, and the Dictates of our Consciences, and to send us
a Branch of Olive by the divine Dove, the Holy Spirit, the
Comforter ; we may, nay, we should praise him, bless him
and rejoice in him. That made me chuse for the Text of the
first Sermon that I preach’d in this House of Prayer of ours,
built soon after my arrival here, those Words of the same
Ezra, in the 6th Chapter 16th Verse, And the Children of
Israel, the Priests and the Levites, and the rest of the Children
of the captivity, kept the Dedication of this House of God with
joy.
“ Let us never forget, I beseech you in the Name of the
Lord, as Ambassador of Christ, as Messenger of Peace and
good Tidings, his unspeakable, undeserved Favours : How
we have happily fled from Persecution, found acceptance
before the People of this Land ; how, when we were
Strangers, they have taken us in ; how several have con¬
tributed towards the building of our Place of Worship ; how
the pious and reverend Ministers have readily joined with
us on our Fast Days, to implore for and with us, God's For¬
giveness and Peace for the remainders of the faithful in
France ; how the honourable the General Court havechear-
f ully admitted us into the great and valuable Privileges
which they enjoy themselves as Englishmen, by their Act
of Naturalization of Protestant Foreigners, and their favour¬
able Answer to our Petition ; how God has not only fed and
clothed you, but even granted to some of you considerable
Estates, having after that manner really and literally fulfilled
this Promise of Christ in the 19th Chapter of Matthew :
Every one that hath forsaken Houses or Brethren, or Sisters,
or Father, or Mother, or Wife, or Children, or Lands for
my names sake, shall receive an hundredfold, and inherit ever¬
lasting Life. In order to obtain the second and most valu¬
able part of the Promise, you are to make a holy use of the
fulfilment of the first, by dedicating your Riches to the
Glory of his Name, the relief of the Poor, the service of his
Church.
224
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chap. xi. pany of Huguenots, were severely tried by the
1685. conduct of the first pastor, Laurentius Van den
Bosch, or Laurent du Bois. This erratic person,
a Frenchman by birth, or of French parentage,
had sojourned in Holland, where like some
others he adopted a Dutch patronymic. Re¬
moving to England, he conformed to the En¬
glish Church, and then came to America with a
license from the Bishop of London. In Boston,
he soon brought upon himself general displeas¬
ure by his disregard of ecclesiastical and
civil rules, and by his haughty and stubborn
demeanor when reproved ; and managed at the
same time to embroil his little congregation.
March Daille wrote anxiously to Mather in their be-
1686. “ 1 beg y°u> most honored sir, that the
annoyance occasioned by Mr. Vandenbosk may
not diminish your favor toward the French who
are now in your city, and those who shall in
future betake themselves thither. The fault of
a single person ought neither to be imputed to
others, nor to procure harm to them. I hope,
therefore, that you will give proofs as formerly
of your charity toward those faithful refugees,
who have suffered the severest persecution. ^Nor
can I doubt your willingness to lend a hand to
the restoring of the French Church in Boston.
Let us be thankful and ready to do any good Service to
those that have so kindly entertained us.
Let. us take care not to give Offence by our bad Conduct
and vicious Lives Let us on the contrary, set before them
holy Examples, that they may have reason not to repent
their Kindness towards us.” 1
(LeMercier: A Treatise against Detraction
tion.)
Dedica-
LAURENTIUS VAN DEN BOSCH.
225
In this matter I offer my own help, that the
affairs that have been mismanaged may be
redressed. May there be occasion in future of
merited gladness to you and your learned col¬
leagues, in place of unmerited sadness. We are
brethren ; therefore brotherly friendship should
be cherished between us.” 1
Van den Bosch soon left Boston, making way
for a man of a very different spirit. The French
Protestants who came to Massachusetts from
the island of St. Christopher, in June or July,
1686, were accompanied, or soon followed, by
their minister, David de Bonrepos,2 afterwards
pastor of the Huguenot colonies of New Ro¬
chelle, Staten Island, and New Paltz, in the
1 See the appendix to this volume.
2 David was the brother of Elie de Bonrepos, one of the
emigrants from St. Christopher’s. (See volume I., page 231.)
I think it probable that he may have been the pastor of the
“ French Protestant Church att St. Christopher’s,” men¬
tioned in 1680. (See volume I., page 206.) His subsequent
connection with New Rochelle, where a number of these
emigrants settled, favors this view. The refugee in Boston
whose “ relation ” we have had frequent occasion to quote,
alludes to him as minister of the French Church in that
town, at the time when he wrote — the winter of 1687-8.
(“ M. de Bonrepos, frere a nostre ministre.”) A year earlier
— September 20, 1686 — Domine Selyns, minister of the
Protestant Reformed Dutch Church in New York, wrote to
the Chassis of Amsterdam, stating that “ the Rev. -
instructs and comforts the French refugees at Boston.” The
name, in the transcript of the correspondence of the Classis,
is undecipherable.
The “ Religious Protestant Minister,” who arrived a few
weeks later, with “fifteen French familyes . fled from
France for Religion’s sake,” (page 199) was doubtless Daniel
Bondet, pastor of the Oxford colony. (See the next
chapter.)
Chap. XI.
r686.
226
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1686.
David
de
Bonrepos.
province of New York. The arrival of this
company contributed greatly to the strength of
the little Church ; and David, aided by his good
wife Blanche, succeeded in healing the divisions
caused by Van den Bosch. But the congrega¬
tion was a fluctuating one. “ There are not
more than twenty French families here,” wrote
the refugee, in the winter of 1687 ; “and their
number is diminishing daily, as they remove into
the country to buy or take up lands for cultiva¬
tion, with a view to permanent settlement.
Others however are expected in the spring.”
De Bonrepos himself left before the following
October, for New Rochelle, and the Church
remained without a pastor for the next eight
years. Meanwhile, Ezechiel Carre, the minister
of the French colony in Narragansett, and
Daniel Bondet, the minister of New Oxford,
frequently preached to the congregation in Bos¬
ton ; and the pulpit wras also supplied occasion¬
ally by the Reverend Nehemiah Walter, Eliot’s
successor in the pastorate of the First Church
in Roxbury, who was an accomplished French
scholar.
In 1696, Pierre Daille came to Massachusetts
from New York, where he had been settled as
minister of the French congregation in that city,
ever since his arrival in America. Flis pastorate
in Boston continued until his death, nineteen
years later ; and this period was the meridian of
the Church’s prosperity. Daille’s relations with
the ministry of Boston, were already friendly, as
we have seen ; and when he came to reside per-
PIERRE DAILLE.
227
manently among them, he was received with the
utmost consideration. Something of this defer¬
ence may have been due to the distinguished name
he bore that of the famous minister of Charen-
ton, Jean Daille, one of the most erudite schol¬
ars and theologians of his age. How Pierre
stood related to his great namesake, we do not
know. It is thought that he may have belonged
to a branch of the same family with Jean ; — a
family seated at Chatellerault, in the province of
Poitou. But our Huguenot pastor brought
other credentials. Before coming to America,
he had been professor in the great Protestant
Academy of Saumur, the most celebrated of the
four Protestant colleges of France. Saumur
was for eighty years “ a torch that illuminated
all Europe.” Its course of instruction was very
complete. There were two professors of the¬
ology, two of philosophy, a professor of Hebrew,
and one of Greek, and a principal having the
oversight of the whole course of instruction. It
is not known which one of these chairs Daille
filled. But Saumur was noted for the care
taken to admit only men of recognized capacity
to its corps of instructors ; and the fact that
Daille was connected with that academy, attests
his reputation for learning. Like other scholars
of his day, he wrote Latin fluently. His letters,
several of which have been preserved, reveal the
courtliness, the moderation, and the keen intelli¬
gence, of a Huguenot of the finest type.1 But
Chap. XI.
1696.
The
Academy
of
Saumur.
1 See the appendix to this volume.
228
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1696.
English
hearers
in the
“Temple.”
Daille’s best qualification was his earnest and
unaffected piety. “ He is full of fire, godliness,
and learning,” wrote Selyns, from New York.
“ Banished on account of his religion, he main¬
tains the cause of Jesus Christ with untiring
zeal.” The congregations to whom he minis¬
tered, made up of men and women who had
known the heat of persecution, listened to him
as to one who had walked through the same
fires.
In Boston, the English sometimes came to
hear the Huguenot preacher. Highly as they
respected him, the stricter class of Puritans could
not be altogether pleased with a liturgical wor¬
ship, and with the observance of Christmas and
Easter. That admirable man, Samuel Sewall,
was constrained to enter a gentle protest, as his
diary tells us, against one of these practices.
“This day I spake with Mr. Newman about his
partaking with the French Church on the 25th
of December on account of its being- Christmas
day, as they abusively call it.” 1 But these differ¬
ences scarcely qualified the cordial regard felt
for the French exiles by their Puritan neighbors.
“ ’Tis my hope,” said Cotton Mather, “ that the
English Churches will not fail in Respect to any
that have endured hard things for their faithful-
o
ness to the Son of God.” 2
1 Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. I., p. 491.
2 Prefatory Recommendation to M. Carre’s sermon,
“The Charitable Samaritan.”
At the funeral of Cotton Mather’s wife, November ir,
1713, “ Mr. Dallie ” was chosen to be one of the “bearers.”
— (Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. II., p. 407.)
THEOLOGICAL SPECULATIONS.
229
To the ministers of Boston, the Huguenots chap.si.
were the objects not only of Christian commis- l^)
eration,1 but also of some theological specula-
1 It is worthy of notice that a Boston minister published
as early as the year 1689 a graphic account of the sufferings
of the Protestants of France at the period of the Revoca¬
tion. This was several years before the appearance of the
great work of Elie Benoist, (Histoire de l’edit de Nantes ;
Delft, 1693, 1695,) the last volume of which is occupied with
a circumstantial recital of those sufferings. Cotton Mather
doubtless obtained his information from the refugee pastors,
particularly Daille and Carre, and from his correspondents
in Europe, of whom he counted more than fifty. His ver¬
sion of the painful story agrees with that of Benoist, which
it antedates, and furnishes another of the confirmations of
that historian’s accuracy that have been supplied of late by
the publication of contemporaneous statements. We give
it here, (in part,) as representing the current view of the sub¬
ject, at the time when our refugees came to Massachusetts.
“ After innumerable previous Abuses and Injuries at the
year 1680, the poor Protestants in France found themselves
losing all sorts of Offices, until at length not so much as a
Midwife of that Religion might be allowed.
“ The new Converts were discharged from the payments
of their debts ; and the Rcsolv' d Confessors might not sell
their own Estates, to assist their escape from the Storm now
breaking on them ; but instead thereof, were forced to bear
all the duties and charges of their Apostate Neighbors ; and
Parents were compelled to bear the Expenses of a Popish
Education for their own children, whom they had rather seen
perishing in the Rivers of Egypt.
“ When the project was grown ripe for it, the French
Tyrant employed a vast Army of Dragoons for the afflicting
and Reducing of the many scores of thousands of Protest¬
ants whom the former Temptations had not yet overcome.
The Leaders of these New Apostles first summoned the
Inhabitants of the several Towns together, to let them
know ’twas the Kings pleasure they should turn Roman
Catholicks ; and the poor people humbly Replying, That
they would gladly sacrifice their Lives and Estates in the Ser¬
vice of the King , btit their Consciences were to be disposed of
by none but God alone , These Dragons then furiously pos¬
sessed themselves of the several Towns, and were every-
230
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1689.
The
two
Witnesses.
tion. The opinion had been broached, in Prot¬
estant Europe, that the great persecution in
France was the theme of Apocalyptic vision,
and that the suffering Huguenots were symbol¬
ized in the book of Revelation by the Two Wit¬
nesses clothed in sackcloth, slain in the street
of the great city. Those who held this view,
with Jurieu, looked for the fulfillment of proph¬
ecy, in the restoration of this persecuted people
to their country ; and the oracular divine, whom
we have already quoted, and who, if not the most
judicious, was doubtless the best informed man
of his day in America, did not hesitate to pro¬
nounce himself on the subject, and to found
upon his theory an argument for kindness and
where quartered in the Houses of the Protestants, like
Locusts devouring all before them. When these Monsters
had wasted all the Goods of this distressed People, they then
fell upon their Persons , * * * * * using therewithal
ten thousand other Cruelties, which none but the wit of
Devils could have invented for them. And if none of these
things brought the Protestants to Renounce the Truth of
the Lord Jesus, they were cast into horrible Dungeons,
where they pined away to Death. If any were caught mak¬
ing an Essay to fly away, they were treated with Cruelties
more intollerable (if any could be so) than those that have
been related ; and never were wild Beasts pursued with
such Eagerness and watchfulness, as these poor Lambs were
by their Wolfish Persecutors.
“ Nevertheless, many thousands of the Protestants found
a merciful Providence assisting their escape ; and some of
them have arrived into New-Englan'd. , where before they
came, there were Fastings and Prayers employ’d for them,
and since they came, they have met with some further
kindness, from such as know how to sympathize with their
Brethren.”
(Prefatory Recommendation of M. Carre’s Sermon, “ The
Charitable Samaritan.”)
THE CALVINISTIC LITURGY.
231
helpfulness toward the strangers. “We have chap.xi.
cause to think,” said Cotton Mather, “ that the ~
Resurrection of the slain Witnesses in France,
is now very near ; and if any of us have been
Compassionate Samaritans towards this afflicted
people, we shall rejoice with them in the Re¬
demption which draweth nigh.”
The liturgy observed by the refugees in their
public religious services, was that which had
been in use among the Reformed Churches of
France for nearly a century and a half. Mod¬
eled by Calvin upon primitive offices, it was of
rigid simplicity, yet it was orderly and impres¬
sive. The Sunday service was preceded by the
reading of several chapters of Holy Scripture. 0r*er
The reading was performed, not by the clergy- Worship,
man, but by a “lecteur,” who was also the
“ chantre ” or precentor, and who frequently
united with these functions those of the parish
schoolmaster during the week. In Dailies day,
the “lecteur” was probably “old Mr John
Rawlins,” whom the pastor remembered affec¬
tionately in his will. The reading ended with
the Decalogue ; and then came the service con¬
ducted by the minister. It began with a
sentence of invocation, followed by an invitation
to prayer, and a general confession of sins.
The cono-reeation rose with the words of invo-
cation, and remained standing during prayer,
but resumed their seats when the psalm was
given out for singing. This was the people’s
part — the service of song — in a ritual without
other audible response ; and all the Huguenot
232
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
chap. xi. fervor broke out in those strains that had for
1689 generations expressed the faith and the religious
joy of a persecuted race.1 A brief extempore
prayer preceded the sermon. The general sup¬
plications were offered after the sermon. They
The closed and culminated — except when the Holy
French Communion was to be administered — with the
Psalms. T i)
Lords Prayer and the Apostles' Creed; and
after the Benediction, the congregation was
dismissed with the word of peace, and an injunc¬
tion to remember the poor, as they passed the
alms’ chests at the church door.2
A prominent seat was reserved in the Hugue¬
not “ temple ” for the “ anciens ” or Elders of
the congregation. These, with the pastor, con¬
stituted the “ Consistoire,” or Church-session,
having the oversight of the flock, and the
charge of its temporalities, as well as of its
spiritual interests. The “anciens” were elected
by the people, and held their place for a term
of years. In the absence of the records, no
complete list of the persons who filled this office
in the French Church in Boston can be given ;
but the following are the names of the “ anciens ”
1 A touching practice that had been prescribed a short
time before the Revocation, was probably observed by the
Huguenots of Boston. The assembly held at Toulouse in
1683, ordained that when the psalms that related to the con¬
dition of the Church were sung, the congregation should
kneel, m token of humiliation before God under the afflio
tions of His people,
It appears that in 1689, the French congregation in
Boston failed for some reason to observe this ancient cus¬
tom. The omission was noticed by pastor Carre, who made
it the subject of a discourse which was afterwards printed
See below, chapter XIII.
CHARACTER OF THE REFUGEES. 233
who served between the years 1696 and 1705 : —
Pierre Chardon, Jean Millet, Jean Rawlings,
Mousset, Guillaume Barbut, Rene Grignon,
Jean Tartarien, Francois Bridon, Jean Dupuis.1
Strong testimony to the worth of the refugees
and the excellence of their religious teachers
was given by the Earl of Bellomont, while gov¬
ernor of Massachusetts. Addressing- the General
Court, upon his last visit to Boston, he said : “ I
recommend to your care the French Minister of
this Town, who is destitute of a maintainance,
because there are so very few families here.
Let the Present raging Persecution of the
French Protestants in France stir up your Zeal
and Compassion towards him. 1 wish for your
sakes the French Protestants had been encour¬
aged among you. They are a good Sort of
People, very ingenious, industrious, and would
have been of great use for peopling this country,
and enriching it by trade.”
Stimulated by the governor’s advocacy, the
“ French Protestants in Boston,” a few weeks
1 In 1705, and again in 1729, John Dupuis or Dupee is
mentioned as an Elder of the French Church in Boston.
His will, dated January 4, 1734, and entered for probate,
June 9, 1743, names his sons John, Daniel, Charles, Isaac,
and Elias. Charles, who died before February 28, 1743,—
when a letter of administration on his estate was granted-
left a son Charles, born in Boston, October 18, 1734. He
married in 1755, Hannah Smith, who died April 2, 1813.
He died August 12, 1802. His eldest son, James, was born
in Walpole, Massachusetts, in 1756. He married Esther
Hawes, and died in 1S19, leaving a number of children, one
of whom, James, was born in 1787, married Ursula Plimp¬
ton, and died in 1875. His only son is James A. Dupee,
Esq., of Boston.
Chap. XI.
1700.
May
30.
Lord
Bello-
mont’s
testimony.
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
234
1700.
June.
Petition
of the
Elders.
chap. xi. later, presented their petition to him, and to the
Council and Assembly of Representatives then in
session in that city, for aid in the support of the
Gospel ministry among them. They “ take leave
to signifie ” to these gentlemen, “ that many of
their flock being already gone away who con¬
tributed much for the Subsistance of their Min¬
ister, the few that remain ” are not “ capable of
furnishing the one-half that is necessary for his
maintainance ; ” and “ they must undergo the
unhappyness of being deprived of the consola¬
tions of the holy ministry of the word of God,
(whereof the unheard of cruelty of the perse¬
cutors of the Church had depriv’d them in their
own Countrey) unless they may obtain your
Christian Assistance. And seeing,” they add,
“ our great King William, with all England as
also the Dutch, the Duke of Brandenburg, and
all other protestant States, have always main¬
tained a great multitude of the French Protest¬
ants and their Ministers, they hope that you will
likewise shew the same spirit of holy charity.”
In support of their request, the petitioners state
that they “have borne great charges in paying
Taxes for the Poor of the countrey, and in main¬
taining their own poor of this Town and those
of New Oxford, who by occasion of the War
withdrew themselves, and since that they have
Assisted many who returned to Oxford in order
their resettlement.” For these reasons, they
now “ have recourse to this honourable Assem¬
bly, which God has established for the succour
of the afflicted, especially the faithfull that are
AID FROM THE PUBLIC FUNDS.
235
strangers, that we may obtain your reliefs for
the Subsisting of our Ministers, whereof there is
so much need.”1
1 his prayer of the Elders was referred to a
committee, who gave theiropinion “ that for their
Encouragement as Strangers and for the Carry¬
ing on the Publick Worship of God amongst
them there be paid unto their Minister Twelve
pounds out of the Publick Treasury.” The
report was read and passed, and concurred in by
the Council without delay. The relief was wel¬
come, but there is no trace of further aid from
the public funds. Daille’s support was meager
and precarious, and it seemed to him doubtful
whether he could remain with his beloved people.
But “ a Minister must use every expedient,” he
was wont to say, “ before deserting his flock.”
In 1706, he wrote to the English Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,
stating his necessities.2 The application was
supported by the recommendation of Governor
Dudley, and by that of the Church of England
ministers in Boston. Dudley speaks of him as
“ an Honest man and good Preacher,” who “ has
long showed his Loyalty and peaceable temper
toward the Government. His congregation,” he
adds, “ is poor, and I believe he has not more
than thirty pounds per annum.” The rector of
King’s Chapel, Mr. Myles, writes : “ The people
1 Mass. Archives, vol. XI., p. 150. The petition was
signed by Jn° Rawlings, Peter Chardon, and Rene Grignon,
Elders for the French Congregation.
2 See Daille’s letter, in the appendix to this volume.
Chap. XI.
1 700.
June
29.
September
6.
1706.
October
10.
236
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
I 706.
October
October
15.
March
21,
1707.
of the French Church in this town are so few in
number that they are not able to afford a com-
petente maintainance to their present minister (a
very worthy good man) ; ” and hopes that the
Society will “ make such provision for his com¬
fortable subsistance as in their wisdom they may
judge expedient.” The Reverend Christopher
Bridge, lately assistant minister of King’s
Chapel, commends the French pastor to the
Society’s regard, as “ a man of great learning
and sobriety, and very industrious in his minis¬
terial functions. He was episcopally ordained,
and many years past sent into these parts by the
Lord Bishop of London.” 1
The Society’s reply, however, was unfavor¬
able. Mr. Daille had not been sent out under
its auspices, nor was his congregation “ conform¬
able to the Church of England.” Thus, between
the “ standing order ” of the Puritan colony, and
the ecclesiastical establishment of the mother
country, the good Huguenot pastor was left to
end his days in straitened circumstances.
Daille was growing old, but his interest in pub¬
lic affairs did not diminish. A letter written about
this time to Bernon — “one of my earliest and
best friends,” as he styles him — shows us with
what keen vision the veteran refimee was watch-
O
ing the events of the age, and how completely
the naturalized Englishman had espoused the
cause of his adopted country. “ We had already
1 Letter-books of the Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts.
NEWS FROM EUROPE. 2 37
received the following news, or at least a good
part of it,” he says, “ but it has been confirmed
within the last three or four days. The French
having besieged Barcelona by sea and by land,
admiral Leake has forced them to raise the siege,
by taking six of the enemy’s men-of-war, and
destroying all the rest of the fleet. The flagship
itself, a vessel of one hundred and ten guns, on
board of which was the Count of Toulouse, was
burned, and the Count was taken prisoner and
sent to England. The Duke of Berwick was
killed. The Earl of Galway has achieved many
brilliant exploits. He has advanced into the
very heart of the kingdom of Castille, having
taken several important towns, and he marches
with twenty thousand men toward Madrid,
where indeed it is thought that he has already
arrived. The Duke of Marlborough has defeated
the French in Flanders, having killed a great
many, and taken four thousand prisoners, among
whom are the son of Marshal Tallard, the nephew
of the Duke of Luxembourg, and several prom¬
inent officers. The enemy lost all their guns
and baggage. The French have also been
beaten in Italy by Prince Eugene, who has killed
fifteen hundred, taken two battalions, and
wounded or taken prisoners seven hundred men.
May it please God to bless more and more the
arms of our queen and of her allies ! ”
Pierre Daille died on the twentieth day of
May, 1715. He had reached his sixty-seventh
year. His third wife, Martha, survived him. In
his will, no mention is made of children by the
Chap. XI.
1706.
August
5.
Barcelona
relieved.
Battle of
Ramilies,
May 23,
1706.
THE SETTLEMENT: BOSTON.
238
Chap. XI. last marriage, or by either of the preceding ones.
i775. He leaves the residue of his estate, after certain
bequests, to his loving brother Paul Daille, in
Holland. His devotion to the people he served
zealously for nearly twenty years, found expres¬
sion in these bequests. He left his French and
Latin books to the Church, for the use of its
Death ministers, together with the sum of ten pounds
Dame. to be expended in the erection of a meeting¬
house, and one hundred pounds, the interest of
which was to be used for the minister’s sup¬
port.1
. ' The win of Peter Daille, of Boston, clerk, is on record
in the Probate Office of Suffolk County, Boston. (No. 366-’ )
Among the directions regarding his funeral, there is a “ re¬
striction, that there be no wine,” and a request that “ all
Ministers of the Gospel within the sd Town of Boston (and
M Walter, interlined ) shall have scarffs and Gloves as
well as my Bearers.” The following bequests are made’-
I give all my French (and Latin) Books to the French
Church in Boston (whereof I have been a Teacher) as a
Library to be kept for the use and benefit of the Ministers
of the s Church for the time being forever. I also give
the sum of One hundred pounds. . . .to be let out at Inter¬
est on good security by the Elders of the sd church for
the Ume being forever, and the yearly Interest thereof
shal! be for the help and support of the Minister of
the s Church for the time being forever. And I like¬
wise will that the sum of Ten pounds be put into the
hands of the s Elders to be improved for the use of the
s Church till they shall erect a Meeting house for the Wor¬
ship of God at which time the sd ten pounds shall be paid
toward the charge thereof. (I give five pounds to old
John Rawlins, French schoolmaster.)
n -iSlT 1 glVe beclueath to loving wife Martha
Daille he sum of 1 hree hundred and fifty pounds in Prov¬
ince bills or silver equivalent thereto, and my Negro man
serv named Kuffy, and also all my plate, deaths, house-
s« M EH°dS, ,“'n to hoW the same, to her the
forever ^ DW C her heirs executors adminrs and assigns
ANDRE LE MERCIER.
239
All the facts that have come down to us regard-
ing this Huguenot pastor, go to prove that he
was a worthy representative of the race and the
order to which he belonged, and that he enjoyed
the esteem and confidence of good men in his
day. A characteristic sentence in one of his
private letters, gives us some insight into a
nature that fully deserved that confidence and
esteem : “ I have always determined to injure
no one by my words or otherwise, but on the
contrary to serve whomsoever I might be able
to serve.”
The vacant pulpit of the French Church was
filled with little delay. Before the end of the
year, Andre Le Mercier, a young man lately
graduated from the Academy of Geneva, came
to the people at their invitation. Le Mercier
was a native of Caen, in Normandy. The call
from Boston reached him in London. A salary
of one hundred pounds was promised him by the
congregation, which had grown richer, if not
more numerous. Thirty years had now elapsed
“Item I give devise and bequeath unto my loving Brother
Paul Daille (Vaugelade in Amsfort) in Holland and to his
heirs and assigns forever all the residue of my Estate both
real and personal wheresoever the same is lying or may be
found.
“ Ult° I do hereby nominate and appoint my (good
friend Mr James Baudoin the sole) Executor of this my
last Will and Testament. In Witness whereof I have here¬
unto put my hand and seal the day and year first within
written. Daill6 (Seal).
The witnesses were, Benjamin Wadsworth, Phebe Manley,
and Martha Willis.
Offered for probate, May 31, 1715.
Chap. XI.
I7IS-
Baille’s
Successor
240
THE SETTLEMENT: BOSTON.
chap. xi. since the founding of the Church ; and the repre-
jyj,- sentative names of the original immigration were
still connected with it. Andrew Fane.uil, James
Bowdoin, Daniel Johonnot, Andrew Sigourney,
were leaders in the congregation, and each at his
death left a generous bequest to the pastor.
The “ meeting-house ” for which they had waited
so long, was built soon after Le Mercier’s arrival.
It was a small brick edifice, on School street,
erected upon the land which had been purchased
with King William’s gift, ten years before.
iSt The y°urW preacher did not disappoint the
sermon, expectations of the flock that gathered to hear
his first sermon. With earnestness, yet with a
modesty becoming his youth and inexperience,
he set forth the aims of the Christian ministry,
and avowed his purpose to reach after them ;
asking the prayers and the cooperation of his
people, and their forbearance in view of the
deficiencies of which he was conscious. A feel¬
ing reference to their “late pastor of blessed
memory,” whose example it would be his ambi¬
tion to follow, was accompanied by a fervent
appeal to his hearers, that they would prove
faithful to their religious profession.1
‘ I find the peroration of this sermon among the manu¬
script discourses of Le Mercier in the possession of the
Massachusetts Historical Society. The text is taken from
the first Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians, Chapter II
v. 2. ‘ For I determined not to know any thing amon« you'
save Jesus Christ, and Him crucified.” * * * Vous pouves
conter que nos voeux les plus ardens seront votre prosperite
et votre bonheur pour ce monde et dans l’autre, et que ce
sera la la matiere de nos prieres a notre Dieu pere et
createur de toutes choses et it J. C. son fils bien aime.
DECLINE OF THE FRENCH CONGREGATION. 241
In the course of Le Mercier’s long- ministry of
thirty-four years, the number of worshipers in
the French Church dwindled perceptibly. The
rising generation naturally inclined to frequent
the American churches. The middle of the
eighteenth century wTas at hand ; a period which
Qu’ enfin nous tacherons de remplir la vocation sainte a
laquelle Dieu nous a lui-meme apelles de si loin, en 'faisant
valoir les talens et la mesure de grace qu’ il nous a departie
soit dans nos discours publics soit dans les particuliers, soit
par nos exemples en suivant celui de votre dernier Pasteur
de benite memoire, et dont sans doute vous vous souvenes
avec plaisir suivant l’exhortation de l’Apotre aux Hebreux
en considerant quelle a ete Tissue de la conversation de
ce conducteur du troupeau a qui je parle. Voila, mes ties
chers freres en notre S. J. C., quelles sont nos intentions
qui sont pures et justes, mais en merne terns si difficiles
a remplir que nous aurons sans doute besoin que vous
excusies souvent nos foiblesses et que vous vous souvenies
que nous avons notre thresor dans des vaisseaux de terre,
afin que Texcellence de cette force soit de Dieu et non point
de nous. Nous vous demandons la communion de vos
prieres pour parvenir a nos fins, et pour nous acquiter
dignement d’une charge aussi au penible qu’elle est glori-
euse. Encourages-nous vous memes par votre conversation
sainte a soutenir avec joye ce grand fardeau ; ce sera par la
que nous deviendrons de plus en plus diligens a semer dans
une terre oil nous verrons produire des fruits et rapporter
trente, soixante, et cent grains pour un seul. Ce plaisir sera
suffisant pour nous delasser de toutes nos fatigues. Si vous
en uses ainsi, comme je l’espere de la piete que vous aves
deja fait paroitre, et comme je vous en conjure au nom de
n. Sauveur J. C. qui a ete crucifie pour vous — si disje vous
faites la volonte de notre pere commun, et si vous ecoutds
comme vous deves la parole de son fils, vous seres veritable-
ment mes peres et mes meres, mes freres et mes soeurs.
Vous seres notre consolation dans cette vie, et dans le
siecle a venir notre joye et notre couronne. Nous nous
trouverons tous ensemble par la grace de Dieu devant son
throne, et vous presentant a lui nous dirons, me voicy Seig¬
neur et les enfans que tu rn’as donne. Accorde-le nous, o
Dieu, et a toi Pere et au Fils et au Saint Esprit soit gloire,
force, et magnificence aux siecles des siecles. Amen.”
Chap. XI.
1715-
1748.
242
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
H15-
1748.
Huguenot
versatil¬
ity.
may be called the dead-line of the refugee con¬
gregations in this land. Few of them lived to
cross it, and fewer still retained the French
language beyond it. Dailies successor was not
his equal, probably, as a preacher ; his writings
are characterized by the diffuseness and verbos¬
ity of the rifugid style ; yet it may be ques¬
tioned whether Daille himself could have
retained in the “ temple ” on School street the
“young people ” whom Le Mercier was charged
with having “ driven to other churches.”1 We
have no reason to doubt his own statement, that
during the greater part of his pastorate, “ an
uninterrupted Peace and Union ” reigned in the
congregation.
If he was not a brilliant preacher, Le Mer¬
cier showed himself, like so many of his fellow-
exiles, an industrious worker in various fields
of research and of pyactical enterprise. Two
books from his pen are extant : the one a
history of the Church and Republic of Gen¬
eva ; 2 the other a Treatise against Detrac-
1 Memorial History of Boston, vol. II., p. 257.
2 The Church History of Geneva, in Five Books. As
also a Political and Geographical Account of that Repub-
lick. By the Reverend Mr. Andrew Le Mercier Pastor of
the French Church in Boston. Boston, New England ; Sold
by S. Gerrish and other Booksellers. 1732.
This little volume (4)4*7 inches) contains two distinct
publications, with separate title-pages
(1.) The Church History of Geneva, in Five Books.
Wherein the State of Religion in that Place before Chris¬
tianity is described ; and also how the Gospel was first
preached there, and by whom. A Catalogue of all the
Bishops of Geneva, to the Time of the Reformation. The
State of that Church in Times of Popery. An exact Account
LE MERCIER’S WRITINGS.
243
tion.* 1 Other interests also, beside those of
religion, engaged his attention. He busied
himself in the improvement of agriculture in
Massachusetts, and was very zealous in humane
endeavors to preserve the lives of seamen ship-
of the Blessed Reformation. The History of that Church
from that Time to this. And lastly, Several Things, con¬
cerning the Church-Government, the Discipline, the Minis¬
ters and the Manners of that Church. Boston, New
England : Printed by B. Green, and Sold at the Book¬
sellers Shops. 1732. — Pp. 1-220.
(2.) A Geographical and Political Account of the Repub-
lick of Geneva. Containing an exact Description of it’s
Scituation, publick Buildings, the Lake and the River
Rhone, its Trade, Academy, Territorys, Fortifications,
Interest, &c. Wherein the Mistakes of a great many
English & French Authors are rectified-. By the Author of
the Church History of Geneva. Boston in New-England :
Printed by B. Green, and Sold by the Booksellers. 1732. —
Pp. i-vi., 1-76.
1 A Treatise against Detraction, in Ten Sections. By the
Reverend Mr. Andrew Le Mercier, Pastor of the French
Church at Boston in New England. Printed at Boston in
New England, and Sold by Daniel Henchman. 1733. —
Pp. i-iv., i-viii., 1-303. (5/^x8 inches.)
The “ Treatise against Detraction” is sensible, interest¬
ing, and — making allowance for the defective translation, for
which the author apologizes as “ kept very close to the
French,” and hence perhaps marred by “improperty or
obscurity, — ” very well written. It is not wanting in vivacity
and shrewdness, and though largely interspersed with anec¬
dotes and quotations, classic, patristic, and modern, is not
the work of a mere pedant. The characteristic moderation
of the Huguenot appears in what is said of detraction as
applied to the civil power. “To speak Evil of Sovereigns
is one of the Highest Degrees of Sin that Detraction can
rise to. . . . With regard to foreign Princes, whose Subjects
we are not, indeed it is not so great an Evil to speak evil of
them as of our own. But yet it is not an inconsiderable Sin,
1. Because,” etc.* * * “ If Subjects are oppressed,
Satyrs (satires) against their oppressors are not like to
relieve them very much.”
Chap. XI.
1715-
1748.
History
of
Geneva.
Treatise
against
Detrac¬
tion.
244
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1715-
1748.
Sable
Island.
wrecked upon the dangerous coast of Nova
Scotia. In 1738, he petitioned the governor and
council of Nova Scotia for a grant of Sable
Island, off that coast, that he might erect build¬
ings thereon, and stock the island with such
domestic animals as might be useful in preserv¬
ing the lives of escaped mariners. The grant
was made, and the colonial governments of
Nova Scotia and Massachusetts issued procla¬
mations, warning all persons against removing
or destroying the improvements that might
be made by the proprietor of the island.1
It is said that many lives were saved in conse¬
quence of this benevolent action ; although
much was done to frustrate it, by the killing of
the stock, and by depredations upon the prop¬
erty. Sable Island has continued to be the
scene of frequent shipwrecks; and at the present
1 The History and Antiquities of Boston : by Samuel G.
Drake. P. 488. — Haliburton, however, states that the grant
was withheld by the lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia,
inasmuch as M. Le Mercier declined to accept it on the
terms proposed, of paying a quit-rent to the king. — (An
Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia. Yol. II.,
p. 269.)
In February, 1753, M. Le Mercier offered the Island
Sables ” for sale. “ Said Island is situated at the Distance
of about forty Leagues from Halifax, thirty from Cape
Breton, and fifty from Newfoundland : a good Market for
the Produce of the Island, Cattle, and Roots of all sorts. It
is about 28 Miles long, one Mile over, and contains about
ten thousand Acres of Land, 500 of which are quite barren,
all the rest produces or may bear something.* * * The
Advantages which do accrue or may accrue from the
Improvement of the Place are so great that I would not
easily part with it if I was so skilful in Navigation and Ship¬
ping as it is necessary.” — (The Boston Weekly News-Letter.
No. 2640. Thursday, February 8, 1753.)
THE'FRENCH CHURCH DISSOLVED. 245
day, the good work attempted by the Huguenot
pastor is carried on by the government at an
expense of four thousand dollars annually,
maintaining a force of men, furnished with pro¬
visions and appliances for the relief of ship¬
wrecked sailors.
At length, in 1748, the membership of the
French Church of Boston had become reduced
to a mere handful, and the dissolution of the
society was inevitable. Its house of worship
passed into the possession of a new Congrega¬
tional society, with the proviso that the build¬
ing was to be preserved for the sole use of a
Protestant sanctuary forever. Notwithstanding
this restricting clause, the Huguenot “ temple,”
forty years later, was sold to the Roman Catho¬
lics, and mass was said within its walls, by a
Romish priest, on the second of November,
1788. Le Mercier lived for sixteen years after
the dispersion of his flock. His last days were
spent in Dorchester, where he had purchased an
estate in 1722. He died after a long illness, on
the last day of March, 1 764A
1 The will of Andrew Le Mercier, clerk, of the town of
Dorchester, dated November 7, 1761, is on record in the
Probate Office of Suffolk County, Boston. (No. 13,459-)
He orders the payment of all his just debts, “in thenumber
of which I reckon the money due by my son Bartholo¬
mew to Thomas Hancock, Esq., for goods he had of him,
for which I was answerable, and of which I have paid
already the greatest part.” “ Secondly and lastly, I order
that my estate shall be equally divided among my loving
children. Andrew, Margaret, Jane, and my son Bartholomew
if alive, and I do appoint my two daughters Margaret and
Jane to execute this my last will and testament, in witness
Chap. XI.
1748.
Le
Mercier’s
death.
Cliap. XI,
I75°-
Peter
Faneuil.
246 THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
No longer represented in Boston by a distinct
religious corporation, the Huguenot element in
that town continued to be illustrated by some
conspicuous names. Foremost among these
was the name of Faneuil. Upon the death of
Andrew, in 1738, his fortune, “the greatest
of any ” in the place, went by will to his nephew
Peter, the eldest son of Benjamin, of New York.
Peter Faneuil was a sagacious and an energetic
merchant, intent upon gain, yet lavish in expen¬
diture. His letter-books, which have been pre¬
served, give a graphic picture of the man of
business and the highdiver, keenly looking after
his pecuniary interests, and at the same time
thoughtful of his wine-cellar and of his kitchen.
H is “ handsome chariot, ” with the family arms,
must have been the admiration of the town.
Peter’s exterior was not impressive. Of low
stature and dropsical habit, his complexion was
swarthy, and he had been lame from child¬
hood.* 1 The hot temper, which effervesces in
his correspondence, must have found expression
in speech and gesture as well, with little regard
to personal dignity. But he was also a man of
whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal. Andrew
Le Mercier.”
A codicil added February 3, 1764, substitutes Zechariah
Johonnot, as executor, for his daughter Margaret, who is of
disordered mind.
1 “ A fat corpulent brown squat man hip short lame from
childhood,” in the inelegant language of a cotemporary.
(Notes on a copy of Dr. Wm. Douglass’s Almanack for 1743,
&c. By Samuel Abbott Green, M. D. — Reprinted from the
Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Febru¬
ary, 1884.)
FANEUIL HALL.
247
benevolence, whose deeds of charity were mani- chap.xi.
fold;1 whilst his public spirit, as a citizen of ~Q
Boston, was displayed by one act which has
immortalized his name. Soon after cominp- into
o
possession of his uncle’s large fortune, Peter
Faneuil offered to construct a public market-
house, and present it to the town. The gener¬
ous offer was accepted, and in due time Faneuil
Hall was completed and delivered over to the
authorities. The liberal Huguenot had studied
only the convenience of his fellow-townsmen ;
but in carrying out this purpose, he builded
better than he knew. The second story of the
new edifice was appropriated as an audience
room, capable of accommodating one thousand
persons. Here, on ordinary occasions, the
town-meetings were held ; and here, in the
exciting times of the Revolution, some of the
most important political debates took place, and
some of the most fervid appeals to the popular
love of freedom were heard. Faneuil Hall
became famous as the cradle of American
liberty.
The descendants of Pierre Baudouin,2 3 * * in sev-
1 Thursday, March 3, 1743. “Peter Faneuil Esqr.
between 2 & 3 o clock in ye afternoon dyed of a dropsical
complyca (tion). * * * (In my opinion a great loss to this
Town aged 42-8 m.) & I think by what I have hear’d has
done more Charitable deeds than any man y6 ever liv’d in
this Town & for whom I am very sorry.” — (Notes, etc.)
3 Pierre Baudouin (died September, 1706) and his wife
Elizabeth (died August 18, 1720) left two sons, James and
John, and two daughters, Elizabeth and Mary. James (died
September 8, 1747, aged 71) was married three times. By
his first wife, Sarah Campbell (married July 18, 1706, died
248
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1740.
The
Bowdoir.
family.
eral succeeding generations, made their Hugue¬
not patronymic a distinction. James, the son of
Pierre, rose to the first rank among the mer¬
chants of Boston. He was a member of the
Colonial Council for several years, and left the
greatest estate, it is said, that had ever been
possessed by one person in the province. His
son and namesake, known as Governor James
Bowdoin, was an eminent statesman and patriot.
Entering upon public life at the age of twenty-
seven, he took a prominent part in the opposi-
December 21, 1713) be had six children ; four of whom
died in infancy. His daughter Mary, born June 27, 1708,
married Balthazar Bayard, February 12, 1729, and died
July, 1780. His son William, born June 14, 1713, died
February 24, 1773, married Phcebe Murdock. By his sec¬
ond wife, Hannah Portage, (married September 15, 1714,
died August 23, 1736) James had four children : Samuel,
(died in infancy,) Elizabeth, born April 25, 1717, died
October 20, 1771, married James Pitts ; Judith, born March
5, 1719, married Thomas Flucker ; and James (Governor of
Massachusetts) born August 7, 1726, died November 5,
1790, married Elizabeth, daughter of John Erving, died
May 5, 1803. Governor James Bowdoin had two children.
His son James, born September 22, 1752, married Sarah,
daughter of William Bowdoin, and died October n, 1811,
without issue. His daughter Elizabeth (died October 25,
1809) married Sir John Temple, first British Consul-general
to the United States ; and had two sons, Sir Grenville, and
James, and two daughters ; Elizabeth, who married Thomas
L. Winthrop, Lieutenant-governor of Massachusetts, and
Augusta. The Hon. Robert Charles Winthrop is the young¬
est of the fourteen children of Thomas L. Winthrop and
Elizabeth Temple.
Pierre Baudouin’s second son, John, removed to Virginia,
and died before 1717, leaving descendants. Pierre’s daugh¬
ter Elizabeth married - Robins ; and his daughter Mary
married Stephen Boutineau, August 22, 1708. — New Eng¬
land Historical and Genealogical Register. Vol. X., pp.
76-79.
GOVERNOR JAMES BOWDOIN. 249
tion to the encroachments of the crown, during
the period preceding the Revolution. Not long
before the rupture with England, he was presi¬
dent of the council of government. The con¬
vention that assembled in 1779 to form a consti¬
tution chose him as its presiding officer ; and at
the close of the war he was elected lieutenant-
governor of the commonwealth of Massachu¬
setts, and succeeded John Hancock as governor.
“ In this office, his wisdom, firmness and mod¬
eration reflected the highest honor upon his
character, and crushed in its infancy and without
a single execution an insurrection against the
government,” which had been “stimulated by an
unwise taxation,” and which was “secretly cher¬
ished by every mischievous and discontented
citizen. This measure preserved the State, per¬
haps the Union, and deserved for the author of
it a statue.” 1 Gov. Bowdoin died on the sixth of
November, 1790, at the age of sixty-four. For
“ more than thirty years of his life, he was a
professor of religion, and exemplarily adorned
his profession. In all the duties enjoined by the
Gospel, both of piety and charity, he abounded
throughout his life, and at his death left the
world, urging upon his family the religion which
he had professed. His name will descend to
posterity as the odor of sweet incense.” 2
Bowdoin College, in Maine — then a part of
Massachusetts — was so called in honor of Gov-
1 Travels in New England and New York, vol. I., p. 523 ;
by President Timothy Dwight.
2 Ibid.
Chap. XI.
1779.
Bowdoin
College.
250
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
1794.
John
Paul
Masca'
rene.
ernor James Bowdoin. His only son James, a
man of fine scholarship and literary tastes, was
like him active in public affairs. In 1805, he
was appointed by the government of the United
States, minister plenipotentiary to the court of
Madrid. He was the munificent patron of the
college that bore his family name. He died
childless ; and “ with him the name of Bowdoin,
by direct descent in the male line, passed away
from the annals of New England.”1
John Paul Mascarene, of whose parentage
and early life we have given some account in
preceding chapters, came to Boston soon after
his appointment to a military command in Nova
Scotia. Here he married Elizabeth Perry,
in 1714.2 His house stood on School street,
1 The life and Services of James Bowdoin. An Address
delivered before the Maine Historical Society, at Bowdoin
College, September 5, 1849. By Robert C. Winthrop.
P. 82.
2 Their marriage was published in Boston, April 21, 1714.
They had four children : Elizabeth, born in 1717, Joanna,
born in 1720, John, born April n, 1722, and Margaret, born
in 1726. John married, August 9, 1750, Margaret Holyoke,
and died in 1778, leaving one son, the last of the name.
Elizabeth married, in 1741, Thomas Perkins, and died June
3°> 1 7 45 » giving birth to a son, Thomas. Joanna married,
March 3, 1744, James Perkins, and had two sons, Thomas
and James, and a daughter Joanna. Thomas, son of Joanna
Mascarene and James Perkins, married, first, Miss Appleton,
who left a daughter Eliza, and secondly, Anna Powell, by
whom he had three children : Miriam, who married F. C.
Loring ; Anna, who married - Rogers ; and Powell.
James, son of Joanna Mascarene and James Perkins, died
without issue. Joanna, daughter of Joanna Mascarene and
James Perkins, married William Hubbard, and had several
children, among them Samuel Hubbard, born Tune 1, 1788 ;
married Mary Ann Coit ; died December 24, 1847. He was
THE HUGUENOTS IN BOSTON.
251
hard by the French Church. This was the
home of his family during much of the time
while he was in active service ; and when, in
1749, he resigned the office of lieutenant-gov¬
ernor and commander-in-chief of the province of
Nova Scotia, he came to Boston to spend the
rest of his days with them. His relations with
the principal people of the town had long been
intimate. He died in Boston, on the fifteenth
day of January, 1760, at the age of seventy-five,
leaving a son John, and two daughters.1 His
grandson, the last of the name, lived and died in
Dorchester, Massachusetts.
The story of the Huguenots in Boston is on
the whole a pleasant one. If Massachusetts at
all deserved the reproach of Lord Bellomont,
that she had failed to “ encourage the French
Protestants among ” her people, the charge must
have referred to the agricultural, rather than the
commercial class of immigrants. For whilst no
liberal appropriations of lands were made to
those who sought homes in the interior of the
country, it is certain that the welcome given to
the merchants and traders, who preferred to
establish themselves in the seaport town, were
very cordial from the beginning. It must be
Chap. XI.
U49-
Bello-
mont's
reproach.
Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts.
Margaret, youngest daughter of John Paul Mascarene, mar¬
ried in 1750 Foster Hutchinson, who died in 1799, a refugee,
in Nova Scotia, leaving a son Foster, who died in 1815, and
a daughter Abigail, born in 1776, died in July, 1843. — New
England Historical and Genealogical Register, vol. X., pp.
143, 147, 148.
1 His eldest daughter, Elizabeth, died before her father.
252 THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. xi. borne in mind that the Huguenots arrived in
Massachusetts at a critical moment in the affairs
of the colony. Between France with her Cana¬
dian savages, and England with her oppressive
navigation laws, the people were disquieted and
depressed, and the commonwealth was very
poor. Taxation weighed heavily upon the set¬
tler ; and the French immigrant was not always
exempted from his share of the burden. And
yet, if his home in the wilderness was broken up
— as we shall see in the next chapter — the blow
came, not from his English neighbor, but from
the Indian, with the Canadian priest at his back.
A happier lot befell those who lingered in the
town. There was scope in Boston for the ambi¬
tion of the enterprising. The Rochellese refu¬
gee — the scion, it might be, of some house that
for generations had done business in great
waters — brought to the little Massachusetts
town a commercial experience and a breadth of
view, that stood him in stead of capital— though
capital was not always wanting. The French¬
man’s quick wit gave a keener edge to the
shrewdness of the Yankee. The perseverance
of the Huguenot, fortified under the long strain
of persecution, reenforced the energy of the
New Englander, sturdy and self-asserting.
The French Calvinist found a brother in the
Puritan. The generous warmth of that recep¬
tion which the Episcopal Church of England
had given to the fugitive ministers and members
of the suffering Churches of France, was
reflected in the welcome extended by the Con-
HUGUENOT AND PURITAN.
253
gregational clergy to those who reached Boston.
“They challenge a room in our best affections,”
said Mather. In social life, the families trans¬
planted from La Rochelle were well fitted to
shine ; and the intermarriages of which we hear
soon, testify to their association with the Hite of
the colonial capital. On the whole, the Hugue¬
nots that came to Boston can hardly have been
disappointed in their high expectations, or have
found occasion to recall the “ great estime ” they
had conceived for the place before coming to it.
And while they received benefits, they also con¬
ferred them. In what appreciable degree this
immigration affected the community which ad¬
mitted it, we cannot undertake to say. Such
an estimate may be made more readily in con¬
nection with the larger colonies that came to
New York and Virginia and South Carolina, or
in connection with the whole body of the French
Protestant refugees. But it is obvious, that the
little company of Huguenots that settled in
Boston, brought with them qualities that were
needed at that day. They brought a buoyancy
and a cheerfulness, that must have been conta¬
gious, even amidst pervading austerity. They
brought a love for the beautiful, that showed
itself in the culture of flowers. They brought
religious convictions, that were not the less firm
because accompanied by a certain moderation
and pliancy in things not held of vital import¬
ance. They brought a love for liberty, that was
none the less sincere because associated with a
tolerance learned in the school of suffering.
Chap. XL
254
THE SETTLEMENT : BOSTON.
Chap. XI.
Boston surely gained by the admission of an
element in its population that possessed these
traits. And the mispronounced names from
beyond the seas, that stand out so boldly on the
page of its history— names such as Bowdoin, and
Faneuil, and Revere — recall in the flight of the
Huguenot to those shores an episode not only
pathetic, but important also for its bearing upon
social and public life and typical character in
New England.
CHAPTER XII.
The Settlement.
oxford.
It was in the spring or summer of the year Chap. xii.
1687, that the first band of Huguenot settlers 87.
destined for the Nipmuck country, in the heart
of Massachusetts, reached the site of their pro¬
posed plantation of New Oxford. The journey
must have occupied three days or more. They
had followed for fifty miles the track through
the wilderness known as the “ Bay Path,” lead¬
ing from Boston westward to the Connecticut
river. Originally, doubtless, an Indian trail,
this path had now been traveled by the English
for many years, and it was still the nearest
approach to a highway from the seaboard to the
remote town of Springfield. Walking behind
the lumbering wagons that carried their house¬
hold goods and farming implements, the French¬
men gazed with inexhaustible interest upon the
wonders of the new country they were penetrat¬
ing. Except along that thin line of travel, where
here and there a tree had been felled, or the
underbrush had been cut away, or where an
occasional clearing exposed the fields that had
been rudely tilled by the savages, the forest
stood in its primeval grandeur. Much of the
256 THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
chap. xii. growth was novel to the eyes of the strangers.
!637 The hickory, the hemlock, the red, scarlet and
black oak, they had never seen before. Of other
trees — the white oak, the sycamore, the beach,
the elm and maple, the pitch-pine and fir — there
were new and noble species ; and to men who
had been accustomed all their lives to the level
and sandy shores of western France, or to the
cultivated plains and valleys of the interior,
these giants of the forest, this canopy of verdure,
all this wealth of natural vegetation, formed an
amazing and a charming sight. Nor were they
less pleased with the lowlier growths around
them. The woods were full of flowering shrubs,
and climbing plants, and of wild berries of divers
kinds ; and in many places, the vine, a welcome
sigdit to the children of France, trailed on the
o
ground, or stretched itself from tree to tree, its
pendent clusters giving early promise of abund¬
ant fruit.
The leader of the band of settlers was Daniel
Bondet, a French Protestant pastor, who had
landed at Boston in the preceding summer, with
“a company of poor refugees,” after a long and
perilous voyage across the ocean. Of the fifteen
families composing that body, some eight or ten
were now accompanying him to the spot where
lands had been assigned to them for their estab¬
lishment. Bondet himself was under appointment
by the Society in London for promoting the
Gospel in New England, to labor for the evan¬
gelization of the Nipmuck tribe of Indians, the
feeble remnants of which were gathered in a few
SITE OF THE PLANTATION. 257
villages near the site of the projected settle¬
ment.
A first view of their future home could scarcely
be a disappointing one to our Huguenots. Seen
at the present day, from an elevation southeast
of the village of Oxford, the spot seems admir¬
ably chosen. A range of wooded hills surrounds
the peaceful valley through which the Maanexit
or French river takes its way. The level lands
on either side of the river, extending for more
than two miles along its course, presented even
then some appearance of cultivation and fruit¬
fulness ; for here the Indians had long gathered
their crops of maize and other products, and the
region was highly esteemed among them for the
richness of the mellow soil. Above this alluvial
plain, the slopes of the nearer hill-sides could
readily be transformed into meadows and plant¬
ations, and offered many an inviting site for the
dwellings and the gardens of the colonists ;
while the pleasant sound of a brook, rushing
down over stones and rocky ridges to meet the
river, was suggestive, to the settler’s practical
mind, of the mill-power soon to be utilized by
the industrious community.
The work of laying out the little village, and
building the rude cabins that were to serve as
habitations for the time, was still in progress,
when an important member joined the colony.
This was Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau, Gabriel
Demon’s partner and agent, who had come over
from England in advance of his associate, to
“settle a plantation” for both. Du Tuffeau left
Chap. XII.
1687.
258 THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
chap, xii. Lonclon jn the latter part of May, 1687, bearing
1687. letters of introduction from Bernon, and from
Robert Thompson, president of the Society for
promoting the Gospel in New England, and one
of the proprietors of New Oxford, to Joseph
Dudley and William Stoughton, the other pro¬
prietors, in Boston. Upon presenting these
letters, he obtained from them a grant of seven
hundred and fifty acres of land at Oxford. Du
Tuffeau was attended by two English yeomen
from Staffordshire, John Johnson and Thomas
Butt, and by Jacques Thibaud and his daughter
Catharine, French refugees, who had been
engaged by Bernon and himself, in London, to
work for a term of years on the projected plant¬
ation.
The first year passed auspiciously in the new
colony. There was no scarcity of food, though
the season may have been too far advanced for
planting. The woods were full of game, and
the neighboring streams and ponds abounded
with fish. Supplies of maize were brought to
the French village by the Indians who haunted
the adjacent forests ; and from time to time,
other needed provisions were procured from
Boston. The winter that followed was ohe of
extraordinary mildness. To their surprise, the
settlers experienced no weather more severe than
that to which they had been accustomed in
France. Snow fell but twice, and each time to
the depth of only a foot. Cheerfulness reigned
throughout the little community ; and no one
was more elated than Bertrand du Tuffeau, who
• BERTRAND DU TUFFEAU.
259
had taken to himself a wife since his arrival in ctap.xii.
Massachusetts. Perhaps the first marriage cele- l688
brated by the good pasteur Bondet, may have
been that of DuTuffeau and the “ demoiselle de
la Rochefoucauld.” Neither of the pair was
young, and the union was childless. Bernon had
advanced to his agent the liberal sum of two
hundred pounds for the settlement of his planta¬
tion ; and the glowing accounts that he received
1 O O
from the colony induced him to forward three
hundred pounds more. The money was spent
freely, if not judiciously. At length, in the
spring of the following year, “ excited by the let- ^
ters of the said Du Tuffeau,” Bernon “ship’d him- 26.
self and servants,” at his own expense, “ with
some other families,” to the number of “above
forty persons,” and came to establish himself in
America.1
The ship Dolphin was considered “ a good
sailor,” and proved on this occasion worthy of
her reputation ; and her captain, John Foye, “a
most discreet navigator,” had the satisfaction of
landing his passengers at Boston within ten J5ly
weeks of their departure from Gravesend.2
1 Bernon Papers, MS.
2 “Thursday, July 5th. . . . This day ,Foy arrives.
Several French came over in Foy, some Men of
Estates.”— (Diary of Samuel Sewall. Vol. I., p. 219.)
From the fact that Bernon’s name appears in a deed
dated May 24, 1688, conveying to him the lands promised
him by the proprietors of New Oxford, it might be inferred
that he must have reached Boston at an earlier date than
that which has been assigned above. But Bernon had
authorized Bertrand du Tuffeau to represent him in this
transaction ; and it is clear that he did not sail from Graves-
26o
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD,
chap. xn. Bernon lost no time in submitting- his creden-
1688. tials from Robert Thompson to Dudley and
Stoughton, and in obtaining a confirmation of
the grant that had been made to him of a tract
of twenty-five hundred acres of land in Oxford.
A few weeks later, the little village in the Nip-
muck country was thrown into great commo¬
tion by the arrival of two courtly personages.
I he one was the wealthy and enterprising Hu¬
guenot, to whom the inhabitants were eagerly
looking for the further encouragement of their
plantation. The other was the Chief Justice of
the province of Massachusetts, and President of
the Provincial Council ; one of the proprietors
of the Oxford lands, and in fact the sole mana-
investi- ger °f the whole enterprise. Dudley had been
tare “pleased to accompany” his new friend to the
by turf . .
and twig, settlement, to put him “in possession of the
said twenty-five hundred Acres of land.” The
transfer was doubtless made with all formality.
The old English custom of investiture “by turf
and twig” was sometimes observed by the Amer¬
ican colonists in the conveyance of lands; and it
was in this manner, doubtless, that Bernon was
“put in possession” of his Oxford grant.
Imagination readily pictures the scene that may
have been witnessed by the villagers on this
occasion. The parties met in some central spot
end before April 26th, 168S, when he signed a contract with
Pierre Cornilly. — (Bernon Papers.) It is also certain that
he“ship’d himself ’’and his associates with “ Capt. Foye
and Captain Ware,” (ibid.,) the former of whom, as we learn
from Sewall, arrived in Boston on the fifth of July.
DUDLEY AND BERNON.
261
within the tract to be conveyed ; and the pro¬
prietor delivered to the grantee a piece of sod
cut from the ground, and a branch from one of
the overhanging trees ; at the same time bidding
all present take notice, that he put the receiver
in full and peaceable possession.
The parties to this transaction were men of
no common mould. Both were in the prime of
life ; the Englishman being three years younger
than the Frenchman.
Joseph Dudley was one of the most accom¬
plished men of his time. “ Of noble aspect, and
a graceful mien,” his affability won for him the
esteem and regard of persons in all conditions
of life. The son of a governor of Massachu¬
setts, he entered in early manhood upon a
brilliant career, which was to end in the hip'll
O
position his father had occupied before him.
That he was crafty and selfish, could scarcely be
concealed from his cotemporaries ; yet his en¬
gaging manners, and his extraordinary abilities,
enabled him to conciliate opponents, and to
overcome well-founded prejudices. Few public
men in America have been more trusted ; and
few, who have betrayed the people’s trust, have
succeeded so well in recovering popular confi¬
dence. It was like him, to employ his rare
powers of address in gaining Bernon’s friend¬
ship, and to spare himself no pains for the pur¬
pose of attaching to himself one who might
prove useful to him in the future. Of Dudley,
it has been said that he was “ not true, even to
friends.”
Chap. XII,
1688.
262 THE SETTLEMENT: OXFORD.
chap. xii. Gabriel Bernon is represented by a tradition
1688 singularly direct and vivid, as a person of com¬
manding appearance and courtly bearing. Tall,
slender, erect, he joined the vivacity of his race
with the thoughtfulness that marked the men of
his creed. The descendant of the princely house
of Burgundy was not surpassed in affability by
the provincial dignitary in whose presence he
stood ; but in Bernon, a genuine kindliness con¬
sisted with a quick temper, that betrayed itself
in a certain imperiousness of manner, from
\ which the politic and designing statesman was
doubtless free. Resenting injury and injustice,
he was vehement and pertinacious in his attach¬
ments ; and there is no evidence that a shadow
of distrust rested at any subsequent time upon
the friendship he had conceived for Dudley.* 1
The sanguine, guileless spirit of the one must
have shown itself, in striking contrast with the
composure of the other, as Bernon received
from the representative of the proprietors of
these lands in the wilderness the tokens of his
investiture. Already he saw himself the “seig¬
neur ” of a little domain, overlookine the villaee
founded by his fellow-refugees in this new and
free country ; the growth and prosperity of which
he might watch from Boston, and whither he
might at times resort, as formerly from La
Rochelle to La Bernoniere in Poitou, or to
1 Twenty-two years later, he wrote : “ J’ay sacrifie tous
mes interets pour m’attacher aux votres, avec toute la pas¬
sion d’une veritable affection.” (Bernon to Dudley, March
1, 1710. — Bernon Papers.)
DUDLEY AND BERNON.
263
Bernonville on the isle of Re. Little did he chap.xii.
then imagine the fate of that settlement in the j688-
forest of Massachusetts, or dream that twenty-
eight years would elapse before this English
friend would give him the title-deeds of the
property conveyed to him with so much for¬
mality on that summer’s day.
Bernon brought with him to Oxford a portion,
at least, of the company of “above forty per¬
sons” who had accompanied him from England.
His visit gave a strong impulse to the progress
of the settlement. By the terms of his deed
from the proprietors, he had bound himself to
build a grist-mill for the use of the inhabitants,
and maintain it at his own cost and charges.
This engagement was fulfilled ; and soon the
brawling stream on the eastern side of the
village plot was busily at work, driving not only
a grist-mill, but also a saw-mill, nearly as indis¬
pensable to the comfort of the settlers. Now
too, the little community was provided with a
house of worship. Pasteur Bondet’s “great
house ” was no longer sufficient to accommodate
the flock, augmented by the late arrivals ; and
a “ temple ” was built, a little way out of the
village, on the road to the fort. Near by was
the burying ground, soon to be occupied by the
first victims of savage barbarity.
The fort was an invariable feature of a New Jh°
T • T1 *Ort.
England frontier town. Its erection chd not
imply any apprehension of immediate attack,
but was regarded as a suitable precaution, even
when no special reason existed for doubting the
264
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
chap^xii. friendliness of the natives. In Oxford, this con-
1688- struction was probably performed at Bernon’s
1690. expense, soon after the arrival of Du Tuffeau.
The fort was built upon an eminence overlook¬
ing the village and the whole valley. It was an
inclosure of considerable size ; and within the
space thus protected, there was a house, with
a cellar containing a well.1
1 “The removal this summer (1884) of the huge mass of
stones from the surrounding farm, heaped on the site of the
fort during the last two centuries, has led to the discovery
of its original features and proportions. It is now shown to
have been a substantial structure, scientifically planned, and
strongly built ; its main walls evidently of stone three feet
thick, and about four feet high, surmounted, no doubt by
heavy loop-holed logs. It was a complete quadrangular
fort of two bastions, with a fire flanking every face • while
the mam bastion, at the southwest angle, more boldly’ devel¬
oped than that at the northeast, also enfiladed an outer
breastwork and ditch, extending westerly from it for a dis¬
tance of six rods. This breastwork was clearly the south
line of a large stockade, palisaded on its other sides but
having here a wall and ditch like that of the main work It
protected the mam approach to the fort on the west side as
well as the cattle and the chattels which were too bulky’ to
be brought within the fort itself. There are also indications
of an opening m the eastern wall, for access to a similar
stockade on that side. A sally-port, m the face of the work
opened out under cover of the ditch, just east of the main
bastion ; while a drive-way, wide enough for carts, was made
through the wall on the west side— these openings having
revetment walls, and being protected, no doubt, by stockad'e
gates I he drive-way appears to have extended down the
11 , through the valley, to the village on the banks of the
s ream below ; and traces of a cart path are still visible
along an upper portion of the hill less cultivated than the
richei land immediately around the fort. By the wall on
the west side not far from the drive-way, are broad stones
• aid to have been steps for a pass-way over the wall to and
rom the houses in the valley, for those who went on foot.
The well is near the middle of the east face of the fort, and
THE FORT. 265
By the end of the second year, the more press¬
ing labors of the settlement were over. Twenty-
is serviceable to this day. At a little distance was the water¬
ing trough, for stock, the stone foundations of which remain.
Near the northeast corner of the fort, where the ground
begins to slope away to the north, is a walled sink, about
three feet deep. On the south side of the drive-way, within
the fort, was a heavy wall, extending from the west wall up
to the block-house, which formed a strong inner line of
defense.
“ The main block-house was-thirty feet long and eighteen
feet wide, with a double-walled cellar twenty-four feet long
by twelve feet wide, and about six feet deep. The inner
wall supported the floor beams ; the outer wall, three feet
from this, was made of heavy boulders, on a foundation
about three feet deep, and supported the logs forming the
walls of the house. — That the cellar was originally well
built, is clear ; for after two days’ work in digging a long
drain to protect its walls from future dilapidation, the work¬
men came upon the top of a covered stone drain, full seventy
feet long, extending the whole length of their trench, con¬
structed when the fort was built, and most of it still in good
condition, though choked at the upper end where exposed
to the rains and frosts of nearly two hundred years.
“ The main fireplace was in the middle of the north side
of the house. It was nearly ten feet wide at the opening of
the jambs, and admitting logs eight feet long at the back.
The broad foundation (one hundred square feet) supporting
it and its chimney, almost wholly outside the house, gave
ample room for these huge logs and for an oven besides. A
smaller fireplace was on the opposite side. Attached to the
main house was an annex sixteen feet long by fourteen feet
wide, without a cellar ; but in its northwest corner, a flight
of stone steps led to the cellar of the main house. On
clearing out the debris and rubbish at this point, three or
four of the original benches, or offsets cut in the hard earth,
for laying the steps when the cellar was built, were found as
distinct as if just made. On the east side was a wide foun¬
dation (of over fifty square feet) for a fireplace and chimney,
extending five feet back from the house ; the chimney being
used in common for this and for the adjoining fireplace in the
main house. These two fireplaces were of the ordinary size
at that day, about two feet deep and five feet wide between
the jambs, and made for sticks of wood four feet in length.
On all these spots where once the hearthstones lay were
*
Chap. XII.
1690.
266
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
chap. xn. five or thirty families were clustered together,
jGgo. in a compact though irregular village. They
had received their allotments of fifty to a hundred
acres of land, in the “ great plain ” along the
river, and in the upland meadows ; but their
social instincts drew them together, after the
French custom, in close proximity. The sites
of “ the French houses ” are still pointed out by
the inhabitants of Oxford, in a locality a mile
and a half southeast of the present centre of the
village. Here, and in the immediate neighbor¬
hood, were the homes of Sigourney, Bureau,
Cassaneau, Johonnot, Alard, Johnson, Baudrit,
Elieand Jean Dupeu, Germon, Barbut, Grignon,
Martin, Canton, Baudouin, Montier, Mousset,
Depont, Cornilly, Mourgue, Thibaud, Maillet,
Millet, Du Tuffeau, Montel, Cante, Boutineau,
found the ashes of their ancient fires. In the rear of the
annex, and doubtless opening into it, was a separate log-
house twelve feet square on an independent foundation.
This was nearly in the centre of the fort, and was used, it
would seem, for arms and stores. Beneath it was an under¬
ground chamber, about six feet wide and five feet deep,
walled in a circular form, which was evidently the magazine.
In the crevices of the walls were found grains and nodules
of powder, or the charcoal of which it is composed, resem¬
bling powder that has been long water-soaked. We may
well regret that so many of the select and shapely corner¬
stones of the structure have been taken for cellars and walls
of the farm ; but its heavy foundations still remain. Even
the neglect which, for so many years, heaped it with rubbish,
protected the clear lines and evidences of its inner structure,
until the time should come when the descendants of its
original builders might be ready to preserve, with jealous care,
the many vestiges that yet subsist and clearly show that
the fort was fitted for a habitation of refuge as well as for
a stronghold of defense.” — (Communicated by William D.
Ely, Esq., Providence, Rhode Island.)
THE “FRENCH HOUSES.” 267
Bourdille ; and a little further off, on “ Bondet
hill,” was the “ great house” of the pastor.
Andre Sigourney and his wife Charlotte
Pairan,1 with their children, three boys and two
girls, occupied one of these homes. P'our of the
children, with a cousin, had accompanied the par¬
ents in their flight from FYance in the winter of
the year 1681. The youngest child, Barthelemy,
was born in London, and baptized in the French
Church in Threadneedle street, on the sixteenth
of April, 1682. The eldest daughter Susanne
soon won the affections of the young English
yeoman John Johnson, and upon the expiration
of his engagement with Du Tuffeau, they were
married. Andre Sigourney was a leading mem¬
ber of the Oxford community. In 1694, he was
Constable of “the French Plantation.” The
office was one of dignity and influence, and his
appointment to it showed in what consideration
he was held.
Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau was the village
magistrate, as well as Bernon’s factor. The
General Court, meeting in Boston on the twenty-
first day of June, 1689, appointed him to be
“Commissioner for the Towne of New Oxford,”
and to “have Authority for Tryall of small
Causes not exceeding forty shillings, and to act
in all other matters as any other Assistant may
doe, as the Lawes of this Colony direct.”
Francois Bureau belonged to a noble family
of La Rochelle. His brother Thomas was now
one of the principal French merchants in Lon-
Chap. XII.
1690.
1 See volume I., pages 282, 324, 325.
268
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
Chap. XII.
1690.
don, and belonged to the committee intrusted
with the distribution of the Royal Bounty
among his fellow-refugees. The Oxford settler
had brought with him his wife Anne, two daugh¬
ters, and two sons. The elder daughter, we have
seen, was destined to be the wife of Benjamin
Faneuil, and the mother of Peter Faneuil, of
Boston.
Jean Germon, or Germaine, was a native of
La Tremblade, in the province of Saintonge.
The name of Charles Germon also occurs in
the list of the Oxford settlers. Jean was the
father of Margaret Germaine, who married Paix
Cassaneau, soon after her coming to Oxford. A
younger daughter, Mary Germaine, several years
later became the wife of Andre, son of Andre
Sigourney.
Paix Cassaneau, or Cazneau, was from Lan¬
guedoc. His house, formerly that of D11
Tuffeau, stood near the dwelling of Johnson, the
scene of the Indian massacre.
Daniel Johonnot, a youth of twenty, came to
Oxford with his uncle Andre Sigourney. Some
years after the massacre, he married his cousin
Susanne Johnson.
Elie Dupeux, seaman, from Port des Barques,
on the coast of Saintonge, had fled to England
in 1681. He and his wife Elisabeth, with their
four children, occupied one of the “ French
houses” in Oxford.
Jean Martin, and his wife Anne, were hard¬
working peasants from Saintonge. Two chil¬
dren, Jean and Francois, were born to them in
New Oxford.
THE FOUNDATIONS LAID. 269
Rene Grignon, Guillaume Barbut, Thomas chaP.xn.
Mousset, and Jean Millet, were connected for a i6qo
time with the colony. When it broke up they
removed to Boston, where they became Elders
in the brench Church. Grignon retained his
interest in the plantation, and at a later day
returned to it, as we shall see.
Jean Baudouin was the elder of Pierre Bow-
doin’s two sons. From Oxford he returned to
Boston, but went afterwards to Virginia, where
his descendants are still to be traced.
Jacques Depont was a nephew of Gabriel
Bernon. From Oxford he went to Connecticut,
and died there about the year 1 702.
I ler re Cante, or Canton,1 was the miller and
storekeeper.
Cornilly, Mourgue, Butt, and Thibaud, were
like Johnson engaged in Bernon’s service for the
hist two or three years ; but there is no evidence
that like him they became permanent settlers.
Old and young, the Oxford community may
have numbered seventy or eighty persons. The
foundations had been laid, and there was reason
to expect that this inland settlement would grow
rapidly, receiving numerous accessions of refu¬
gees seeking a country home. Though remote
from Boston, the spot was not entirely isolated.
Woodstock, ten miles away toward the southwest,
was plainly visible from the site of the Oxford
1 The person whose name occurs in both these forms, is
to be distinguished from Peter Canton of Boston, who was
engaged, at this very time, in partnership with Bernon, in
the making of rosin. — (Bernon Papers.)
Haverhill
2 70
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD,
THE NIPMUCK INDIANS. 271
fort , and the two places were in constant com- chap. xn.
munication. Nothing appeared to threaten the I^Q
tranquillity of the peaceful village, unless it might
be the proximity of some of the once dreaded
Indians. But on this score, the apprehensions
of the French had from the first been com¬
pletely set at rest. “ There is no cause whatever
for fear,” wrote the refugee in Boston, in 1687,
“with reference to the savages; for they are
very few in number. Their last wars with the
English, twelve years ago, reduced them to a
mere handful, and consequently they are in no
condition to defend themselves.”
Indeed, this impression was confirmed upon
actual acquaintance with the Indian. The Nip-
mucks were an inferior tribe, tributary, at the
time when the English first came into the coun¬
try, to the more powerful Pokanokets. They
were now spiritless and inoffensive. The French
could scarcely credit the stories told them of
the ferocity and treachery of these very people,
when, roused by Philip, they had joined the
Pokanokets in attacking one English settlement
after another, butchering men, women and
children, and devastating their plantations.
These drowsy and docile inhabitants of the
forest, who brought them supplies of fish and
game and maize, seemed incapable of such deeds.
Not many months passed, however, before the
settlers found occasion to revise their opinion of
the Indian’s gentleness. The rum traffic, the
baneful source of mischief to the red man, had
been opened in their neighborhood ; and
272
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
Chap. XII.
169?.
July
6.
Pasteur
Bondet’s
com¬
plaint.
unscrupulous traders were dealing out the fiery
poison to the Nipmucks with impunity. Pasteur
Bondet, whose duties as missionary to the
Indians brought him into frequent communica¬
tion with them, wrote to some person in author-
i ty — - probably Dudley — with reference to this
abuse. The occasion of his complaint, he rep¬
resents as one that fills his heart with sorrow
and his life with trouble ; “ but my humble
request,” he says, “ will be at least before God
and before you a solemn protestation against
the guilt of those incorrigible persons who dwell
in our place. The rome (rum) is always sold
to the Indians without order and measure, inso¬
much that according to the complaint sent to
me by master Dickestean with advice to present
it to your honour, the 26 of the last month there
was about twenti indians so furious by drunk-
eness that they fought like bears and fell upon
one called Remes who is appointed for preach¬
ing the Gospel amongst them. He had been so
much disfigured by his wonds (wounds) that
there is no hope of his recovery.” The good
pasteur beseeches the person addressed to sig¬
nify to the instruments of this evil his disap¬
proval, and assures him that by thus interposing
he will do great good, “maintaining the honor
of God in a Christian habitation,” and “ con¬
torting some honest souls which being incom¬
patible with such abominations feel every day
the burden of affliction of their honorable
peregrination aggravated.” 1
1 Memoir of the French Protestants, who settled at Oxford,
SELLING RUM TO THE INDIANS. 273
It does not appear that Dudley exerted him¬
self to rediess this abuse, d he selectmen of
W oodstock, in the following February, made a
similar complaint to the General Court ; and
eight years later, the inhabitants of Oxford peti¬
tioned Governor Bellomont to put a stop to the
selling of rum to the Indians. But in the seven¬
teenth century, as in the nineteenth, the Indian
trader was irrepressible, and continued, in spite
of every effort, to represent to the heathen
natives the worst side of that civilization, whose
blessings good men sought to spread among
them. &
Massachusetts, A.D. 1686. By A. Holmes, D.D., Corres¬
ponding Secretary. (In the Collections of the Mass. His¬
torical Society, vol. II. of the third series. Pp. 1-83 )
Appendix, D.
Two years later, the evil of which Bondet complained
continued unabated, and the person guilty of promoting it
by the sale of intoxicating drink to the savages, appears
from the following statement to have been one of jthe French
settlers themselves.
“Andre Sigourney aged of about fifty years doe affirme
that the 28 day of nouembr last past he was with all the
others of the village in the mill for to take the rum in the
hands of Peter Canton and when they asked him way
(why) hee doe abuse soe the Indiens in seleing them
liquor to the great shame and dangers of all the company
hee sd Canton answered that itt was his will and that hee
hath right soe to doe and asking him further if itt was noe
him how (who) make soe many Indiens drunk hedid answer
that hee had sell to one Indien and one squa the valew of
four gills and that itt is all upon wch (which) one of the com¬
pany named Ellias Dupeux told him that hee have meet an
Indien drunk wch have get a bott(le) fooll (full) and said
that itt was to the mill how sell itt he answered that itt may
bee trueth. Andre Sigournay.”
Boston, Dec. 5, 1693.’’
(The original is in the possession of the Hon. Peter
Butler, Quincy, Mass.)
Chap. XII.
1692.
THE SETTLEMENT: OXFORD.
274
Chap. XII.
1694.
Capture
of
Alard’s
children.
The “ honorable peregrination ” of our pious
refugees was soon to be afflicted with troubles
o
more grave than the uproar of drunken Indians
in their nightly revels and contentions. As yet,
they had found no reason to apprehend personal
violence from their savage neighbors. The
children of the settlement were permitted to
wander at will in the surrounding forest, gather¬
ing nuts and berries, as fearless of the red man
O
as of the deer that bounded past them, and even
venturing nigh to some wigwam, the dusky
inmates of which had always a welcome for the
little pale-faces. But in the summer of the year
1694, an event occurred, that changed this
happy confidence into alarm and insecurity. A
daughter of one of the French settlers, Alard,
with two younger children of the family, left her
home near the lower mill, one day, to return no
more. Search was made, and the body of the
young girl was discovered in the woods, cruelly
murdered. The children were not to be found.
Months must have elapsed, before the heart¬
broken parents learned that they had been kid¬
napped by a roving band of Indians from
Canada, and carried off to Quebec.1
1 “ La fille du sr Alord futtuee et les deux enfans d’Alord
faits prisonniers et mene a Quebec. — ’’(Bernon Papers.)
The abbe Tanguay, Dictionnaire genealogique des families
canadiennes depuis 1608 jusqu’ a 1700, gives under the head
“ Anglais ” a list of persons taken as prisoners, during the
wars between New France and New England, in the seven¬
teenth century. The Christian names of some twenty chil¬
dren occur. The following entries are illustrative of the inci¬
dent related above : “ Jean-Baptiste, ne en 1683, pres
THE CANADIAN FRENCH AND INDIANS. 275
Other alarms followed this unhappy occur¬
rence. “ I he Indians,” wrote Andrew Sieour-
ney, constable of the French Plantation, “ have
appeared several times this summer. We were
forced to garrison ourselves for three months
together .... so that all our summer harvest
of hay and corn hath gone to ruin,” destroyed
“ by the beasts and cattle.” Shut up in their
fort, the affrighted settlers heard from time to
time of the incursions of the Canadian French
and Indians upon the English villages and
isolated farms near Portsmouth and Groton ;
how parties of savages, accompanied by Jesuit
missionaries, had butchered and scalped whole
families, surprised at midnight in their peaceful
habitations, or had carried off numbers of
prisoners, to run the gauntlet, or to be slowly
tortured, for the entertainment of their squaws
at home. Not without reason did our Hugme-
o
nots apprehend such an attack upon their own
settlement. For the very party that fell upon
the village of Oyster River — now Durham —
near Portsmouth, had deliberated whether to
strike the blow there, or to make for the places
west of Boston. It was not to be supposed
that the little colony of Protestant refugees at
Oxford had escaped the notice of the Canadian
leaders, who were well informed as to the condi-
Boston ; baptise 10 avril, 1700, Ste. Anne. II avait ete fait
prisonnier de guerre par les sauvages de l’Acadie.” “Louis,
ne en 1685, pres Boston, pris par les sauvages, vendu, en
1693, a Etienne Veau, et baptise 10 avril, 1700, a Ste.
Anne.”
Chap. XII.
1694.
October
16.
Kumors
of
Savage
Atrocities.
2 76 THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
chap. xii. tion of the New E norland settlements, and were
1694. unlikely to overlook a plantation commenced by
the hated "renegades” from France.
So soon as they thought it safe to leave the
shelter of their fort, several of the refugees
made their preparations to depart from Oxford.
Du Tuffeau, Bernon’s agent, had already set the
example of defection. Called to account for
gross mismanagement of interests committed to
him, he had sold off the stock and furniture of
Bernon’s plantation, and abandoned the place.
A more serious loss was that of the presence of
Bondet, the pastor of the colony. In the
autumn or winter of the following year, Bondet
left Oxford, and went to Boston, carrying with
him all the books which had been given for
the use of the plantation, with the acts and
papeis of the village. It is to be presumed
that these documents had been deposited with
him for greater security, and that they were
removed under the impression that the settle¬
ment was doomed to speedy dispersion.
This catastrophe, however, did not occur
until late in the summer of the next year. The
savage raids from Canada, instigated, and some¬
times conducted, by Jesuit missionaries, con¬
tinued to disturb the peace of New En¬
gland.
With the spring of 1696, these attacks, sus¬
pended during the winter, were resumed. Most
frequently they were directed against the scat¬
tered English settlements at the east. But the
leaders of the barbarous warfare wanted only
TOBY THE INDIAN.
2 77
an opportunity to carry it into more distant chap.xn
inland places ; and such an opportunity they l6g6
found at Oxford. Not far from Oxford, in the
village of the Wapaquassets, a clan of the Nip-
muck tribe, near New Roxbury or Woodstock,
lived an Indian, known to the English as Toby,
who was distinguished among his more sluggish
and pacific people for a restless, scheming dis¬
position. Wapaquassetwasoneof the “ praying
towns” that had been established under Eliot’s
missionary labors ; and it was one of the few June,
places visited with deserved punishment by the
English, after Philip’s war, because of the part
taken by the faithless Nipmucks in that conflict.
The spirit of the tribe seemed to be completely
broken by their defeat. Toby alone retained
an inextinguishable hatred of the white man,
intensified, possibly, by a thirst for revenge on
account of some personal grievance.
Twenty years have passed since the close of
Philip’s war, and Toby is now a “great man or
captain” among the Nipmuck Indians. Belong¬
ing to a tribe so apathetic and insignificant, he
is the fitter agent for the service of that distant
enemy who is watching the New England settle¬
ments with keen and merciless eyes. The gov¬
ernor of Canada, and his “cunning men” the
Jesuits, have no more trusty and eager servant
than Toby the Indian. Little do the Oxford
planters dream that a foe so ferocious lurks
among the listless and indolent Indians in the
neighboring village.
It was toward evening, on Tuesday, the twenty-
278
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
August
23.
chap. xii. fifth of August, 1696, that a band of savages,
i695 led by Toby, approached the “ French houses”
at New Oxford. The dwelling of John John¬
son, the husband of Susanne Sigourney, stood
a little apart from the other habitations, on a
level spot that has been known ever since as
Johnson’s plain. Situated near the “great
trail” that led to Woodstock, it was open for
the accommodation of the few travelers who
passed that way. Entering this house — so
the vivid local tradition states with minute
exactness — the Indians seized Johnson’s three
little children, Andre, Pierre, and Marie, and
killed them by crushing their heads against the
stones of the fireplace.1
The father was absent from home, having gone
to Woodstock that day upon some errand. The
terrified, half-crazed mother made her escape,
with the help of her cousin Daniel Johonnot, and
fled in the direction of Woodstock, hoping per¬
haps to meet her husband. But the Woodstock
trail divided, beyond a certain point, into two
distinct paths. The fugitives took the one, and
missed meeting the husband, who was returning
to Oxford by the other. Unwarned of the dan¬
ger, Johnson reached his home, to be stricken
filurder
of the
Johnson
family.
1 “ Casser des testes a la surprise apres s’estre divises
en plusieurs bandes de quatre ou cinq,” was one of the
methods pursued by the savages in this war upon the New
England settlements. So writes a French officer in command
of the Indians, and he adds, “ ce que ne peut manquer de
faire un bon effect.” — (Count Frontenac and New France
under Louis XIV. By Francis Parkman. P. 367.)
INEFFECTUAL PURSUIT.
279
down upon its threshold by the savage mur- Chap. xn.
derers of his children.1 1696.
The peculiar atrocity of this massacre pro¬
duced a deep and an abiding impression in New
England. A band of twelve soldiers from Wor¬
cester, accompanied by thirty-eight friendly
Indians, hastened to the protection of the “ front¬
ier towns” of Oxford and Woodstock, both of
which seemed to be threatened with destruction.
The woods around these localities were ranged
for days, and some fresh tracks were found “ at
a place called Half-way river,” north of the
French settlement. Captain Daniel Fitch, the
leader of the expedition, made report to Fieuten-
ant-governor Stoughton, and asked for a supply
of provisions and ammunition, in order that the
search might be pursued.2 It does not appear
that any clue to the perpetrators of the crime
was discovered. But the event was not soon January
forgotten. Years after, Governor Winthrop, of 29,
Connecticut, in a correspondence with Governor 1700,
Bellomont, of New York, referred to it as an
occurrence well-remembered ; 3 and the friendly
Mohegans who met in council at New Fondon
spoke of Toby as the Indian “that had a hand
1 Historical Address delivered at the Dedication of Me¬
morial Hall, Oxford, Mass., Nov. 19, 1873. By Hon. Peter
B. Olney. Pp. 23, 24. — The Huguenots in the Nipmuck
Country, or, Oxford Prior to 1713. By George F. Daniels.
Pp. 83, 84.
2 History of Worcester, Massachusetts, from its earliest
settlement to September, 1836. By William Lincoln. Wor¬
cester, 1862. P. 37.
3 “ One Toby . . . the principal instigator . . . who had
a particular hand in killing one Johnson.”
28o the SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
Chap. xii. in the killing of one Johnson.”1 Toby was a
l6g6_ marked man, and felt himself to be such. From
that time, “ leaving his residence,” he “ is some¬
times privately among his relations at Wood-
stock, and at hunting houses in the wilderness.” 2
But his activity in the service of the Canadian
enemy is greater than ever. At one time, he
appears at a meeting of the Canada Mohawks
with their brethren among the Five Nations,
and tells them if they will “ but draw off the
friend Indians from the English,” they can
“easily destroy” the New England settlements.
At another time, he is in Norwich, Connecticut,
bearing a belt of wampum to the loyal tribes,
inviting them to join in a general uprising.3 As
An Indian, whose name is Toby, formerly belonging to
the Indians that live at New Roxbury, and who had a hand
in the killing of one Johnson near the same town in the last
war with the Indians.”
2 Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State
ofgNew York. Vol. IV., pp. 612-620.
1 he Information of Black James taken from his own
mouth on Febr the ist 1699-1700. That he being in the
woods a hunting came to a place near Massomuck to a great
Wigwam of five fire places and eleaven hunting Indians ; he
went into the Wigwam towards one end of it, and saw an
Indian wc seemed to hide himself, he turned himself towards
the other end of the Wigwam, and met there a man called
Cawgatwo, a Wabaquasset Indian, and he asked if he saw
any strange Indians there ; he said I saw one I did not
know ; then I oby came to him, and another stranger and
Cawgatwo told him that was Toby ; he said he would go
away to-morrow, they bid him not go away, for to-mor¬
row they should discourse ; the next morning they went out
and called this James and bid him come and see the Wam-
pom they had gathered ; he asked what that Warn pom was
for they said it was Mohawks Wampom ; the Dutchman
had told them that the English had ordered to cut off all
Indians, and they had the same news from the french, and
BREAKING UP OF THE SETTLEMENT. 281
he skulks past the abandoned plantation at cha^xn.
Oxford, on these secret missions, the savage 1696.
marks with satisfaction the spot where he dealt
the blow that drove the French “renegades”
back to Boston.
For the breaking up of the settlement fol¬
lowed immediately upon the massacre. Hope¬
less of a secure establishment in the wilds of
Massachusetts, several of the returning families
decided to remain in Boston, where they were
generously aided by their brethren of the French
Church. Of this number were Sigourney,
Johonnot, Germon, Baudouin, Cassaneau, Bou-
t.ineau, Grignon, Barbut, Maillet, Dupeu, Mon¬
tier, Canton, and Mousset. Depont went to
Milford, in Connecticut ; Bureau and Montel to
the city of New York; while pasteur Bondet,
after a stay of some months in Boston, proceeded,
like Du Tuffeau and Martin, to New Rochelle,
in the province of New York, where he became
the minister of the French Church of that place.
Three years later, a second experiment was
made at Oxford. In the spring of 1699, the
eight or ten families that had retired to Boston
went back, assisted by their friends in that city,
and took possession again of their houses and
therefore we are gathering and sending Wampom to all
Indians, that we may agree to cutt off the English ; and
Cawgatwo told this James that Toby brought that Wampom
and that news from the Mohawks ; then he went home and
told this own company, and desired them to send word to
the Mohawks and Nihanticks of this news.”— (Information
respecting a rumored Rising of the Indians. Documents,
etc., vol. IV., pp. 613-616.)
282
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
— 1. arms An interval of tranquillity had lulled
1697. their fears. The Indians were peaceable. Since
tie treaty of Ryswick, no serious inroad from
anada had occurred in Massachusetts, and the
efforts to stn- up the New England tribes to mis-
c uef had to all appearance ceased. In the
neighboring Indian village of Wapaquasset, all
was quiet.
Sigourney and his associates were accompanied
on then- return to Oxford by a French minister
lately arnved from England. This was Jacques
aoone, a native of Cardaiilac, in the province
of Guyenne, who had been officiating for several
years in certain of the French churches in Lon-
don Labone had ingratiated himself with Lord
Bellomont the new governor, who procured for
Urn a yearly st.pend of thirty pounds, out of the
Corporatmn money, together with a commission
o labor among the Indians near New Oxford.
He brought with him his wife, Jeanne de Res-
sigmer, and his little daughter Susanne. His
commission to teach the Indians was given by
die officers of the Corporation for pronAino the
Gospel in New England ; and it commended to
ns pastoral care y Indians belonging to y Plan-
tat.on of Kekamoochuk, near adjacent to y Town
O ew xford, where he was to be "settled in
y work of ye ministry.”
Tins attempt to revive the Oxford settlement
had a warm supporter in Gabriel Bernon In.
eed, it seems not unlikely that the scheme mav
lave been formed at his instigation "nd in
furtherance of his projects. BernTn wis not in
Jacques
laborie,
BERNON’S “CHAMOISERIE.” 283
Newport, Rhode Island, having left Boston chap.xn.
more than a year previous to the return of the l(3g9-
French families to their plantation. He had not
lost sight of his interests there, which were seri¬
ously endangered by the abandonment of the
place. He had laid out a considerable sum in
the improvement of his own lands, and in pro¬
moting- the general good ; and moreover, his
grant from the proprietors contained a proviso,
that these lands should revert to them in case of
desertion or relinquishment. He made every
effort to persuade the settlers to remain and
defend the town, even after the massacre, keep¬
ing his own fortified house in proper condition
for their protection, and ultimately abandoning
his property there only because his efforts were
not seconded by them. A certificate to this effect
was signed by the settlers, shortly after their
return to Boston, the unfortunate Johnson’s
widow uniting with the others in testifying to
Bernon’s expenditure and exertions in behalf of
the settlement.
From Newport, Oxford was more accessible
though more distant than from Boston, inas-
o
much as there was communication by water
with Providence, leaving a journey of only
thirty or thirty-five miles by land. Bernon now
found a new use for his property near the French
village ; and in partnership with Rene Grignon,
one of the returned colonists, and Jean Papineau,
he set up a “ chamoiserie,” or wash-leather
manufactory, at Oxford, on the mill stream that
flowed through his plantation.1 The enterprise
284 THE SETTLEMENT: OXFORD.
Chap. xii. promised to be advantageous to the little com-
1700. munity. It gave employment to the young
men of the settlement, in shooting and trap¬
ping the smaller and the larger game that
abounded in the neighboring forest ; and from
time to time, wagon loads of dressed skins were
sent down to Providence, to be shipped to
Bernon, for the supply of the French hatters
and glovers, Signac and Baudouin in Boston,
and Julien in Newport.
But it was not long before the disturbing
causes that had led to the breaking up of the
earlier colony began to make their appearance
in Oxford. The Huguenots are scarcely settled
down in their old homes, when they find that
the rum traffic is again under way. One John
Ingall, a trader, has established himself in the
place, and is selling drink “without measure” to
the Indians. Not only this, but he buys up all
the meat they bring into the town, and “goes
and sells it in other villages, thus preventing'
the inhabitants from securing any provisions
against the coming winter. Laborie, in the
name of his fellow-townsmen, petitions the
Governor and Council to put a stop to these
proceedings. Soon, also, there are fresh reports
of uneasiness among the natives of Wapaquas-
set. They are preparing to leave their habita¬
tions, and join the Pennacook tribe in the
1 Grignon and Papineau were doubtless skilled in this
branch of industry, as others of the refugees were. Two of
the settlers in South Carolina are designated as “ shammv-
dressers.” J
DISAFFECTION AMONG THE INDIANS. 285
forests of New Hampshire. Laborie, who goes chap- XIL
among them to preach to them in their own G00-
tongue, vainly seeks to persuade them to remain.
Urged to give their reasons for removing, they i2.
complain that everybody deceives them ; but
when pressed further, they add that the religion
of the Pennakook Indians is finer than ours ;
that the French q-ive them crosses of silver to
hang around their necks, and that great promises
have been made them if they will go thither.
“ From all they say,” writes Laborie, “ I see that
the priests are vigorously at work, and are
maturing some scheme which they will develop
when a favorable opportunity shall present
itself.” 1
‘“A new Oxford, ce 17 Juin 1700. Monseigneur
Lorsque j’eus l’honneur d’ecrire a Votre Excellence, je ne
luy envoyay pas le certificat de nos habitents sur le sujet
de Mons1' Bondet, parce qu’ils n’ etoient pas tous icy : Je
l’ay enfin retire et l’envoye a Votre Excellence. Au sujet
de nos Indiens je me sens oblige d’ avertir Votre Excellence
que les quatre qui etoient revenus non obstant toutes les pro¬
testations qu’ils me firent a leur arrivee, leur retour n’a eu d’
autre but que d’ engager ceux qui avoient ete fidelles a s’en
aller avec eux, de sorte qu’ils en ontgagne la plus part, et par-
tent aujourd’hui pour Penikook [Pennacook, now Concord,
N. H.,] au nombre de vint cinq hommes et femmes ou
enfans. Je leur prechay hier en leur propre Langue et les
exhortay aussy fortement qu’il me fut possible a rester ; mais
inutillement. 11s me dirent pour raison que les habitans
de Newroxbury les troubloient Incessament, que tous le
monde les trompoit, mais ces raisons ne me satisfaisant pas,
je voulus en avoir quelque autre. I Is me dirent en suite,
que la religion des Indiens de Penikook etoit plus belle que
la notre, que les francois leur donnoient des croix d’argent a
metre au col. Je fis tout ce que je peus pour leur faire voir
le contraire. Ils ajouterent qu’on leur faisoit de grandes
promesses dans ce pays la, an lieu qu’icy ils avoient un Roy
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
xn- It was indeed true that Canadian emissaries
oo. had resumed their machinations, seeking to pro¬
duce discontent and disaffection among the
tribes friendly to the English. The scheme to
cut off the settlers had its abettors in the vil¬
lage of the Wapaquassets. Toby, the Indian,
was still lurking in their wigwams. Nanaqua-
bin, a principal Indian ” among them “liked
the designe very well.” Cawgatwo, ’another
VVapaqu asset, was active in carrying belts of
qrn les maltraitoit, les ayant fait coucher tout l’hiver sur la
dure sans aucun secours. La dessus je leur ay represente
que la ou ils alloient, Ils seroient tous esclaves que
quand Ion auroit besom de soldats on les fairoient marcher
par force, au lieu qu’ icy iouissent dune entiere liberte et
que le Roy na d’autre dessein que de les proteger &c
fin ils m ont asseure qu’il y avoit une autre forte raison
qu ils ne pouvo.ent pas dire mais qu on la sauroit bien- 6t
Ils sont encore icy pour tout ce tour, et je m W01Wii
y en a plusieurs qm commencent a changer de dessein q Te
Shleerdirayi P°int dC moment P°ur les retenir s’il m’est' pos¬
sible etant secouru de ceux qui restent q; •
t lent dessein, j'aurois Sux T”lsi tTbsTnCce
q ils disent je voy que les pretres agissent vigoureusement
e qu Ils convent quelque enterprise qu'ils faTrom Ictore
quand ,1s en tronveront 1' occasion favorable Veil
vsnsiSc’” rn de,voir m'°bi,seoit 4 -vo“ aa
^xcelleTe- j ajouteray seulement que ie ferav
V6tre F™5 ^ occasion que ce soit de faire connoitrel
Vo tie Excellence que je tacheray de ne me rendreiamait
idigne des graces que j’ ay reqeus, et de temoi°nerJ toute
ma vie que je sms Monseigneur— De Votre FvrPll
Le tres humble, trfes obeissant et tres soumis servkeur
J. LABORIE.’’
Endorsed: Copy of Monsr Laborie’s letter of the rath
June 1700, to the Earl of Bellomont.— (Historical Mam
scrip s from H, M. B. State Paper Office, April boo to'
October 1746. In the library of the late Tohn r
Brown, Providence, R. I.) John Carter
PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENSE. 287
wampum from the Canada Mohawks, “to all chap. xn.
Indians.” Rumors of these doings continued to I702
reach Oxford and Woodstock, and to keep the
inhabitants of these frontier places in a state of
chronic apprehension ; but it was not until the
summer of the year 1703 that hostilities actually
commenced, and another series of savage mas¬
sacres spread consternation throughout the
eastern settlements. In the meantime, the in¬
creasing fears of the colonists prompted them to
prepare for the dreaded emergency. Bernon,
upon application to his old friend Dudley, who
had just entered upon the office of Governor of July
Massachusetts, received from him a commission 7.
as Captain of New Oxford, with orders to repair
thither and make known his appointment, take
care that the people be armed, and fortify his
own house with “ a palisade ” for the security of
the inhabitants. Bernon lost no time in obeying Juiy
these instructions. “ Following your Excellency’s 27-
order,” he wrote from Newport, “ I had my com¬
mission read at the head of my company. I
have assured our settlers that I do not look upon
them as soldiers, but as my friends; that I only
took the commission that there might be a head
to our plantation ; that I believe myself to be
the person most interested and most attached to
the plantation. They seemed to be grateful to
your Excellency for it. I told them that a pali¬
sade around my house was necessary for a gar¬
rison. These matters are postponed on account
of the harvest. I can assure your Excellency
that I will manage the whole with advantage of
288 THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
chap, xii, the place, and that it will inevitably result to the
1702 Pr°fit °f your Excellency, myself, and our people
in general.” He goes on to suggest that in case
of danger to New Oxford, the people of Provi¬
dence are the proper ones to render succor, and
mentions two gentlemen of that town, Captain
Arnold and Lieutenant Wilkinson, as persons
who can be relied upon for efficient aid.
The accounts of the “ chamoiserie ” show that
Oxford continued to be occupied until the spring
of the year 1 704. The planters wrere now armed
and drilled, and their fort promised them a safe
refuge in case of assault. Meanwhile, however,
the long impending cloud of war had burst upon
the eastern settlements of Massachusetts. Bands
of Indians, led in some instances by French offi¬
cers, had fallen upon the scattered villages north
of Boston, and hundreds of the inhabitants had
February t>een ruthlessly slaughtered. But in February,
1701 1 7°4> the enemy, emboldened by success, reached
far beyond the scene of these massacres, and
dealt a murderous blow upon Deerfield, on the
Connecticut river, forty-five miles to the north¬
west of Oxford. Sixty of the inhabitants were
slain ; a hundred — the minister of the town
among them — were taken prisoners, and dragged
through the deep snow to Canada. It was doubt¬
less under an impression of their utter insecurity,
which this calamity produced, that the settlers
of Oxford again and finally abandoned their
plantation. Bernon alone held possession of his
property on the outskirts of the village, taking
care to maintain a tenant upon it, lest his title
THE SETTLEMENT ABANDONED. 289
should be invalidated. The others either vol¬
untarily surrendered their claims, or tacitly relin¬
quished them ; and for nine years the plantation
lay waste. In July, 1 713, thirty English colonists
established themselves upon the lands formerly
occupied by the Huguenots, and commenced the
settlement of the present town of Oxford.
Bernon himself at length abandoned all hope
of advantage from his plantation. He was
advanced in years, and his circumstances were
no longer prosperous. The remittances that he
received for a time from the relatives with whom
he left his property in La Rochelle, had ceased
to come, and most of the schemes in which he
had embarked in America had failed to prove
lucrative. He now sought to sell the Oxford
farm ; but his way was hedged with difficulties.
Strange to say, he held no deed for the land that
had been conveyed to him in semblance with so
much ceremony, and upon which he had expended
a fortune. It was not until the fifth of February,
1716, that Joseph Dudley — then Governor Dud¬
ley — acknowledged the document which had
been drawn up twenty-eight years before, and
delivered it to Bernon. One can scarcely mis¬
take in judging of the motive for this delay.
That it helped to keep the refugee in a posture
of dependence flattering to the vanity of his
patron, is clear from Bernon’s letters.1 But the
Chap. XII.
1 7 r3-
July
8.
Sale
of
Bernon’s
planta¬
tion.
1 As late as the year 1710, Dudley continued to feed the
hopes of the sanguine refugee. “Votre excellence,” wrote
Bernon in reply to a letter from the governor, “ est toujours
bienfaisante, puisqu’elle me dit qu’elle veut me procurer un
290
THE SETTLEMENT : OXFORD.
Chap. XII.
1716.
1721.
deed finally obtained, another difficulty presented
itself. Of the tract of land claimed by Bernon,
a portion, comprising seven hundred and fifty
acres, had been granted to him and to Isaac
Bertrand du Tuffeau jointly. No partition of
the property thus held in common was made
during Bertrand’s life ; and upon his death, which
occurred previous to the autumn of the year
1720, an order of court, appointing Bernon
administrator of his estate, was necessary, before
he could take possession of the whole tract of
twenty-five hundred acres, and could legally con¬
vey it to a purchaser. The sale was actually
effected on the twenty-first day of March, in the
year 1721, and Bernon received in payment the
sum of twelve hundred pounds, provincial cur¬
rency, for his beloved plantation.* 1
bon prix pour la moitie de ce que j’ay au village d’Oxford.
Je veux deferer entierement a votre conseil, ainsi je me
rendrai a Boston le plutot qu’il me sera possible pour saluer
votre excellence.” — (Bernon Papers.)
1 The Huguenots in the Nipmuck country, or, Oxford prior
to 1713. By George F. Daniels. P. no.
)
in
gg mm.
in Ml Mam OF -' /
X!l(S W.THtm FAITH,: '
».WfiBSISSnj,\MUIT.
iOtrono v
,
fl ^.T fOROu«SU-V6.V0HLY
Monument in Memory of the Huguenot Settlers of
Oxford, Massaciiussetts.
Dedicated , Oct. 2, 1SS4.
/
}
CHAPTER XIII.
The Settlement.
RHODE ISLAND.
In the autumn of the year 1686, a body of chap. xm
French Protestants, comprising forty or fifty 1686.
families, arrived in New England, and estab¬
lished themselves in the territory now cov¬
ered by the State of Rhode Island. The
settlement was a promising one. Of all the
bands of Huguenot emigrants that came to our
shores at this period, the Narragansett colony
was perhaps the most compact and homogeneous.
Its history, notwithstanding, is a brief and
melancholy one. Within five years from the
time of its foundation, the colony was broken
up, and nearly every family had sought a home
elsewhere.
It was the misfortune of these refugees to
become involved in a controversy that was
then in progress, having reference to the
ownership of the lands upon which they
settled. Some account of that dispute may
properly introduce our notices of the enter¬
prise.
A number of years before the arrival of the
The
Narragan¬
sett
Colony.
CONNECTICUT
292 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap, xm French, an association of Massachusetts, Con-
1686.
MASSACHUSETTS
necticut and Rhode Island men, known as the
“ Atherton Company,” had obtained from the
THE ATHERTON COMPANY. 293
Narragansett Indians, partly by fair means and
partly through fraud, the cession of their remain¬
ing lands on the western side of Narragansett
Bay. At the time of this transaction, it was
uncertain whether the tract ceded lay within the
bounds of Rhode Island, or within those of
Connecticut. A difference of long standing
existed between these two colonies, concerning
the line that divided their adjacent territories ;
Rhode Island claiming that her domain extended
<_5
westward as far as the Pawcatuck river, whilst
Connecticut held that her territory reached the
shores of Narragansett Bay. In the debatable
ground between these two lines, lay the “ Nar¬
ragansett country a tract some twenty miles
square, bordered on the south by the ocean.
Soon after the Atherton company gained pos¬
session of these lands, the crown, by a charter
Granted to Rhode Island, confirmed the title of
o
that province, as. against Connecticut, to the
region west of the Bay as far as the Pawcatuck
river, and gave the Atherton company leave to
choose “ to which of the two colonies they
would belong.” In the exercise of this privilege,
they elected to hold their lands under the gov¬
ernment of Connecticut. Two years later, the
royal commissioners sent out from England to
settle various differences between the several
colonies, declared the claims of the Atherton
company to be void. Connecticut, however,
still insisted upon her jurisdiction ; whilst
Rhode Island naturally opposed these preten¬
sions ; and when the company, appealing from
Chap. XIII
1659,
1660.
1663,
1665.
294 the SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii the decision of the commissioners, continued to
i678> offer its lands for sale, describing them as lying
within the bounds of Connecticut, Rhode Island
denounced such sales as invalid, and warned the
purchasers not to attempt possession. A further
complication was added to the dispute, when the
1686. title of the crown itself to the contested territory
was asserted. More than forty years before,
1644. the Narragansett Indians had submitted them¬
selves and their lands to the king, asking the
royal protection, and declaring that they could
not yield “ unto any that were subjects them¬
selves.” King’s Province, therefore, as the
Narragansett country had long been called, was
a royal dependency, and only the king himself
could dispose of its vacant lands.
168" These differences had already been fruitful of
much inconvenience and contention, when in the
summer of the year 1686 the several parties to
the controversy referred it to the crown for a
final decision. Unfortunately, that decision had
not been reached, when the French refugees
made their bargain with the Atherton company
for the purchase of lands in the Narragansett
ft country. A year later, Sir Edmund Andros, by
royal authority, investigated the various claims
to the proprietorship of that territory ; and the
rights of Rhode Island were again affirmed, to
the exclusion alike of Connecticut, and of the
so-called proprietors.
Meanwhile, on the twelfth day of October,
1 686, an agreement was made between “the
Committee for the proprietors of the Narragan-
FRENCHTOWN.
295
sett Country, and Ezekiel Carre, Peter Berton, chap.xm
and other French gentlemen, their friends and i686
associates, concerning the settlement of a place
called Newberry Plantation. But the spot
thus designated proved upon examination to be
too remote from the sea to suit the colonists,
and a new agreement was made three weeks
i r ^ ^ • r , November
later, tor the laying out of “ a meet and consicl- 4.
erable tract of land in the township of Roches¬
ter ” or Kingstown. Under this contract, each
family that desired it was to have an allotment
of one hundred acres of upland, with a propor¬
tionate share of meadow. The price fixed upon
was twenty pounds for every hundred acres of
land, if paid at once, or twenty-five pounds if
paid at the end of three years. M. Carre, the
minister, was to have one hundred and fifty
acres gratis. One hundred acres were set
apart as glebe land, and fifty acres were
devoted toward the maintenance of a school¬
master.
The site thus secured for a settlement is still
pointed out, in the town of East Greenwich,
Rhode Island. Here, in a locality that has
always been known as “ ITenchtown,” there are
traces of the foundations of a number of small
houses ; and within the memory of persons yet
living, there were some remains of trees said to
have been planted by the French. The houses in
question were probably but temporary dwellings,1
1 “ About twenty-five houses ” were built, says Ayrault,
“with some cellars in the ground.” The latter kind of hab¬
itation is minutely described by Cornelis Van Tienhoven,
296 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii built near together in clusters for convenience
1686. and safety, until the planters should be prepared
to remove to the home-lots of twenty acres each,
T-l'W
J?oa.c£ Tuning Ay AJca. _ 7 'ever
jTAm-'JtcccI jRotxcL rtctztng yr*u±£ ^Z,o££s-
a
’-a.£
fA
Z'ois
1
¥
$
s. i
)
*
d
N
1
l?
V
.0
1
*
X
I't
3
1
1
5
$
1
*
yf/e.ct-do\^'
Afapp of-t/ie. TweriaA.
who are oJ2
ooct &y t/ze. T?oarsl
-Z~s handers .
laid out in the adjoining lands according to a
secretary of the province of New Netherland, in 1650. A
square pit was dug “cellar fashion,” six or seven feet deep,
cased, floored, and roofed with wood, and covered with sods.
I he occupants, says Van Tienhoven, “ can live dry and warm
in these houses with their families for two, three and four
years.” The principal men in New England, he adds, con¬
structed dwellings of this sort at first. " “ In the course of
three to four years, they built themselves handsome houses.”
— (Information relative to taking up land in New Netherland.
The Documentary History of the State of New York, vol.
IV-> PP- 3 b 32-)
THE NARRAGANSETT PLANTERS. 297
“plot” already agreed upon.1 The building of chap.xm
these habitations must have occupied the few l686
remaining weeks of autumn ; and having seen
them housed for the winter, we may pause to
consider who were the persons who made up this
colony of refugees.
Most of them have already been mentioned in
connection with the Huguenot emigration from
the seaboard provinces of western France. Ten
of the forty-eight families named in the “plot”
or plan -of the settlement, were from Saintonge ;
ten were from La Rochelle and its vicinity ; several
were from Poitou, a few were from Normandy,
and a few from Guyenne. Ezechiel Carre, the
minister of the colony, was a native of the isle
of Re, and had studied philosophy and theology
in the Academy founded by Calvin at Geneva.
H e was now between thirty-five and forty years
of age, and had already been pastor of two con¬
gregations in INance, those of Mirambeau in
Saintonge and La Roche Chalais in Guyenne.
Carre’s associate in the leadership of the band of
refugees, was Pierre Berthon de Marigny, — Peter
Berton, as the English called him, — the repre¬
sentative of a prominent family of Chdtellerault,
in Poitou. Another important member of the
colony was its physician, Pierre Ayrault, of
Angers, in the province of Anjou ; a man of
1 A copy of “ the platt ” of the “ several allotments as laid
out ” at the time of the settlement, accompanied Ayrault’s
petition to the government for the redress of certain personal
grievances, in 1700. This “platt” has been preserved in
the British State Paper Office, and we reproduce it above.
298 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii determined character, now advanced in years,
1686. who alone stood his ground, as we shall see
further on, when the other settlers abandoned
the enterprise. Ayrault was accompanied by
his wife Francoise, his son Daniel, and his
nephew Nicholas.
Associated with these conductors of the colony,
were a number of refugees, whom we shall only
mention here, reserving a fuller account of them
for another place. The roll of the Narragansett
settlers, headed by Carre, Berthon, and Ayrault,
embraces the following names: — Jean Julien,
Jean Coudret, Elie Rambert, Daniel Lambert,
Andre Arnaud, Daniel Targe, veuve Galay,
Abram Tourtellot, Pierre Le Moine, Ezechiel
Bouniot, Pierre Traverrier, Etienne La Vigne,
Moi'se Le Brun, Jean Beauchamps, Jean David,
Jacob Ratier, Jean Galay, Menardeau, Pierre
Bretin dit Laronde, Daniel Le Gendre, Daniel
Renaud, Daniel Jouet, Milard, Belhair, Jean
Lafon, Amian, Ezechiel Grazilier, Paul Busser-
eau, Etienne J amain, Louis Allaire, Theophile
Foretier, Jean Chadene, Josue David senior,
Josue David junior, Jacques Magni, Jean Magni,
Etienne Robineau, Francois Legare, Ren£
Grignon, Pierre Tougere, Dechamps, Jean Ger-
mon, Paul Collin, and Guillaume Barbut.
With the opening spring, the planters began
improving their lands, and “setting up their
Church. They found the country “ a very
wilderness, filled altogether with wood and
stones, and no former improvements made
thereon;” so that “our labour, charge and
A FRUITFUL LAND.
299
trouble,” says Doctor Ayrault, “ was great. But chap.xm
we had a comfort ; we could then enjoy our wor- l6g7
ship to God, and had the government’s protec¬
tion in our improvements, no person disturbing
us on our labour, nor pretending any claim to
any of the soil.” 1
In due time, these arduous and skillful toils
were richly rewarded. Orchards, vineyards, and
gardens, appeared, that flourished in the mild
climate of Rhode Island, beyond the sanguine
expectations of the planters.2 “ The French
found the climate and soil in the Narragansett
country proper for vineyards ;” and Lord Bello-
mont “was told by some people at Boston that
tasted of some wine that grew in that county,
that they thought it as good as Bourdeaux
claret.” They contemplated the planting of
mulberry trees, in order to the breeding of silk
worms, and hoped soon to be joined by numbers
of their brethren from France, who would find
employment in the manufacture of silk. Indeed,
it was thought likely that “above five hundred
French families” would ultimately find homes in
this favored region.3
1 Historical Manuscripts from H. B. M. State Paper Office.
Vol. XIII. (Library of the late John Carter Brown, Provi¬
dence, R. I.)
2 This impression regarding the climate of the region in
question is confirmed by observation at the present day. It
is said that certain plants that do not thrive elsewhere in
New England grow profusely along the western shore of
Narragansett Bay. “ The flora corresponds with that of
Virginia.”
3 Lord Bellomont to the Lords of Trade, November 28,
1700. Documents relative to the Colonial History of the
300 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
Chap^xiii Already, some uneasiness was felt about the
1687. title to their lands. Knowing little or noth¬
ing of the English language, the colonists came
but slowly to understand that the claim of
the so-called Proprietors of Narragansett was a
disputed claim. Even then, they do not seem
to have dreamed that Rhode Island was a party
to the dispute. In Boston, it was represented
as purely a question between the Atherton
company and the crown. “It is not yet ascer¬
tained,” wrote the French refugee in that city,
from whose letter we have already had occasion
to quote, “whether the Narragansett country
will belong to the present proprietors — improp¬
erly so called or to the king. Pending the
determination of this matter, no payments will
be made upon the lands. Indeed, it is said that
should they fall to the king, little or nothing
will be paid, and the crown will content itself
with a small quit-rent, in consideration of which
one may sell or mortgage, as rightful owner.”
The earliest intimation of trouble to the
settlement occurred in the course of the first
summer. A large meadow, known by its Indian
name, Kickameeset, lay near the village, and
State of New York, vol. IV., pp. 787, 788. The Lords of
Trade say 111 reply : If the Narragansett country be found
proper for mulberry trees and silk worms it will be very
well ; those that have a mind to apply themselves to the
production of silk there may take information for their con¬
duct from what has been done in Carolina where that project
has already been some years on foot. The French you
speak of will easily judge, or in a short time finde, whether
that country or New York or any other place in those parts
be proper for the production of wines.” — (Ibid., p. 855.)
UNMANNERLY INTRUDERS.
301
formed a valuable part of the tract laid out for Cha£
the French. To their surprise, one July morn- 16
ing, they saw a party of Englishmen engaged in
mowing the land. Heedless of remonstrances,
the men proceeded in their work, and in “ a
forcible manner” carried off the hay, amounting
to more than forty loads. The intruders proved
to be certain of the neighboring planters, inhab¬
itants of the towns of East Greenwich and
Kingstown. Monsieur Carre, the French pastor,
hastened to Boston, and made complaint of this ^
outrage to Governor Andros. Summoned to
account for their conduct, the Greenwich men
replied that these meadows had been laid out to
them more than eight years before by the gov- lg
eminent of Rhode Island, from which they held
their title ; whilst the Kingstown farmers claimed
that “ they and others of their neighbors had
possessed, enjoyed and improved the same
lands for twenty-five years, having obtained
them from “Major Atherton and company.”
Both the Kingstown and the Greenwich settlers
insisted that, so far from being the aggressors,
they were the parties aggrieved, by the coming
of the French into their country ; and the inhab¬
itants of Greenwich presented to the governor
and council a counter-petition, professing their
ignorance “by what order or Lawe or by what
meanes those Frenchmen are settled in our
town bounds.” “ But sure we are,” they added,
“ it proves great detriment to us, and without
your honor’s assistance in the premises we shall
be utterly ruined.” The governor reserved his
302 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chapman decision upon the merits of the case, and
1687. ordered that, pending the decision, the hay that
had been cut upon the disputed land should be
August divided in two equal parts; the one part to be
given for the use of certain of the English
claimants, “ who live remote and are most want¬
ing thereof,” and the other to be left for the use
and benefit of the French families, “who, being
strangers and lately settled,” are “wholly desti-
tute, and have no other way to supply them¬
selves.”1
No further encroachment upon the Huguenot
plantation appears to have been made at the
time ; and for the next year or two the refugees
were left in quiet possession. The Atherton
company had now succeeded in obtaining from
April fhe crown a number of grants in King’s Prov-
1688. mce’ deu of the whole Narragansett country,
their claim to which had been denied ; and in
one of these grants, the land sold by them to
the French refugees was included.2 This con¬
firmation of their title may have deterred their
English neighbors from the attempt to dispossess
them ; and it is highly probable also that upon
further acquaintance with these inoffensive and
genial strangers, they may have felt less dis¬
posed to molest them. Already the French
doctor, Monsieur Ayrault, was becoming a wel¬
come visitor in English homes, where, “under
a Mass. Archives, CXXVL, 363, 410, 415
History of the State of Rhode Island, and
Plantations. By Samuel Greene Arnold. Vol.
Historical MSS. from British State Paper Office
Providence
L, p. 507.—
, Vol. XIII.
THE CHARITABLE SAMARITAN.
303
God’s goodness,” he was “a help to raise many chap.xm
from extreme sickness;” and the pious pasteur 1689.
Carre was gaining from the sober-minded of
different persuasions the respect and deference
which they were inclined to show to all ministers
of religion.
Not unfrequently, Carre was called to leave
his flock in the Narragansett country, and go to
Boston, to preach to the French congregation
in that city, then without a minister. To this
fact we owe it that an interesting memorial of
the preacher has come down to us, in the form
of a printed discourse — the only specimen of
pulpit oratory among the Huguenot refugees of
that period that we possess. “ The Charitable
Samaritan, a Sermon on the tenth chapter of
Luke, ver. 30-35,” was printed in Boston in the
year 1689.1 An “Advertisement” informs us
that the sermon was published at the request
of some who heard it, and particularly $f
“ Mr John Pastre, French Merchant, Refu¬
gee in Boston,” who bore the expense of
printing.2 3 The Reverend Nehemiah Walter was
1 “ The Charitable Samaritan ! A Sermon on the tenth
chapter of Luke, ver. 30-35. Pronounced in the French
Church at Boston. By Ezechiel Carre formerly Minister of
Roche-chalais in France, now Minister of the French Colony
in Narrhaganset. Translated in English by N. Walter,
Boston. Printed by Samuel Green, 1689.”
The only copy of this little book of which we have any
knowledge is in the Library of Congress at Washington,
D. C.
3 The occasion for preaching the sermon is thus stated in
the Advertisement. “ The author being obliged to bestow
304 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii the translator ; and Doctor Cotton Mather con-
j589 tributed a characteristic Preface to the little
book. The purpose of its publication is intimated
in both dedication and preface. It was, to remove
an impression, unfavorable to the refugees, that
existed in some quarters among the English, in
Massachusetts as well as Rhode Island. At that
moment, war was impending between France
and England. The incursions of the French
and Indians from Canada had commenced. A
French fleet was expected off the coast. It was
strongly suspected that the Jesuits had their
secret agents in Boston, and elsewhere in New
England.* 1 The presence of so many French
people, though professing to be Protestants and
refugees from France, produced anxiety and dis¬
trust in some minds. Indeed, this feeling was
so strong and prevalent, at a later day, as to
influence the action of the General Court of
Massachusetts ; and in October, 1692, that body
passed a resolution on the subject. “ Consider¬
ing that amongst the many French Gentlemen
some part of his ministry on the French Church of Boston,
until it should please God to provide for it, he was much
surprised to observe that for many Sabbaths this Church,
contrary to its customs, extremely neglected Alms toward
the Poor, which our Discipline recommends at the conclu¬
sion of each Exercise. This made him take a resolution to
treat of this subject, which he has done in this sermon.”
1 “ I remember Mr Dellius the Minister of Albany told
me that the Count de Frontenac owned to him that he had
a great part of his letters and intelligence from France by
the way of Boston, all the time of this late warr.” — Lord
Bellonront to the Lords of Trade, Sept. 21, 1698. — Docu¬
ments relative to the Colonial History of the State of New
York, vol. IV., p. 379.
THE REFUGEES VIEWED WITH SUSPICION. 305
and others that reside amongst us who pretend chap. xm
to be Protestants, there may be sundry of them l6z
that are Papist and enemies to their Majesties
and the weal of this province, it is humbly pro¬
posed to his Excellency the Governor and Coun¬
cil, whether it may not be necessary that due
inquiry be made of the particular circumstances
of the French that reside amongst us, that an
oath of their allegiance to our Sovereigns King
\\ illiam and Queen Mary be imposed on them,
and such as shall refuse to take such oath be
dealt with as their Majesties’ enemies. And
that there may forthwith be sent some prudent
man with a sufficient guard to the plantations
within this province, there to make inquiry into
the state of their affairs, and to search for powder,
shot, peltries, &c., and if they find any French
or Indians that do not give a satisfactory account
of themselves, them to seize and bring away to
Boston, there to be proceeded against as the
matter may require.” 1
In Rhode Island, the same suspicions and
fears were rife ; and the refugees in Frenchtown
suffered much annoyance from their ruder and
more ignorant neighbors, who took it upon
them to execute, without form of law, the search
for arms which had been proposed as a legal meas¬
ure. The more orderly and intelligent among
the English joined the French in complaining
of this treatment ; and the authorities in Boston,
to whom the complaint was made, lost no time
1 Massachusetts Archives, XI., 65.
306 the SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii in rebuking the evil-doers. The provisional
1689 government of Massachusetts, learning “ from
Major Richard Smith and Monsieur Corey,
May [Carre,] minister of ye French Plantation lately
settled in ye Narragansett Country at Rochester
near Major Smith’s, that the Inhabitants of
Greenwich do insult over and are intended to
offer some Violence to the People of ye said
French Plantation, in forcing their Armes from
them, laying open their inclosures, and destroy¬
ing their Meadows, which appears to be a great
extravagancy,'’ advised them to forbear all farther
proceedings of that nature, “ as you tender your
own peace inasmuch as such conduct “with¬
out doubt will have an ill Resentment with the
Crown of England ; the said French People
being accounted good Protestants, and are well
approved of.” As for any differences that may
have arisen among them, they are advised to
refer these for a legal decision.1
March In the following March, the government of
1690. Rhode Island ordered the French settlers to
present themselves to John Greene, at Warwick,
and take the oath of allegiance to the British
crown, in consideration of which they were to
remain undisturbed, behaving peaceably.2 The
refugees made no difficulty in submitting to
these precautionary measures ; but they were
keenly alive to any suggestion of doubt as to
the sinceritv of their attachment to the religious
1 Mass. Archives, XI., 45.
2 History of the State of Rhode Island, by S. G. Arnold.
Vol. I., p. 519. — Historical MSS., ubi supra.
CONTINUED MOLESTATION. 30 7
principles for which they had suffered so much.
Pastor Carre had therefore gladly availed him¬
self of the opportunity that his friends in Boston
gave him to speak a good word for the settle¬
ment in Narragansett. “ Our little Colony,” he
says, in his Dedication to John Pastre, “will
chiefly have obligation to you, for hereby you
will in some sort justify them against those
calumnies, whereby some would render our
retirement into this New World suspected ; for
persons may easily perceive that those who
maintain such doctrine, and have exposed them¬
selves to so many dangers and miseries on
account of it, cannot reasonably pass for Papists,
and that it is uncharitable and uncompassionate
to accuse them as such. I would believe that it
is this interest, rather than any other, which will
oblige you to bring this sermon to light.”
But the good wishes of its friends could not
avert the fate that was hanging over the French
settlement. The summer of the year 1691 wit¬
nessed the breaking up and removal of all the
families in Frenchtown save two or three. The
story of this catastrophe is related by doctor
Ayrault, in quaint but graphic terms. “The
protecting of us in our liberty and property was
continued not two years under said Government,
before we were molested by the vulgar sort of
the people, who flinging down our fences laid
open our lands to ruin, so that all benefit
thereby we were deprived of. Ruin looked on
us in a dismal state; our wives and children
living in fear of the threats of many unruly per-
Chap.XIII
1691.
308 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii sons : and what benefit we expected from our
!69I lands for subsistence was destroyed by secretly
laying open our fences by night and day : and
what little we had preserved by flying from
France, we had laid out under the then improve¬
ments. It looked so hard upon us, to see the
cryes of our wives and children, lamenting their
sad fate, flying from persecution, and coming
under his Majesty’s gracious Indulgence, and
by the Government promised us, yet we, ruined.
And when we complained to the Government,
we could have no relief, although some would
have helped us, we judge, if by their patience
they could have borne such ill treatments as they
must expect to have met with by the unruly
inhabitants there settled also. Many of the
English inhabitants compassionating our condi¬
tion, would have helped us ; but when they used
any means therein, they were evilly treated. So
that these things did put us then upon looking
for a place of shelter, in our distressed condition ;
and hearing that many of our distressed country
people had been protected and well treated in
Boston and Yorke, to seek out new habitations,
where the Governments had compassion on them,
and gave them relief and help, to their wives and
children subsistence. Only two families moving
to Boston, and the rest to New York, and there
bought lands, some of them, and had time given
them for payment. And so was they all forced
away from their lands and houses, orchards and
vineyards, taking some small matter from some
English people for somewhat of their labour;
CONFLICTING TITLES.
309
thus leaving all habitations. Some people got chap.xiu
not anything for their labour and improvements, i6£|I
but Greenwich men who had given us the dis¬
turbance, getting on the lands, so improved in
any way they could, and soon pulled down and
demolished our Church.”
It is plain, from Ayrault’s account, that the
disorderly proceedings that caused the abandon¬
ment of the French plantation, were conducted
by a rude and lawless set of persons, and were
strongly disapproved of by the more respectable
part of the community. Doubtless, Rhode Island
abounded in like characters, ready for any mis¬
chievous enterprise ; and her people had long
been familiar wdth just such disorders.1 The
conflict of land titles, especially in Narragansett,
between individual owners as well as between
townships, had led to numberless broils and
border frays. Still, the troubles inflicted upon
these Huguenots — inoffensive strangers, and
refugees from cruel persecution — would seem to
argue more than common malignity, if we did
not know that the lands that were fraudulently
conveyed to them had been assigned, years before,
to earlier settlers. In October, 1677, the legis¬
lature of Rhode Island made a grant of this ter¬
ritory, and established a township known then
and now as East Greenwich, and it was appor¬
tioned in tracts among certain persons named.2
1 History of Rhode Island, by S. G. Arnold, vol. I., p. 442.
2 Memoir concerning the French Settlements in the Colony
of Rhode Island, by Elisha R. Potter.— (Rhode Island His¬
torical Tracts, No. 5.) Page 23.
310 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii The French, victimized by the unscrupulous
1691. Atherton company, were innocently occupying
and improving lands to which others had a prior
claim.
Upon leaving Narragansett, the refugees
became widely scattered. Seven families — those
of Allaire, Arnaud, Beauchamp, Barbut, De¬
champs, Legare, and Tourtellot — removed to
Boston. Germon and Grignon joined the settle¬
ment in New Oxford. Paul Collin went to Mil¬
ford, Connecticut. Four families — those of
Bretin, Chadene, Foretier and Renaud— went
to New Rochelle. Four others — Amian, Jouet,
Le Brun, and Le Gendre — went to South Caro¬
lina. The largest number sought homes in New
York. Twenty-one of the names upon the plan
of Frenchtown reappear in the records of the
French Church in that city. These are the
names of Bouniot, Coudret, Jean David, Josue
David senior, Josue David junior, veuve Galay,
Grazilier, Jamain, Lafon, Lambert, La Vigne,
Le Breton, Jacques Magni, Jean Magni, Rambert,
Ratier, Robineau, Daniel and Jacques Targe,
Traverrier, and Tougere. A few of the settlers
pass entirely out of our view upon leaving Nar¬
ragansett. Among these is the excellent pastor
of the colony, Ezechiel Carre. Whether he
returned to Lurope, or finished his course in
some other part of the New World, we have
failed to learn.
The dispersion, however, was not total. Two
French families, Le Moine and Ayrault,1
1 See Judge Potter’s Memoir concerning the French Set-
THE DISPERSION.
31 1
remained on the site of the settlement, or within chap.xin
a short distance from it; and a third, Julien,
removed only as far as Newport.* 1 Moi'se Le
Moine occupied the farm that has remained in
possession of his descendants ever since, and
that covers the site of the Huguenot village.
The original name of this family was corrupted
at an early day to Money or Mawney. Pierre
Ayrault retained his lands, notwithstanding the
efforts that were made from time to time to dis¬
lodge him. He had “ fenced in fifty acres of
land, and made very good improvements — a
large orchard, garden, and vineyard, and a good
house.” The tribulations that he suffered at the
hands of “ Greenwich men,” who not only broke
down his fences, but altered the boundaries of August
his lands, are pathetically related in a petition, in ndo.
which he saves the account of the settlement at
o
Frenchtown, and its abandonment, from which
we have already quoted. Either his remon¬
strances with the government, or the stout resist¬
ance he offered to his tormentors, at length
availed him ; for he remained in Narragansett
until his death, which occurred about the year
1711. At that time his son Daniel, who estab¬
lished himself in business in Newport, sold the
property in East Greenwich.
Elsewhere in Rhode Island, a number of
French Protestants settled singly or in groups,
tlements in Rhode Island, for an account of the pedigrees
of these families.
1 Jean Julien, “ chapellier,” was living in Newport in the
year 1702.
312 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii late in the seventeenth century, or in the first
1700. years of the eighteenth. Peter Tourgee and his
brothers came directly from the island of Guerm
sey, about the time of the French settlement in
Narragansett, and established themselves in
North Kingstown, not far from the site of that
colony. Here their descendants remained for
several succeeding generations. The Tourgee
family originated in the province of Bretagne,
where the name is still to be found, and fled,
Francois like many others, from persecution in France to
Lazarus t^ie Channel islands.1 2 Francois Le Baron, a
Le Baron. Huguenot physician, came to New England
after the Revocation, and died in Plymouth,
Massachusetts, in 1704.1 Pierre Papillon, and
1 Peter Tourgee had three sons, Peter, John, and Philip.
The children of Peter were, Thomas, (born in Decem¬
ber, 1722,) Philip, (October, 1724,) Elizabeth, (1728,) Peter,
(February, 1733,) and John, born in December, 1735, died
in 1812. John was the father of Jeremiah, who was born
in December, 1778, and died in 1867. His son, Ebenezer,
born in Warwick in 1809, died in October, 1878.— (Memoir
of the French Settlements in the Colony of Rhode Island.
By Elisha R. Potter. Pp. 132, 133. The Memoir erro¬
neously connects the Tourgee family with the entirely
distinct family of Targe, mentioned above.)
The Tourgee family is now widely scattered throughout
the United States. One of its branches is to be found in the
province of Ontario, Canada. It is represented by Judge
A. W. Tourgee, author of several valuable and popular
works ; and by Professor Eben Tourgee, Director of
the New England Conservatory of Music, Boston, Massa¬
chusetts.
2 “Le Baron” is mentioned by Judge Potter, (Memoir,
etc., p. 137,) among the French settlers in Rhode Island!
In the next generation Doctor Lazarus Le Baron, “ the son
of this emigrant — a descendant of the Huguenots” — lived
in Plymouth. His daughter Elizabeth, born January i,
OTHER HUGUENOT REFUGEES.
313
his wife Joan, had already come to Bristol, chapjmi
Rhode Island, from Boston, about the year 1681.
1681. Pierre belonged, it is supposed, to the
Huguenot family, the name of which he bore,
and which originated in Avranches, in the
province of Normandy. I he Papillons had suf¬
fered much for their religion. David, after an
imprisonment of three years, fled to England,
where his descendants have prospered.1 Philip
is said to have been the first Huguenot member
of the House of Commons. Peter, the emi- pPeteF
grant to America, reached Massachusetts as
early as the year 1679.2 He appears to have
joined the Huguenot settlement in Oxford,
Massachusetts, where some of his descendants
resided at a later day.3 His son Peter, known
7746, was married in 1762, to the Reverend Ammi Ruha-
mah Robbins, minister of the Congregational church in
Norfolk, Connecticut, from 1761 until his death in 1S13.
She died in September, 1829. — (Annals of the American
Pulpit, by Wm. B. Sprague, D.D.,vol. I p. 37°— A sermon
delivered at the funeral of Mrs. Elizabeth Robbins, by Ralph
Emerson, pastor of the church in Norfolk, Connecticut.)
The inscription on the tomb of “ Mr. Francis Lebarran,
Phvsician,” in Plymouth, Massachusetts, is still legible. It
states that he “departed this life August ye 8 ’ 1704, in
ye 36th year of his age.”
“ j)r Le Baron was surgeon on board a French privateer,
which was wrecked in Buzzard’s Bay. He came to I ly-
mouth, and having performed an important surgical opera¬
tion the selectmen petitioned the Executive of the Colony
for his liberation as prisoner of war, that he might settle in
this town. We believe that from this ancestor all ot the
name in the United States are descended.”— (Mr. Russell,
in Pilgrim Memorials.) .
1 The Huguenots : by Samuel Smiles. Pp. 3X9> 422.
2 The Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country. By G. r. Dan-
^ Savage? Gen. Diet, of the First Settlers of N. E., s. v.
3 14 the SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii as Captain Papillon, became a merchant in
l700> Boston.1 Jacques Pineau, whose name was
soon transformed into Pinneo, came to Bristol
about the year 1700, in company with Jean Sou-
lard. Tradition relates that they fled from per¬
secution in France, and landed in Plymouth,
Massachusetts ; and that being- unable to pay
PinEe0 1 • 1 ! 1 , ,
and their passage across the ocean, they were sold
into servitude by the captain for a term of four
years. Their conduct was so excellent, however,
that they were released after a few months.
About the year 1725, they removed from Bris¬
tol to Lebanon, Connecticut, where Pineau left
descendants.2 Soularcl became a resident of
1 In 1722 he had command of a ship employed against the
pirates on the coast of New England. — (Savage, Gen. Diet.)
Administration was granted May 10, 1733, to Katherine,
widow, and to John Yvolcot, Escp, of Salem, Massachusetts,
son-indaw, upon the estate of Captain Peter Papillon, mer¬
chant, of Boston. His “mansion-house” was on Bennet
street. Four daughters, two of whom, Martha and Marah,
were under age, are mentioned. Peter’s widow died before
January 24, 1 734.— (Probate Office, Suffolk County, No.
6425-)
2 James Pinneo had two sons and three daughters. James,
the eldest son, born 1708, married Priscilla Newcomb, whose
son James was the father of the Reverend Bezaleel Pinneo,
for fifty-three years pastor of the First Church in Milford,
Connecticut, from 1796 till his death in September, 1849.
The Pinneo family is an extensive one, and is represented
chiefly in New England and the Middle States, and in New
Brunswick and Nova Scotia.
Several Protestant families of this name fled from France
at the period of the Revocation ; among them Jeanne and
Catharine Pinaud, natives of Cherveux, in Poitou. — (Archives
Nationales, Tt.) One James Pineau was naturalized in
England, January 5, 1688, at the same time with a family
named Soulart.
OTHER HUGUENOT REFUGEES.
315
the same locality.1 Auguste Lucas, a native of chap.xm
La Rochelle, whose sister Marie was the wife of
Andre Laurent,2 followed that emigrant to
America after a few years, and took up his
abode in Newport, Rhode Island. Before leav¬
ing Europe, he married, at Saint Malo, Bretagne, January
the daughter of Daniel Lefebvre of Garhere, who
died soon after reaching Newport.3 His second
wife was a granddaughter of John Eliot, the Auguste
“ apostle to the Indians.” Her son, Augustus Lucas‘
Lucas, married Mary Caner, whose daughter
Mary became the wife of James A. Hillhouse.
Another daughter, Barsheba, was distinguished
for her literary attainments.4
Other emigrants, who came to Rhode Island
at a much earlier period, are said to have been
French Protestants. Maturin Ballou settled in Maturin
Providence in 1639. 5 More than a hundred Ballou'
years later, another Maturin, his descendant,
was the pastor of a Baptist congregation in
Richmond, New Hampshire. His son, Hosea
Ballou,6 became a leading minister of the Uni-
versalist denomination in the United States.7
1 Jean Soulard, a maitre armurier of La Rochelle, is men¬
tioned in 1675. — (Bernon Papers.)
2 See volume I., page 282.
3 Memoir concerning the French settlements in the colony
of Rhode Island, by Elisha R. Potter. P. 134.
4 History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Narra-
gansett, Rhode Island, by Wilkins Updike. P. 507.
5 Savage, Gen. Diet, of the First Settlers of N. E. — La
France Protestante mistakes in stating that Ballou emigrated
to America at the time of the Revocation.
6 Born April 30, 1771 ; died June 7, r852.
7 His daughter Eliza became the mother of the late Presi¬
dent of the United States, James A. Garfield.
3 1 6 THE SETTLEMENT: RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii Daniel Grennell, “of a French family,” was in
Portsmouth, Rhode Island, in 1638.1 He was
Daniel the ancestor of three eminent merchants of the
Grenneii. ^ New York — Joseph, Moses H., and
Henry Grinnell.
Not long after the breaking up of the French
Demon! settlement in Narragansett, Rhode Island
became the home of Gabriel Bernon, the enter¬
prising Huguenot merchant, of whose career in
Boston, and in New Oxford, Massachusetts, we
have already spoken. In Rhode Island, Bernon
1697- spent nearly forty years. For the first eight or
1706. nine years, he was a resident of Newport. In
1 706, he removed to Providence. Six years
1712. later, he went to Kingstown, but returned in
1718. 1718 to Providence, where he remained until his
1736. death, in 1736.
Bernon was doubtless attracted to Newport
by the rising importance of the place — already
advancing, as it was, to a foremost position
among the commercial towns of New England.
In partnership with his compatriot and fellow-
Huguenot Daniel Ayrault, he engaged at once
with characteristic energy in various business
operations. Rhode Island was now taking the
lead in the trade with the West Indies. Her
“ light and sharp vessels were famous for
eluding the French privateers, that were scour-
ing the ocean, and lying in wait off the American
harbors. I he youth of the province had a
strong inclination for the sea, and there was
1 Savage, Gen. Diet, of the First Settlers of N. E.
TRADE WITH THE WEST INDIES. 31 7
never a lack of volunteers for the merchant chap.xiii
service. The principal commerce of Newport 1697-
was with the islands of Cura^oa and Surinam, I7o6
and it was highly profitable. Bernon employed
several ships in this trade, at least one of which
belonged to him ; and he had his correspondents,
French merchants, in Cura<;oa — Jacob Alard,
Jacques Poissant, Jean Girard. If the profits
were great, the losses were sometimes terrible.
Many a Rhode Island family pedigree makes Lost
mention of some, in those early times, as “ lost g^.
at sea.” Bernon’s only son Gabriel was among
the victims of this perilous trade. According to
tradition, “ he embarked with one Captain Tripe
in a vessel bound for the West Indies, which was
lost during a snow-storm on leaving the Bay,
and all on board perished.” 1
The diversified industry of the Huguenot
refugee had perhaps its best representation in
this Rhode Island merchant ; and it was while
residing in Newport that his activity was great¬
est. Many years after, Bernon judged that he
had “ spent more than ten thousand pounds
towards the benefit of the country; in building
ships, making nails, and promoting the making
1 Among the Bernon Papers, there is an interesting letter
written by young Gabriel, in Boston, December 29, 1696, to
his father, then in England. The sentiment, the style and
the penmanship together represent a youth of rare intelli¬
gence and culture. He is mentioned by a correspondent of
Bernon, in 1699, in these terms : — “ Je vous suis bien oblige
de l’adresse que vous me donnaste pour Mr. vostre fils ; il est
digne d’un tel pere. Ses manieres obligeantes ne derogent
en rien des vostres.”
3TS THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap^xm of stuffs, hats, and rosin, &c.” One of these
1697- departments of labor deserves special notice
1706. m tllis connection. “ Hat-making was among
the most important manufactures taken into
England ” and other countries “ by the refugees.
In h ranee, it had been almost entirely in the
hands of the Protestants. They alone possessed
the secret of the liquid composition which served
to prepare rabbit, hare and beaver-skins ; and
they alone supplied the trade with fine Caude-
bec hats, in such demand in England and
Huguenot Hollancl After the Revocation, most of them
hatters, went to London, taking with them the secret of
then art, which was lost to France for more than
forty years. It was not until the middle of the
eighteenth century, that a French hatter, after
having long worked in London, stole the secret
the refugees had carried away, took it back to
his country, communicated it to the Paris
hatters, and founded a large manufactory ” in
that city. The dressing of chamois-skins, and
the making of gloves, were also among the arts
in which the Huguenots excelled.1
These aits were brought by the exiles to
America. Several of the French Protestants in
Boston were engaged in the manufacture of hats.
They were supplied with peltries for this purpose
by Bernon, who received the dressed skins from
his “ chamoiserie ” at Oxford, and forwarded
them to Peter Signac, John Baudouin, and others
1 History of the French Protestant Refugees, from the
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes to our- own Davs Ev
-Vol. I, book III, chapter III. 5 7
Charles Weiss.-
LORD BELLOMONT TO BERNON. 319
in Boston, as well as to John Julien, who pur- chap.xni
sued the same business in Newport. A cargo
shipped in August, 1 703, to his agent Samuel
Baker, comprised otter, beaver, raccoon, deer,
and other skirts, valued at forty-four pounds.
Bernon had not been long established in New- November
port, when he received a letter from the Earl of S3,
Bellomont, governor of New York, filled with
assurances of his regard and good will. “ I
• regret to learn,” he wrote, “ that you have left
New England, and taken up your abode in
Rhode Island. This information, which I have
from Mr. Campbell, grieves me much ; for I had
intended to give you, upon my arrival in Boston,
every proof of friendship in my power. I am
ashamed not to have written to you sooner ; but
I assure you that this has not been for want of
esteem, but solely because I have been con¬
stantly occupied with the affairs of my govern¬
ment. Should you think proper to come and
reside in this city, I would do all that might be
possible for your encouragement. I shall not
forget the recommendation of my lord the count
of Galway in your favour ; and, without compli¬
ment, I am fully disposed to respond to that
recommendation by all manner of good offices.
I would be very glad to see you here, in order
that I might confer with you about certain mat¬
ters relating to the king’s service.” 1
1 “ De la nouvelle York ce 23e novembre 1698.
“ Monsieur : — Te suis fache d’apprendre, que vons aves
quitte la Nouvelle Angleterre, pour venir habiter dans Rode
Island, c’est une nouvelle que Mr Campbel, me dis ce qui
320 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
Chap. xiii I he subject of the proposed conference was a
1699. plan, which Bernon had already submitted to
Lord Bellomont, for employing- the military force
of the province in the manufacture pf naval
stores. In the following March he accepted the
governor’s invitation, and visited New York,
Manufact- where he received every mark of consideration.
naval Lord Bellomont wrote home to the Board of
stores. Trade, strongly favoring the project.1 In Sep-
m’ afflige beaucoup — puk que J’avez dessin de vous faire
toute l’amitte possible Lors que Je serais arive a Boston.
u J’ay de la honte de ne vous avoir pas Ecrit plutost mais Je
vous assure, que cela na ete faute d’Estime, mais seulement
pour avoir ete continuellemnt occupe aux affaires de mon
gouvernement. Si vous trouvez apropos de vous venir
etablir icy dans Cette Ville, Je feray tout mon possible de
vous donner de l’Encouragement, Je noublieray pas la
recommendation de Monsieur Le comte de Gallway en votre
faveur et sans compliment Je suis fort dispose d’y repondre
par toute sorte de Bons Offices, Je seray Bien Ayse de vous
voir ici, afin de descourir avec vous, sur de certaines afaires,
qui Regarde Le Service du Roy.
“ Je Suis auec une veritable Estime et amitie
u _ Votre tres humble Serviteur
“for Monsieur Bernon a French Bellamont.”
marchand In Rode Island.’’
(Bernon Papers.)
1 “ I sent for Monsr Bernon a French merchant and an
honest sincere man, whom I was acquainted with in England,
he being extreamly well recommended to me by my Lord
Galhvay and severall other French gentlemen and having
lived some years at Boston and there in that country made a
good quantity of pitch, tar, rozen and turpentine, I have
discoursed him fully about these things, and find the King
can best be supplied from this Province with the severall
foremention ed species of stores, and that for the following
reasons. _ There grows an infinite number of pines in Long
Island alias Nassau Island, and on both sides of Hudsons
river, and between Albany and Schenectady, and there will
be a water carriage which will mightily conduce to their
cheapnesse. Then I would have the soldiers imployed to
THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.
3 21
tember he came to Newport, to investigate cer¬
tain charges that had been made against the
administration of public affairs in Rhode Island.
Upon this occasion, a petition signed by sixteen
persons — the two Huguenots Gabriel Bernon
and Pierre Ayrault heading it — was presented
to the governor, asking for encouragement and
assistance in maintaining a minister of the
Church of England. The petitioners represent
that they, with others inhabiting that Island,
have agreed to erect a church for the worship of
God according to the discipline of the Church of
England, but are not in a capacity to provide
unaided for the support of a minister. They
therefore pray that his lordship would intercede
with the king, for his command to the govern¬
ment of that colony, that they may be protected
and assisted in this undertaking; and that he
would also recommend them to the favor of the
Board of Trade, or such ministers of state as he
may judge convenient for the purpose.
The consequences of this action were import¬
ant. Eord Bellomont forwarded the petition of
the Episcopalians of Newport to the Board of
Trade, with his own hearty indorsement. It
vvorke at making them at full English pay, which is 8d.
pr day and an addition of 4d. pr day which will be i2d. in
the whole .... All that I propose as a charge for the manage¬
ment is £200 pr ann. New Yorke mony to Monsr Bernon,
and 2s. 6d. pr day to each Lieutenant New Yorke mony, a
Lieutenant to every hundred soldiers to keep ’em at their
worke.” — Earl of Bellomont to the Lords of Trade ; New
York, April 17, 1699. — (Documents relative to the Colonial
History of the State of New York. Vol. IV., pp. 502, 503.)
Chap. XIII
1699.
September
26.
Petition
of the
Episcopa¬
lians
of
Newport.
322 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii was referred to the Bishop of London, who sub-
1699. mitted it to the king ; and the king returned it
October to Ple Lords of I rade, for their consideration
24. and report. Other petitions from America, for
aid in the support of the ministry, and for the
spread of Christianity among the Indians, were
presented about the same time ; and these appeals
led to the formation of The Society for the
Ji70i16’ Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,
chartered by William III. in the year 1701.
Bernon had been a member of the French
Reformed Church, until the time of his depart¬
ure from Massachusetts ; and his relations with
Daille and the Elders of the Boston congrega¬
tion continued to be close and cordial. But in
Rhode Island, thrown among English-speaking
people, he could enter heartily into a plan for
the establishment of the Anglican worship ; and
he became a fervent and zealous member of the
Church of England. He was active in the
formation of the first three Episcopal churches
1699. in Rhode Island — Trinity church in Newport,
1707. St. Paul’s church in Kingstown, and St. John’s
1722. church in Providence.1 His devotion to the
1 A mural tablet in St. John’s Church, Providence, bears
the following inscription :
“In Memory of Gabriel Bernon, Son of Andre and
Suzanne Bernon, Born at La Rochelle, France, April 6,
A. D. 1644. A Huguenot. After two years’ imprisonment
tor his Religious Faith, Previous to the revocation of The
Edict of Nantes, He took refuge in England, and came to
America A.l). 1688. Here he continued steadfast in pro¬
moting The Honour of the Church And the Glory of God.
It is recorded in the History of Rhode Island, that ‘ To the
persevering piety and untiring zeal of Gabriel Bernon, the
BERNON’S ZEAL FOR RELIGION. 323
interests of religion in the land of his adoption
did not abate as the infirmities of old acre
o>
increased. In his eighty-first year — in the sum¬
mer of 1724 — he crossed the ocean for the
purpose of representing to the Bishop of
London and the Society for the Propagation of
the Gospel in f oreign Parts the necessities of
the congregation in Providence, and the import¬
ance of sending a competent minister to that
thriving town.
Like many of his fellow-refugees, Bernon was
intensely loyal to the British crown. “ It is our
great happiness and honor,” he would say, “ to
be able to proclaim ourselves good subjects of
our sovereign king William ; and we cannot too
highly venerate a prince so great, so good and
so illustrious, nor respect too much his gover¬
nors, who represent him to us.” The course
taken by the leading French Protestants in New
York, who sided with the party that opposed
Governor Bellomont’s policy, incurred Bernon’s
strong displeasure ; and the unsparing reproofs
that he administered to them produced a breach
that was never healed. His devotion to Dudley,
and his lack of sympathy with the Puritan spirit,
caused estrangement also from his former friends
o
first three Episcopal Churches in Rhode Island owed their
origin,’ King’s, now St. John’s Church, Providence, Founded
A.D. 1722, being one of them. He died in the Faith once
delivered to the Saints, Feb. 1, A.D. 1736, JE. 92, And is
buried beneath this Church. ‘ Every one that hath forsaken
houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife,
or children, or lands, for My name’s sake, shall receive an
hundredfold, and shall inherit eternal life.’ — St. Matt.”
Chap. XIII
1724.
His
loyalty
to the
Eritish
crown.
324 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii in Boston. Judge Sewall has given us in his
I7C,9 Diary a glimpse of the refugee, in one of his
unfrequent appearances in that city in later clays.
August “ As I came from Charlestown Lecture I met
n> Mr. Bernon in Sudbury Street ; he turn’d from
me and would not have seen me ; but I spake to
him. Quickly after I saw Col. Vetch in the
Council Chamber, and said to him, Mr. Bernon
is in town, as I told you he would. He made
light of it, .and said he had bought cider of him ;
he suppos’d he had business here. I observ’d
he was at Sir Charles’s Muster, and went round
the Body with his Sword 1 by his Side, follow’d
by the Govrs Attendants.” 2
nis Bernon’s Protestantism was not less pro-
aoimced nounced than his loyalty. As late as the year
IntKm.’ I7I4- and his Roman Catholic brother
Samuel, of Poitiers in France, continued to
exchange letters upon their religious differences ;
and the controversy seems to have been main¬
tained with sufficient acrimony on both sides.
He corresponded also with the famous bishop of
La Rochelle, Frezeau de la Frezeliere, and his
successor, M. de Champflour. To the last, the
1 Bernon’s sword is in the possession of his descendant,
Charles Bernon Allen, Esq., of Providence, Rhode Island
It bears on the blade the figures “*1*4*1* 4.” It is
noticeable that this date synchronizes with that of one of
the wars of the house of Burgundy, from which the Bernons
claimed to be descended. (See volume I., pages 277, 278.)
Delfius relates that “in 1414, John the Intrepid came to
Burgundy with twenty thousand horse, and reduced all the
fortified places of Tonnerre, and gave them to his son
Philip.” — (Rerum Burgundicarum Libri sex. P. 102.)
2 Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. II , pp. 261, 262.
BERNON’S LAST YEARS. 325
old Huguenot was roused by anything that chap.xm
savored of priestly assumption and ecclesiastical ~
domination. In 1723, the eccentric John
Checkley published in Boston a pamphlet,
entitled “ A Modest Proof of the Order and
Government settled by Christ and His Apostles,
in the Church. Recommended as Proper to be
put in the hands of the Laity.” Bernon wrote
to the vestry of Trinity Church in Newport, who July10-
had caused an edition of this tract to be printed
with their sanction, denouncing it as a device of
the enemy, and complaining of the use made of
his own name in the recommendation.1
Bernon’s first wife, Esther Le Roy, died in
Newport on the fourteenth day of June, 1710, at
the age of fifty-six years. In 1712, he married
Mary Harris. His second marriage was a very
happy one. The last years of this exile from
‘“Votre livre insinue,” writes Bernon, “ 1., que les
laiques sont les esclaves des ecclesiastiques, qui les doivent
conduire a leur plaisir et instruire par leurs levres ; 2., que
les ecclesiastiques peuvent revetir et despouiller les laiques
suivant leur pretendue succession ; 3., que les ecclesiastiques
ont le gouvernement spirituel et temporel et immuable,
ce qui est tres absurde, oppose comme le clerge du Papisme
a l’ordre du gouvernement que Dieu a etabli par Moyse, et
Christ declare a ses disciples que celuy qui voudra etre le
premier sera le dernier.” “Je suis ne gentilhomme lai'que
de France,” he continues, “ naturalise Anglois, quejeprends
a grand honneur plus que toutes les richesses de France;
parce que les laiques d’Angleterre ne sont pas comme les
laiques de France esclaves du clergd et les haquendes du
Pape ; pour quoy plutot que de le souffrir jay abandonne
raa patrie, mon bien et mes amis pour me venir ranger et
soumettre sous le gouvernement Anglois, oil je suis solen-
nellement engage par serment devant Dieu.” — (Bernon
Papers.)
326 THE SETTLEMENT: RHODE ISLAND.
chap. xiii La Rochelle were spent peacefully in the house
1736. he built himself in Providence, near Roger Wil¬
liams’ spring,1 where we see him teaching his
English wife and children the devotional verses
he had composed in his native tongue ; corre¬
sponding with Dean Berkeley at Newport;
and inditing his pious reflections upon Thomas
a Kempis and Drelincourt’s Consolations. He
died on the first day of February, 1736, at the
advanced age of ninety-one years and ten
months, and was buried beneath St. John’s
church, Providence, “with unusual marks of
respect.” 2
I he following obituary notice appeared Feb¬
ruary 19, 1736, in a Boston newspaper: —
“ On the first instant, departed this life, at
Providence, Mr. Gabriel Bernon, in the 92d year
of his age. He was a gentleman by birth and
estate, born in Rochelle, in France, and about
fifty years ago he left his native country, and the
greatest part of his estate, and, for the cause of
true religion, fled into New England, where he
1 “ Here Gabriel Bernon built a house somewhat after the
French style, rvith a bold jet arching over the street. The
house was framed, of wood, two stories in front and three
in the rear, and for that early day was doubtless one of the
best structures in the town. The spring which attracted the
attention of Roger Williams, and allured him to turn the
prow of his canoe toward it, is well remembered by the
writer. It gushed forth from the earth in a copious stream
that flowed into the adjacent river.” — Historical sketch of
the life of Gabriel Bernon, (MS.,) by the late Zachariah
Allen, LL.D.
History of the State of Rhode Island and Providence
Plantations, by Samuel Greene Arnold. Volume II., p. 1 16
DESCENDANTS OF GABRIEL BERNON. 32 7
has ever since continued, and behaved himself chap,
as a zealous Protestant professor. He was I?.
courteous, honest, and kind, and died in great
faith and hope in his Redeemer, and assurance
of Salvation ; and has left a good name among
his acquaintances. He evidenced the power of
Christianity in his great sufferings, by leaving
his country and his great estate, that he might
worship God according to his conscience. He
has left three daughters which he had by a
French gentlewoman (his first wife), one of
which is the virtuous wife of the Honble William
Coddington, Esq.; three daughters and a son
by a gentlewoman of New England, who
behaved to him as a virtuous woman and gave
singular proof of a good wife ever till his death.
He was decently buried under the Episcopal
Church at Providence, and a great concourse of
people attended his funeral, to whom the Rev¬
erend Mr. Brown preached an agreeable and
eloquent funeral sermon from Psalm xxxix. 4.”
Descendants of Gabriel Bernon. — The children of
Bernon by his first wife, Esther Le Roy, were Gabriel,
Marie, Esther, Sarah, and Jeanne.
Gabriel died unmarried. (See page 317.)
Marie married Abraham Tourtellot. (See page 141.)
Esther married, May 30, 1713, Adam Powell, who died in
Newport, Rhode Island, December 24, 1725, aged fifty-one
years. She died October 20, 1746, and was buried at
Tower Hill, Rhode Island. Adam and Esther Powell had
two daughters. The elder, Elizabeth, born in Newport,
April 8, 1714, married the Reverend Samuel Seabury, of
New London, Connecticut, whose son Samuel, by a former
marriage, was the first English bishop in America. She
died February 6, 1799, aged eighty-seven years. The
younger daughter, Esther, born in Newport, May, 1718, was
married, October, 1738, to James Helme, Chief-Justice of
328 THE SETTLEMENT : RHODE ISLAND.
Chap. XIII the Superior Court of Rhode Island, and died March 22,
1764.
Sarah, daughter of Gabriel and Esther Bernon, was mar¬
ried, November n, 1722, to Benjamin Whipple.
Jeanne, daughter of Gabriel and Esther Bernon, became
the second wife of Colonel William Coddington, of New¬
port ; married October n, 1722. She died June 18, 1752,
leaving two sons, John and Francis, and four daughters,
Content, Esther, Jane, and Ann.
The children of Gabriel Bernon and his second wife,
Mary Harris, were Gabriel, Susanne, Mary, and Eve!
Gabriel died young.
Susanne, daughter of Gabriel and Mary Bernon, born in
Narragansett, 1716, was married, August 23, 1734, to Joseph
Crawford. She died February 18, 1802, aged eighty-six
years. Joseph and Susanne Crawford had nine children,
the youngest of whom, Ann, born June 25, 17^9, was mar¬
ried, January, 1778, to Zachariah Allen, who died April
4, 1801, aged sixty-one years. She died September 3, 1808,
leaving six children : Lydia, Ann, Philip, Candace, Zacha¬
riah, and Crawford.
Mary, daughter of Gabriel and Mary Bernon, born April
1, 1719, married Gideon Crawford, and died October 1,
1789. They had seven sons and four daughters. Eve, bap¬
tized July 1 r, 1721, died, unmarried, in 1775.
The Honorable Zachariah Allen, LL.D., son of Anne Craw¬
ford, who married Zachariah Allen, and grandson of Susanne,
daughter of Gabriel and Mary Bernon, was born in Providence,
Rhode Island, September 15, 1795, and died in that city
March 17, 1 882, in the eighty-seventh year of his age. He was
graduated in 1813 at Brown University, and subsequently
pursued a course of study in law and in medicine. He was
married in 1817 to Eliza Harriet, daughter of Welcome
Arnold, Esq., of Providence. During his long life, while
actively engaged in business, he was also a zealous student
of natural science and mechanical philosophy, the inventor
of valuable improvements in machinery, the founder and
promoter of many literary and philanthropic enterprises,
the author of several books and of numerous dissertations.
As President of the Rhode Island Historical Society, Mr.
Allen devoted much time and labor to researches relating to
the history of his own State. Methodical and industrious,
he was enabled, by a temperament wonderfully buoyant, and
a constitution vigorous and elastic, not only to keep up
these studies and labors to the last, but also to move among
his fellow-men, helpful and sympathetic, interested in all the
ZACHARIAH ALLEN.
329
vital questions of the day, and contributing to the happiness Chap.XIII
and profit of his family and of a large circle of friends, by
his benignant presence and genial companionship, and by
his unaffected piety.
Mr. Allen’s Huguenot ancestry was matter of deep inter¬
est and unfailing delight to him. He well remembered his
mother’s mother, Susanne, daughter of Gabriel Bernon ;
and his retentive memory was stored with distinct impres¬
sions received through her of that remarkable personage,
and of the race which he so worthily represented. Indeed,
perhaps more than any other American who has lived in
these times, Mr. Allen himself illustrated some of the finest
traits of the Huguenot character. Upon the formation of
the Huguenot Memorial Society of Oxford, Massachusetts,
in October, 1881, he was chosen its president. A “Memo¬
rial of Zachariah Allen, 1795-1882, by Amos Perry,” was
published in 1883.
CHAPTER XIV.
The Settlement.
CONNECTICUT.
chap, xiv No considerable body of Protestant exiles
from France settled within the bounds of the
colony of Connecticut at the time of the o-eneral
emigration. Yet there are a few localities
within those bounds that may claim our atten¬
tion as the early homes of certain Huguenot
families of note.
The little seaport town of Milford, on Long
Island Sound, with its safe harbor, its facilities
of access, and its pleasing aspect, attracted a
number of the refugees, several of whom bore
names that have become widely known and
highly honored. Thither Peter Peiret, Paul
Collin, the Gillettes, the Durands, and others
went towards the close of the seventeenth cen¬
tury or in the beginning of the eighteenth.
I eter Peiret was probably the son as well as
the namesake of the excellent pastor of the
French Church in New York, who died in the
year 1704, and whose remains repose in Trinity
churchyard. Pastor Peiret left several children
and among them, it is believed, an older son
MILFORD ON THE SOUND.
331
named after himself.1 The Milford settler, who chap, xiv
died before June 16, 1718, when letters of
administration upon his estate were issued, left
two children, Peter and Margaret.2 His son
Peter became a successful merchant, and was
erma^ed in trade with France.3 1 he late Pela-
tiah Perit of New York was his descendant.4
Paul Collin, one of the French settlers in Nar-
ragansett, removed to Milford upon the break¬
ing up of that colony, and was probably the
father of John Collin, who was born in the year
1 706. The tradition that represents this family
as of Huguenot descent is confirmed by docu¬
mentary evidence.5 6
1 Four children of Pierre Peiret and Marguerite La Tour,
his wife, were baptized in the French Church, New York.
These were, Susanne, born November 18, 1690 ; Gabriel,
born January 30, 1694 ; Franpoise, born March 1 , 1696 ;
and Elizabeth,, born December 22, 1700. But Peiret was in
middle life when he came to New York, and doubtless
brought with him children born in France. Pierre and
Madeleine, who signed as sponsors at the baptism of Eliza¬
beth, were probably the older children of Pierre and Mar¬
guerite Peiret.
3 Administration of the estate of Peter Peiret was granted
to his widow Mary, who was appointed guardian of his chil¬
dren, Peter, aged eight years, and Margaret, aged six years.
A record of the division of the property is dated June 16,
1718. — (Probate Records, New Haven, Connecticut.)
3 Lambert's History of Connecticut.
4 I am informed that Mr. Perit “ often alluded to his
ancestors as of the Huguenot race,” and as having settled in
Milford.
6 Paul Collin —see volume I., page 304,— was the son of
Jean Collin, of the Isle of Re, France. The name is that of
an ancient Rochellese family, in which the name of Jean
Collin frequently occurs. For the descendants in America,
see “A history of the Family of John Collin, of Milford,
Connecticut.” Hudson, N. Y., 1872.
332 3 THE SETTLEMENT: CONNECTICUT.
chap, xiv William Gilet, a Prench refugee pastor of
whom some account has been given in a pre¬
vious chapter,1 came to Milford in 1722, or
earlier. He had been preceded by Eliphalet
Gilet, perhaps his near relative, whose name
occurs first in the year 1 703.
The Huguenot Pierre Durand emigrated to
America, according to the family tradition, in
the year 1 702, and after a brief sojourn in the
South, established himself in Milford, where his
descendants still reside.
Jacques Depont, a nephew of Gabriel Bernon,
became a resident of Milford in the latter part
of the seventeenth century. He engaged in
business with Nathanael Smith, and at his death
in 1 703 left considerable property.2
In the burying-ground of the village Church,
there is to be seen to this day the grave of “ Mr.
Louis Liron, Merchant,” who “departed this life
ye 18 Sept. 1733, in ye 88th year of his age.” 3
Louis Liron, a Lrench Protestant refugee, from
Nismes in Lang'uedoc, established himself in
trade in Milford, as early as the year 1695. Lour
y ears later, he was concerned in an occurrence
that created no little stir in the colony, and in
the adjoining province of New York. It was in
the beginning of October, 1699, that two envoys
fiom Canada made their appearance in Milford.
They were on their way home from Rhode Island,
1 See page 144.
2 Bernon Papers.
3 Communicated by the Reverend George H. Griffin Mil-
iord, Connecticut. ’
0
MYSTERIOUS VISITORS.
333
whither they had gone in search of Lord Bello- chap, xiv
mont, whom they found in Newport. Having 1699.
delivered the message they bore from Monsieur
de Callieres, governor of Canada, to the gov¬
ernor of New York, these gentlemen were now
seeking to return to Quebec, “ the shortest way,”
through Albany, and over lake Champlain.
Upon reaching Milford, they were directed to
Liron, who entertained them courteously, and
forwarded them on their journey, sending a
young man to accompany them up the valley of
the Naugatuck river, as far as Waterbury. The
commotion produced in the little village by this
unusual visit had scarcely subsided, when it
began to be rumored, that the professed envoys
were in reality spies, or secret agents of the
Canadian government. According to some,
their errand was to persuade the Indians of the
Five Nations to forsake their English allies, and
make a treaty with the French. Others believed
them to have come for the purpose of inspecting
the English defenses, with a view to a speedy
attack upon them. One of these emissaries was
Monsieur de la Valliere, the son of a former
governor of Quebec.1 The other was the famous ^ ^
fesuit missionary Bruyas. “ Some people,” Bruyas.
wrote Lord Bellomont, a year later, “ are not
Monsieur
de la
Valliere.
1 Michael Le Neuf, sieur de la Valliere et de Beaubassin,
was the son of Jacques Le Neuf de la Poterie, governor of
Quebec in 1665. De la Valliere went to Acadia in 1676,
and was appointed commandant, July 16, 1678. — Diction-
naire genealogique des families canadiennes depuis 1608
jusqu’ a 1700. Par l’abbe Cyprien Tanguay. P. 381. — His¬
tory of Acadia, by James Hannay, p. 216.
334 THE SETTLEMENT : CONNECTICUT.
chap, xiv without a jealousy that the Jesuit Brouyas and
1699. Monsr De La Valliere, that were sent to me on
pretence of a compliment by the Governor of
Canada, were rather intended as spies, to look
into the condition of our forts and garrisons.” 1
Were these suspicions well founded ? It would
be difficult to say. Intrigue and mystification
seem to have pervaded all transactions between
the two countries in that day ; and it is not
impossible that the errand of these Frenchmen
to Newport and Albany may have covered some
private business scheme, instead of a deep-laid
political plot. Both of them were versed in
such transactions. De la Valliere had formerly
been the object of distrust on the part of his own
government, because of his underhand commer¬
cial dealings with the English in Boston ; 2 and
the Jesuit Bruyas was doubtless, like most of his
order, an adept in the ways of trade.3 It was no
uncommon thing for a Canadian official to visit
New England upon some specious pretext, but
in reality for the purpose of effecting a private
Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State
of New York. Vol. IV., p. 645.
The History of Acadia, by James Hannay, pp. 216—219
—Massachusetts Archives, French Collections, vol. Ill pp'
49, 146. 1 1 ’
The Old Regime in Canada, by Francis Parkman. Pp.
328-33o. The Jesuits in North America in the Seventeenth
Century. By Francis Parkman. P. 365.
. the world knows that the Jesuits’ commerce in pel-
tries with the Indians during one year is as extensive as that
of all the Dutch in New York, Albany and Pennsylvania
during ten years.” — (Translator of the Papers of Father
Bruyas , Boston, April 29, 1690. The Magazine of Amer¬
ican History, vol. III., p. 259.)
HUGUENOT FAMILIES IN HARTFORD. 335
negotiation with some Puritan or Huguenot chap.xiv.
house.
Louis Liron’s good name suffered no perma¬
nent injury from his connection with this mys¬
terious visit. He lived to become wealthy, and,
dying at a good old age, made generous bequests
to the French churches of Boston and New
Rochelle, to the poor of Boston, and to Yale
College.1
The beautiful town of Hartford in Connecti¬
cut became, in the first half of the eighteenth
century, the abode of several French Protestant
families. Some time between the years 1721
and 1727, Jean Beauchamp 2 removed from Bos¬
ton to Hartford. He was soon followed by a
member of the Fluguenot family of Laurens, or
Lawrence, who married one of Beauchamp’s
daughters.3 Another of his daughters married
Jean Michel Chenevard,4 whose descendants
1 Probate Records, New Haven. (Rev. George H.
Griffin.)
2 See pages 103, 298. He was a “merchant, of Boston,’’
when he became surety for Gabriel Bernon as adminis¬
trator of Bertrand du Tuffeau’s estate. His wife Margaret
died in Hartford, December 8, 1727, aged fifty-nine years,
{ohn Beauchamp died November 14, 1740, aged eighty-eight
years. Susanna Beauchamp married Allan McLean, Octo¬
ber 28, 1741. Elizabeth Beauchamp married Thomas
Elmer, of Windsor, February 18, 1752.
3 Savage, Genealogical Dictionary of the First Settlers of
New England.
4 Possibly descended from a Huguenot family of the prov¬
ince of Poitou, represented, 1605-1621, by Estienne
Chesnevert, or Chesneverd, a leading Protestant lawyer, and
one of the deputies of the Protestant Churches of France.
— (La France Protestante.)
336 the SETTLEMENT : CONNECTICUT.
chap, xiv continued for many years to reside in this town.* 1
Francois Duplessis soon joined this group of
refugees.2
<_>
Toward the close of the century, another con¬
spicuous Huguenot name was added to this list.
Charles Sigourney, a descendant of Andre
Sigourney, of La Rochelle, was a native of
Boston, and came to Hartford in early manhood.
He married twice, and his second wife was Lydia
Huntley Sigourney.
Though Mrs. L. H. Sigourney was not her¬
self of Huguenot extraction, her name deserves
mention in this account of the race, with a
descendant of which she became allied by mar¬
riage. The story of the Huguenots, in Europe
and in America, was a theme of inexhaustible
interest, to her ; and several of her numerous
John, son of Mr. John Michael Chenevard, was baptized
in the First Church in Hartford, August 5, -*■ 7 3 3 ■ Marianne,
daughter, was baptized March 23, 1734-5. John Michael
Chenevard died April 7, 1735, aged fifty-six years. Mar¬
garet, his wife, died March 18, 17871 aged seventy-six
years. Margaret Chenevard married John Lawrence, Sep¬
tember 26, 1748. Mary Chenevard married Samuel Olcott,
November 18, 1759. Catharine married Samuel Marsh’
January 17,1762. John married Hepzibah Collyer, January
29, 1769. Captain John Chenevard died October 6, 1805,
aged seventy-two years. Hepzibah, his wife, died June 4,
1 7 74 j aged thirty-three years. Michael Chenevard died
November 15, 1801, aged thirty years. — (Communicated by
Charles J. Hoadly, Esq., Librarian of the State Library
Hartford, Connecticut.) ’
I rancis Duplessis died July 3, 1731, aged thirty-eight
years. He was perhaps the son of Francis Du Plessis, who
was naturalized in England, July 10, 1696.
MRS. SIGOURNEY.
337
writings, in prose and in verse, contain refer- chap, xiv
ences to their virtues and sufferings. The
following lines occur in the poem entitled “ The
Huguenot Fort at Oxford, Massachusetts:” —
“ Tell me other tales
Of that high-minded race, who for the sake
“ Of conscience, made those western wilds their home ;
How to their door the prowling savage stole
“ Staining their hearth-stone with the blood of babes ;
“ And — as the Arab strikes his fragile tent
Making the desert lonely — how they left
“ Their infant Zion with a mournful heart
“To seek a safer home.
“ Fain would I sit
“ Beside this ruined fort, and muse of them,
“ Mingling their features with my humble verse,
“ Whom many of the noblest of our land
“ Claim as their honored sires.
“ On all who bear
“ Their name, or lineage, may their mantle rest ; —
“ That firmness for the truth, that calm content
“ With simple pleasures, that unswerving trust,
“ In toil, adversity, and death, which cast
“ Such healthful leaven ’mid the elements
“ That peopled the new world.”
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
1687.
THE MASCARENE PAPERS.
Lettre de Mr. M. a ME de Vie son ad*. Ecriste des prisons de
L’Hotel de ville en 1687 du ier Xbre.
Monsieur
Jay jette les yeux sur yous [pour vous] prier de defendre mon
droit et de le mettre en evidence parceque je ne connois point
davocat plus eclaire soit par 1’estude soit par l’experience ni plus
jntegre ni moins capable de se laisser preocuper par un zele de
religion mal regie et mal conduit.
Je fais profession de la Religion Reformee et je suis en prison
poursuivi comme ayant contrevenu a la declaration du Roy qui
deffend a ses sujets de sortir du Royaume.
20. Jay este arrette & Agen le 20 ou le 21 de feurier de 1’annee
1686 (ma femme estant avec moy) par Le Sr. Cheuailler de Gram-
mond lieutenant de dragons et conduit par luy et plusieurs autres
officiers accompagne de soldats au logis du SE Jaques. De la
apres avoir este separe de ma femme, je fus mene aux prisons du
presidial d’Agen auec quelques autres qu'on auoit arrettes. Une
heure apres je fus visite par vn sergent et un soldat du regim4 de
Tourayne qui me prirent mes tablettes apres que je les eus
ouvertes en presence du concierge, dans ces tablettes il y auoit
seulm4 un papier volant d’un cart de feuille sur lequel estoit
marque vn cadran. Ces tablettes feurent portees aux officiers qui
commandoit les troupes qui pour lors estoit a Agen.
3. Deux ou trois jours apres je feus jnterroge par un ojfficier de
Robe qu’on apella Lieuten4. du Presidial d’Agen deuant qui je
demanday mon renvoy devant mon juge nature!, et quoy que
j’eusse resollu de ne repondre & aucun de ses jnterrogatoires,
neantmoins il ne fut pas en mon pouvoir de me contenir lorsque
m’ayant represente mes tablettes jl si trouva vn sonnet en langage
de Gascongne fait k ce quil me dit en derision des conuersions qui
se faisoit. je presume que Mrs- Les officiers du regiment de Tou-
raine par Les mains de qui mes tablettes passerent ly mirent.
Je me contantay de protester que je nauois point compose, ny
ecrit, ny leu, ny entandu dire led. sonnet, et qu’il auoit ete mis dans
mes tablettes depuis que je les auoit remises entre les mains du
sergent et du soldat et de cela les appellay a temoins auec le con¬
cierge. Ma protestaon fut ecrite raeme sur le sonnet.
APPENDIX.
THE MASCARENE PAPERS.
[See Preface ; also pages 124-131 of this volume.]
Letter of Mr. Mascarene to Mr. de Vie his lawyer, written from
the prisons of the Hotel de ville, December i, 1687.
Sir : I have cast my eyes upon you to beg you to defend my
cause and place it in evidence, because I am not acquainted with
any lawyer more enlightened whether by study or by experience,
nor more upright, nor less likely to suffer himself to be prejudiced
by a zeal for religion, ill-regulated and ill-directed.
I profess the Reformed religion, and am in prison, prosecuted as
having violated the declaration of the king forbidding his subjects
to leave the kingdom.
2. I was arrested at Agen on the 20th or 21st of February, in the
year 1686 (my wife being with me,) by the Chevalier de Gramond,
lieutenant of dragoons, and was taken by him and several other
officers, accompanied by soldiers, to the logis of St. Jaques.
Thence, after having been separated from my wife, 1 was led to the
prisons of the inferior court of Agen, with some others that had
been arrested. An hour after, I was visited by a sergeant and a
soldier of the regiment of Touraine, who took away my pocket-
book, after I had opened it in the presence of the door-keeper. In
this pocket-book there was only a loose paper of a quarter of a
sheet, on which a dial was marked. This pocket-book was taken
to the officers in command of the troops which were at that time
at Agen.
3. Two or three days later I was questioned by a judicial offi¬
cer called the lieutenant of the inferior court of Agen, before
whom I demanded that I might be sent before the judge of my dis¬
trict. Although l had resolved not to answer any of his interro¬
gatories, nevertheless it was not in my power to hold my peace,
when having brought forth my pocket-book there was found within
it a sonnet in the dialect of Gascony, composed, as he said, in
derision of the conversions that were taking place. I presume
that the officers of the regiment of Touraine, through whose hands
my pocket-book passed, placed it there. I contented myself with
protesting that I had not composed, nor written, nor read, nor
heard of the said sonnet, and that it had been put into my pocket-
book since I had placed it in the hands of the sergeant and the
soldier ; and of this I called the door-keeper to witness. My protest
was written upon the sonnet itself.
168
342
APPENDIX.
.,.4°: Apres [me audition faite 12 ou 15 jours apres, dans laquelle
j insistay toujours k demander mon renuoy je fus conduit a Castres
auec Mr Dupuy maintenant prisonier k la conciergerie preuenu du
meme cas. II fut arrete le meme jour que moyetc’est la premiere
connoissance que j ai fait auec luy. Quelques jours apres que nous
fumes a Castres dans les prisons de Latoucaudiere,* 1 Mr Barbara
juge criminel proceda A mon audition.
5. II me demanda s’il n’etoit vray que j’auois quitte ma maison
de Castres pour aller a la campagne au comencem* de l’este de
1 annee 1685 k quoy je : repondis que j’avois passe 1’este auec ma
femme a vn bien que j auois du cotte d ’Angles pour y faire faire
La saison et ensuitte la recolte et pandc ce terns la y faire agrandir
mon logem* qui ne consistoit pour lors qu'en une chambre afin de
pouvoir plus comodem1 y passer un ou deux mois tous les etes.
. 6. II me demanda si estant reuenu k Castres vers la fin de l’este
je ne m en estois retourne k ma meterie, a quoy je repondis qu’ouy.
7. II me demanda pourquoy environ le iooule 12 8bre 1684 [1685]
j avois avec ma femme quitte ma maison de campagne. Je respon-
dis que pour lors ma femme estoit enceinte et prette k acoucher
dans 7 ou 8 jours et quelle fut si fort effrayee par le bruit qui
couroit que des gens de guerre deuoit venir a discrection a Castres
et a Angles comnie ils estoit deja venus dans les villes circonuoisines
et que notre maison en deuoit etre remplie il me fut impossible de
la faire reuenir de son effroy de sorte que voyant quelle estoit en
danger de perir auec lanfant quelle portoit je fus luy chercher un
asde chez quelques paisans de la Montagne de Noire ou des en¬
virons ou nous passames une partie de l’hiuer. Pand‘ ce terns
eHe acoucha d’un enfant male nomine Jean Paul Mascarene (qui
est maintenant a Castres).
8. II me demanda pourquoy estois-je venu a Toulouse Te
repondis qu’oyant que vingt deux soldats du reginT de Conismark
(apres auoir vandu tous mes cabaux 2 et tous les foins et la paille
quils trouuerent dans mes meteries auec tous mes meubles) se
detachoit la nuit pour nous prendre cela redoubla si fort l’effroy
que .ma femme auoit deja que nous feumes obliges de nous
elloigner d autant plus que nous ne pouuions plus rester dans les
lieux oil nous fuissions conneus a cause d’une ordonee. de mgr
l’intandt qui defiant de loger des gens de La Religion k peine de
5°° II. d amende, et que d ailleursled. du Roy [qui] reuoque celuy
de Nantes dans l’article 12 nous donnoit la liberte d’aller dans
toutes les villes du royaume sans y etre troubles pour la Religion.
9. II me demanda pourquoi je n'auuois reste ii Toulouse et pour-
1 “ La tour Caudiiire etait le palais de justice de Castres.” — (Memoires
de Jacques Caches, p. 7.) '
1 1
1 Cabau (dialecte languedocienne) :
Tout moun cabau ” — tout mon avoir. —
tresor, possession, heritage.
(Diet, provenqal-frangais.)
APPENDIX.
343
4. After a hearing given me, twelve or fifteen days later, in which
I still insisted on demanding to be sent to another court, I was
taken to Castres, with Mr. Dupuy, at present a prisoner in the
Conciergerie, charged with the same offense. He was arrested the
same day with myself, and it was my first acquaintance with him.
Some days after we were in Castres in the prisons of the Caudiere
tower,1 Mr. Barbara, criminal judge, proceeded to my hearing.
5. He asked me whether it was not true that I had left my house
at Castres to go into the country, in the beginning of the summer
of the year 1685 ; to which I answered that I had passed the sum¬
mer with my wife, on a property which I had in the direction of
Angles, to see to the crops and the harvest, and meanwhile to
enlarge my house there, which at that time consisted of but one
room, so as to be able more comfortably to pass a month or two
there every summer.
6. He asked me whether, having returned to Castres toward the
end of the summer, I did not go back again to my farm ; to which
I answered, that I did.
7. He asked me why, about the 10th or 12th of October, 1685,
I had left my country-house with my wife. I replied that at that
time my wife was pregnant and expecting to be delivered within
seven or eight days, and that she was so greatly affrighted by the
rumor then current, that soldiers were to come and live at free
quarters at Castres and Angles, as they had already come to the
neighboring towns, and that our house was to be filled with them,
that it was impossible for me to bring her back from her fright.
Accordingly, seeing that she was in danger of dying with her
unborn child, I went to look for a refuge among some peasants of
the Montagne Noire, or of the neighborhood, where we passed a
part of the winter. During this time she was delivered of a male
child named Jean Paul Mascarene (who is at present at Castres).
8. He asked me why I went to Toulouse. I replied that hearing
that twenty-two soldiers of the regiment of Koenigsmark (after hav¬
ing sold all my cabaux2 and all the hay and straw they found on
my farms, with all my furniture) were setting out by night to cap¬
ture us, this so greatly increased the fright my wife was already in
that we were obliged to go away ; the more so that we could no
longer remain in the places where we were known, because of an
ordinance of Monseigneur the intendant, forbidding all persons to
lodge any of the [Reformed] religion, upon penalty of 500
livres fine ; and because, moreover, the king’s edict revoking that
of Nantes, article 12, gave us liberty to go into all the cities of the
realm without being there molested for religion.
9. He asked me why I did not remain at Toulouse, and why I
>“ The Caudiere tower was the court-house of Castres,”— (Memoirs of
Gaches, p. 7.)
2 Cabau (in the dialect of Languedoc) : treasure, property, inheritance.
“ Tout moun cabau ’’—all my property.— (Diet, provenqal-franfais.)
1687.
344
APPENDIX.
. I110’ ie me s°is embarque sur la Garonne dans le bateau de poste i
quoy je repondis que n ayant pas cru pourvoir resteren surete dans
I oulouse pour y etre trop connu j'auvais resolu d’aller dans les
V1 ,fs ,ou ne est4nt pas je puisse attandre auec moins d’allarmes ce
quil plairoit au Roy d ordonner a l’egard de ses sujets de la Reli¬
gion pretendeue Reformee qui ne voudroit pas changer car bien
que par led. de sa majeste il feut deffendu de les troubler neant-
moms plusieuis particuliers abusoient de leur pouvoir et du terns
poui persecuter ceux contre lesquels ils auoient quelque ressenti-
ment, et que parce que ma femme n’estoit pas encore bien remise
d une rechute qu elle eut dans cet acoucher ny par conseqh en estat
daller commodem* a cheval je resollus de nous embarquer sur la
Lraionne dans le bateau qui part ordinairement pour Ao-en. Et
qu estant arriue a Agen je crus ny pouuoir rester en surete parce
que j apris que le sb de Romens natif de Castres a qui i’ettois
connu commendoit les troupes qui estoint dans la ville en qualitte
de plus ancien capitaine, que je vis quelques autre officiers de qui
ma emrae et moy estions connus et que j’entendis dire qu’on avoit
arrette de gens de la Religion. Tout cela m’obligea a men aller
promtem*. au bateau qui partoint pour Bourdeaux, dans lequel je
ne fus pas plutot que le sb Chevaillier de Gramond estant venu me
demanda si je ne faisois pas profession de la Religion pretendeue
Refformee a qui je repondis qu’ouy sur quoy il noSs fit com!
noeus Xeisnmsa 6 * * m°7 de la part du ^ de le suivre et
10. Mr. Barbara juge criminel me demanda encore sil n’estoit
pas vray que je voulus quitter le royaume a quoy je repondis
forcJ.aym°1S °P ma Patne P°Ur V0ul0ir la quitte/qie dy etre
11. lime demanda ensuitte si je n’auois pas fait complot auec
Mr. Dupuy de Caramang, Mb de Moutens et mad^e sa fPmme £
Sr. Caud’er et sa femme habitans de Bruniquet a trois XuTsde
SertXvaume ft eSt * Castres) de
quittei le royaume. Je demay led. jnterrogatoire et i'avonerav
[j avouay] que je ne connoisses point du tout Mb Dupuy ny le 7
Caudier ny sa femme que je ne connoisses que de veue X Mou'
» di?ignfa
lip, ’ t r ° dlx Iieues et les autres de douze ou quinze
rencontre du « 'MaPh™"’5'1 11 "T ,enant 4 Toulouse j'anois fait
bateau et luy detSjVqlTa^ ““
APPENDIX.
345
embarked on the Garonne on the packet-boat. I replied that
thinking that I could not safely remain' in Toulouse, because too
well known there, I resolved to go to cities, where not being
known, I might with less alarm await what the king should be
pleased to ordain with regard to his subjects of the Pretended
Reformed Religion who were unwilling to change. Foralthough by
the edict of his majesty it was forbidden to molest them, neverthe¬
less a number of individuals abused their power and opportunity to
persecute those against whom they had some grudge. And because
my wife had not fully recovered from a relapse which she had dur¬
ing this confinement, and was consequently not in such a state as
comfortably to ride on horseback, I resolved that we should go on
the Garonne by the boat that leaves regularly for Agen. And
having arrived at Agen, I believed that I could not remain there
safely because I learned that the sieur de Romens, a native of
Castres, to whom I was known, commanded the troops that were
in the city, in virtue of being the senior captain ; because I saw
some other officers to whom my wife and I were known, and
because I heard it said that some persons of the [Reformed]
religion had been arrested. All this compelled me to go promptly
to the boat that was leaving for Bordeaux ; which I had no sooner
entered than the chevalier de Gramond, coming on board, asked
me whether I did not make profession of the pretended Reformed
religion. I replied that I did, whereupon he ordered my wife and
myself, in the name of the king, to follow him, and we obeyed.
10. Mr. Barbara, the criminal judge, asked me still further, if it
was not true that I intended leaving the kingdom ; to which I
replied, that I loved my native land too much to wish to leave it
unless I were forced to do it.
11. He asked me next, if I had not formed a plot with Mr.
Dupuy of Caraman, Mr. de Moutens and his wife, the sieur Cau-
dier and his wife, inhabitants of Bruniquet, three leagues distant
from Montauban, and sieur Malabion, who is at present at Castres,
to leave the kingdom. I denied the said interrogatory, and
confessed that I did not know at all Mr. Dupuy nor the sieur Cau-
dier nor his wife ; that I merely knew by sight Mr. de Moutens and
his wife; that they were distant from the place of my abode, some
of them, nine or ten leagues, and the others, twelve or
fifteen leagues. I admitted that in coming to Toulouse I
had met the sieur Malabion, who told me that he was going to
the fair at Bordeaux on a horse upon which he was mounted.
(It belonged to Mr. Barbara, the judge.) I was surprised after¬
ward to find the said sieur de Malabion on the boat, and I asked
him what he had done with his horse.
12. He next asked me why I had intended going to Bordeaux.
To which I replied, that it was because I had been unable to
remain in safety at Agen, and I hoped to be able to pass a few
days in quiet and without being noticed by anyone, at least during
the fair, which was to begin in seven or eight days ; and I resolved
1687.
346
APPENDIX.
1687. autre lieu en cas que j’y eusse trouvd la surete et le repos que
je cerchois).
Quatre de mes metayers de differantes meteries deposent que je
suis party de ma meterie de Carrelle ou j’auois passe 1’este et
quils n’ont point seu ou j’ettois alle. L’un d’eux dit que je suis
party de nuit auec ma femme, vous verres ma reponse dans
l’article 7.
Deux consuls d’Angles deposent que lorsque vingt soldats du
regiment de Conismark et un sergent commendes par un officier
feurent alles 4 ma meterie de Carrelle quelqu’un d’entr’eux reuint
a Angles dire quils ne my auoit point trouve. Vous verres ma
reponse dans l’article 7.
Un nomme Durraquy precepteur chez un gentilhomme depose
qu’ayant este interroge par ce gentilhomme chez qui il estoit si je
ne voulois pas changer de religion je repondis que j’ettois persuade
de la verite de ma religion et que je voulois y perseuerer toute ma
vie. Non seulement j’accorday le fait, mais outre cela je dis a mr
Barbara qui me confrontoit ces temoins que s’il prenoit la peine de
me faire la meme demande je luy fairois la meme reponse.
Par sentence du mois d’Auril 16S6 mr. Dupuy et moy auons este
condamnes aux galeres perpetuelles nos biens confisques et mille
ecus damande envers le Roy nous auons este menes de suitte au
parlement de La preste- de Toulouse on nous separa quelque jours
apres Mr. Dupuy est reste a la Conciergerie et j’ay este transfere
aux prisons de 1 hostel de ville d’ou je vous ecris.
Un an apres savoir le 7 may de la presente annee 1687 nous
auons este mis sur la selette ou mrs. les conseillers de la Tournelle
me firent quelque interrogats de ceux que je vous ay cy dessus
specifies et le reste de mon audition fut employe en questions de
controuerse qui ne touchent en rien 4 ce que je souhaitte maintent
de vous. Car quoy que ma Religion passe pour un crime et que
je voye bien que sans ma Religion je ne serois a l’estat ou je suis je
ne pretends point me justifier de ce crime pretendu et jayme mieux
etre toujours criminel de cette manniere que recouvrer tout ce que
j’ay perdu. Toute controuerse apart je suis persuade de la verite
de ma religion, ma conscience ne peut gouter celle qu’on me pro¬
pose, j ay une auersion insurmontable pour l’hipocritie et j’estime
que tout ce qui nous peut porter 4 embrasser une religion c’est
seulemt. la connoissance que nous avons de Dieu et de ce quil a
fait pour nous 1 amour et la reconnce que nous devons avoir pour
luy, la connoissance et l’amour de la verite, La crainte d’un mal-
heur infiny et eternel, et 1’esperance d’une felicite parfaitte et
eternelle.
Dans toutes mes auditions jay obmis ce qui estoit le principal
sujet de ma femme et qui nous donnoit lieu de craindre auec ray-
son d’etre pris et maltraittds et comme vous jugeres peut-etre que
cela pourra etre de quelque importance dans mon affaire il ne sera
pas mal apropos que je fasse icy une petite disgression. Il y a en¬
viron quatre ans que Margueritte de Salavy (auec qui je suis marie
depuis trois ans) receut un affront du nommd Calvet fils qui luy
APPENDIX.
347
to stop at La Reole, or at some other place, should I find there the 1687.
safety and rest of which I was in search.
Four of my farmers, from different farms, depose that I left my
farm of Carrelle, where 1 had passed the summer, and that they
did not know whither I had gone. One of them says that I left
by night with my wife. You will see my answer in article 7.
Two consuls of Angles depose, that when twenty soldiers of the
regiment of Koenigsmark, and a sergeant, commanded by an offi¬
cer, went to my farm of Carrelle, one of them came back to An¬
gles and stated that they had not found me. You will see my
answer in article 7.
A man named Durraquy, tutor in a gentleman’s house, deposes
that having been questioned by that gentleman, at whose house he
was, whether I would not change my religion, I replied that I was
persuaded of the truth of my religion, and that I wished to perse¬
vere in it during my whole life. Not only did I admit the fact, but
in addition I said to Mr. Barbara, who confronted me with these
witnesses, that if he would take the trouble to ask me the same
question, I should make the same reply.
By sentence of the month of April, 1686, Mr. Dupuy and I were
condemned to the galleys for life, our property was confiscated
with a fine of one thousand crowns to the king. Next we were
taken to the parliament of the of Toulouse, where, a
few days later, we were separated. Mr. Dupuy remained in the
Conciergerie, and I was transferred to the prisons of the Hotel
de Ville, from which I write to you.
A year afterwards, namely, on the 7th of May of the present
year 1687, we were subjected to an examination, in which the coun¬
selors of the Tournelle addressed to me certain inquiries on some
of the points which I have above specified, and the rest of my
hearing was occupied with controversial questions that do not at
all touch upon the subject of my present request at your hands.
For although my religion is regarded as a crime, and I see full well
that but for my religion I should not be in the state in which I am,
I do not seek to justify myself of this pretended crime, and I prefer
to continue a criminal after this fashion rather than recover all that
I have lost. All discussion apart, I am persuaded of the truth of
my religion. My conscience has no relish for the religion that is
offered me. I have an insuperable aversion for hypocrisy, and I
am of the opinion that the only thing that can lead us to embrace
a religion is the knowledge we have of God and of what He has
done for us, the love and gratitude that we ought to have toward
Him, the knowledge and love of the truth, the fear of an
infinite and everlasting misery, and the hope of a perfect and
eternal blessedness.
In all my hearings I have omitted what was the chief subject
regarding my wife, and what gave us ground to fear with good
reason lest we should be apprehended and maltreated. And as
you will perhaps judge that this may be of some importance in my
affairs, it will not be out of place that I should here make a short
digression. About four years ago, Marguerite de Salavy (to whom
348
APPENDIX.
1687.
donna un souffet en plaine rue pour lequel affront il fut decrete de
prise de corps capture et remis aux prisons de la Tourcaudiere ou
les parens et amis de lad dem11? Margueritte de Salavy presente-
mente ma femme feurent obliges de le garder a veue parce que le
concierge ne vouloit pas s’en charger a cause du mauvais estat ou
se trouvait les prisons et de la peur quil avoit dud. Calvet. Le
proems luy fut fait et par sentence des officiers ordinr« de Castres
il fut condamne aus galeres pour dix ans, et conduit icy de suitte,
et par arrest du parlem‘ il fut condamne a aller demander pardon
a lad. demlle de Salavy dans sa maison a Castres, en presence des
personnes quelle voudroit et bany pour vn an de la ville et fauxx-
bourgs de Castres.
Le pere dud. Calvet estoit consul de Castres en 1685 lorsque les
gens de guerre y vindrent, et comme e’estoit vn terns ou ceux qui
avoit quelque authorite en abusoient de la maniere qui vouloit pour
satisfaire leur ressentimts particulars il se jacta que les premiers
cinquante dragons qui entreroit dans Castres seroit detaches pour
venir ravager notre bien et nous persecuter a ma meterie de Car-
relles ou nous estions, et ou nous n’auions encore pour tout loge-
ment qu’une chambre. Representes vous l’estat d’une femme en¬
ceinte et qui conte quelle doit accoucher dans deux ou trois jours et
a qui Ton vient annoncer de telles nouuelles.
Depuis ce terns la le meme Calvet fut cause que nous quittames
aussi le lieu ou ma femme accoucha, car ayant rencontre en son
chemin un homme du Masage de Poussines il s’informa curieuse-
ment ou j estois disant quil estoit vn de mes intimes amis et quil
souhaitoit de savoir le lieu ou j’estois pour me venir faire offre de
ces sendees et pour passer quelque jours auec moy. Et nous
seumes quil estoit alle a Castres pour aduertiser le s: Calvert son
pere consul qu’il n’auoit qua. envoyer de soldats et quils ne manque-
roit pas d’executerce quils auoit une fois manque a 1’egard de nos
personnes seulement, car pour nos biens il eut tout le plaisir de
les voir dissipes. Sur ces memoires que je vous donne icy et les
autres instructions que nous pourrons vous donner si nous enauons
le terns vous aurez s'il vous plait la bonte de dresser vn factum en
quittant le reste de vos affaires pour tout le terns quil faudra : car
le procureur general a fait intimer au jourdhuy la production 4
mr. Manen mon procureur et il pourroit peut estre nous faire juger
Samedi prochain : cepand*. il faut du terns pour faire imprimer le
factum et pour le distribuer. S’il est necessaire que je vous parle je
vous prie dauoir la bontd de venir jusqu’jcy, vous assurant que tout
le terns que vous employeres pour moy ne sera pas vn terns perdu.
S’il y a quelques depences 4 faire (outre celles que nous fairons
pour tacher de voir s’il se peut la procedure) je vous prie d’en don¬
ner advis 4 celuy qui vous rendra cette lettre, car je suis resollu
d employer tout le soin de mes parens et de mes amis tout ce que
je puis pretendre d’eux, et tout ce quil me reste 4 me bien deffendre
en attend* de Dieu Tissue de mon affaire telle quil luy plaira de me
APPENDIX.
349
I have been married for three years) received an affront from a
man named Calvet junior, who struck her in the face upon the
open street. For this insult, he was ordered to be arrested, taken
and committed to the prison of the Caudiere tower, where the
relatives and friends of the said lady, Marguerite de Salavy, at
present my wife, were obliged to watch him personally, inasmuch
as the keeper would not take charge of him, because of the bad
condition in which the prisons were, and the fear he had of the said
Calvet. He was tried, and by sentence of the ordinary officers of
Castres, he was condemned to the galleys for ten years, and at
once brought here ; and by decree of the parliament, he was con¬
demned to go and beg pardon of the said Mademoiselle de
Salavy in her house at Castres, in the presence of whatever per¬
sons she might wish, and banished for a year from the city and
suburbs of Castres.
The father of the said Calvert was consul of Castres in 1685,
when the soldiers came there, and as it was a time in which those
who had any authority abused it as they pleased, to satisfy their
personal resentments, he boasted that the first fifty diagoons that
should enter Castres would be assigned to come and ravage our
property and persecute us in my farm at Carrelles where we weie,
and where we had as yet for our accommodation but one room.
Picture to yourself the state of a pregnant woman who expects
to be confined in two or three days, and to whom such tidings are
brought.
Afterwards the same Calvet was the cause of our leaving also
the place where my wife was confined ; for having met on the load
a man of the Masage de Poussines, he took pains to inquire pre¬
cisely where I was, saying that he was one of my intimate friends
and that he desired to know my whereabouts, in order to come and
offer me his services, and to spend some days with me And we
learned that he had gone to Castres, to notify the sieur Calvet, his
father the consul, that he had only to send soldiers, and that they
would not fail to execute what once before they had failed in, so
far as our persons alone were concerned, for as to our goods, he
had had full satisfaction in seeing them wasted.
Bv means of the memoranda that I here give you, and the other
instructions that we shall be able to give you, if we have the time,
vou will if you please, have the goodness to draw up a statement,
butting aside all your other affairs for the whole time that may be
necessary : inasmuch as the attorney-general has notified my attor¬
ney Mr. Manen, of the hearing of my appeal, and he may, perhaps,
put me on trial next Saturday ; meanwhile time is needed for getting
the statement printed and for its distribution Should it be neces¬
sary that I should speak to you, I beg you to have the goodness to
come here, assuring you that the time you may devote to me wi
not be lost time. Should there be expenses to be incurred (beyond
those that we shall incur in endeavoring, if possible, to get a sight
of the proceedings), I beg you to inform the person who will hand
you this better ^f or I unresolved to make use of all the attentions
1687.
350
APPENDIX.
1687. la donner. S’il me faut souffrir je souffriray auec plus de patience
lorsque je n’auray rien a me reprocher. J'estime quil faut donner
les biens pour sauver le corps comme il faut donner l’un et l’autre
pour sauuer 1’ame. Je suis m; votre tres humble et tres obeisant
serviteur. Mascarene signe.
Je ne crois pas, Monsieur quil soit parle dans ma procedure de
ce que je vous [ay] icy ecrit du s* Calvet parce que ne mestant point
venu dans l’esprit que monst Barbara peut me condamner a des
peines, je ne mestois pas soucie de prendre des grandes precau¬
tions pour justifier ma conduite. Si cepaiKp vous juges que cela
puisse etre de quelque importance et quil faille en parler ce que
j’avance ce peut justifier ainssi. II paroit que le sr Calvet pere
estoit consul en 1685. Les causes du resentiment que luy et son
fils auoit contre ma femme et contre moy, paroissent par la sen¬
tence des ordimes de Castres qui le condamnent aux galeres donnee
k la reqste de Margueritte de Salavy a present ma femme et par
1’arrest qui fut donne icy a la Tournelle jl y a environ 4 ans sur
lapel de suitte qui le condamne au banissement pour vn an et a
demander pardon, et Ton pourra aysement prouver ce dont il se
jacta publiquement.. Il me semble que le 7 may de la annee pre¬
sente 1687, lorsque je fus oui sur la selette a la Tournelle quelq’un
de mrs .mes juges me fit vn jnterrogat sur quoycela venoit apropos
et que j en parlay; mais je n’en suis pas bien asseure.
Le sr, Barbara me condamna sur vne presumption quil a
eue que voyageant sur la Garonne et volant aller du cotte de
Bourdeaux par consequent je voulois sortir du royaume : mais il se
frouve vne autre cause de mes courses scavoir la persecution d’un
ennenn particular qui abusoit de son pouuoir. Pourquoy faut-il
quil me condamne sur une imagination quil a ? qui quand elle
auroit quelque aparencene vaudroit qua poser que jay eu la volonte
de sortir du royaume, or jay toujours oui' dire que les volontes ne
sont point punies en France.
Je suis arrette a Agen A quarante ou cinquante lieues de la
frontiere et pour ainssi [dire] au cceur du royaume, j’aurois bien
eu le terns de changer de volonte (suposeque je l’eusse eu) sachant
SiUr,t0^ Oys dePUIS led. du Roy qui revoque celuy de Nantes ceux
de la R.P.R. pouvoit rester dans toutes les villes du royaume sans
estre jnquiettCs ny troubles pour leur religion. Il ny auoit a craindre
que les ressentiments particulars, et la malice de eux [ceuxl oui
abusoint de leur pouvoir. Vne marque bien visible que mr Bar¬
bara ettoit prevenu de passion contre moy c’est que lors du con-
rontement de mes trois voisins qui (A ce que je pence) furent les
temoins qm me furent confronts il se trouva que le sq Bar-
APPENDIX.
351
of my relatives and friends, of all I am entitled to expect from
them, and all that remains to me, in order to make a good defense,
while looking to God for such an issue of my matter as it shall
please Him to give me. If I must suffer, I shall suffer more
patiently if I shall have nothing to reproach myself with. I con¬
sider that we must give up our property to save the body, as we
must give both [property and life] to save the soul. I am, sir, your
very humble and obedient servant,
(signed) MASCARENE.
I do not believe that there is any mention in my proceedings of
what I have here written to you concerning the Sieur Calvet,
because as it did not enter my mind that Mr, Barbara could con¬
demn me to penalties, I did not care to take great precautions to
justify my conduct. If, however, you judge that it might be of
some importance, and that it must be spoken of, what I allege can
be established thus : It appears that the Sieur Calvet, the father,
was consul in 1685. The causes of the resentment which he and
his son had against my wife and against me, appear from the sen¬
tence of the judges in ordinary of Castres, condemning him to the
galleys, given at the prayer of Marguerite de Salavy, at present
my wife, and by the decree that was given here in the Tournelle,
about four years ago, on the appeal that subsequently condemned
him to banishment for a year and to beg her pardon ; and it will
be easy to prove what he publicly boasted of. It seems to me that,
on the 7th of May of the present year, 1687, when I was exanrined
at the Tournelle, some one of my judges asked me a question to
which this was pertinent, and that I spoke of it ; but I am not
quite sure of this. .
The sieur Barbara condemned me upon a presumption which he
entertained, that as I traveled on the Garonne, and intended to go
in the direction of Bordeaux, I consequently intended leaving the
kingdom ; but there is another cause for my trip, namely, the per¬
secution of a personal enemy who abused his power. Why should
he condemn me on a surmise of his, which, if it had any semblance
of truth, would only establish the theory that I had purposed to
leave the kingdom ? Now, I have always heard that intentions
are not punished in France. ,
I was arrested at Agen, forty or fifty leagues from the frontier
and, so to speak, in the heart of the kingdom. I should have had
full time to change my intention (supposing I had had it) knowing
especially that, since the edict of the king revoking that of
Nantes the adherents of the Pretended Reformed Religion could
remain ’in all the cities of the realm without being molested or
troubled on account of their religion. Nothing was to be feared
save personal resentments and the malice of those who abused
their power. One very manifest pi oof that Mi. Barbara was
prejudiced by ill-feeling toward me, is the fact that, at the time of
the confronting of my three neighbors who (as I think) were the first
witnesses that were confronted with me, it was found that the sieur
1687.
352
APPENDIX.
1687.
baraauoit fait coucher sa deposition propre selon sa fantasie au
lieu de celle des temoins : car lors quil leut la deposition du pre¬
mier temoin concue en ces termes (Tel cordonnier a depose que
le s( Mascarene est party de sa maison de Castres pour aller
a sa maison de campagne afin de ne point changer de relkion,
selon la volonte du Roy) ce temoin tout ettonne se recria que ce
n estoit point la sa deposition quil estait vray quil auoit dit que
j’estois party de Castres pour aller a la campagne auec mafamille :
mais quil ne sauoit point les affaires que j’i avois et quil n’avoit
point le don de deviner pour scavoir ce qui se passoit dans mon
coeur. Le sr. Barbara le menaqa en ma presence de le faire
pendre. Le temoin persista toujours a dire que quand il scauroit
d eti e pendu a ne vouloit dire que ce quil scauoit sur quoy il corri°-ea
la deposition dud. temoin, et comme il auoit fait la meme chose a
iegard de la deposition des autres deux qui attandoit a une autre
chambre c e la prison quil auoit eu vn peu de confusion de me voir
assister a la corection de la deposition du premier temoin il me fit
passer dans une autre chambre et appella les deux autres temoins
dont la deposition ne parla plus ensuitte du dessain pour lequel
j estois party de Castres pour aller a la campagne ce que je dis icy
procedure E1 ^ ratUreS qui ce trouueront dans les originaux de la
Mon nom est Jean Mascarene, je suis natif de
ma premiere audition j’estois age d’Enuiron 26 ans
28 annee depuis le 26 du mois d’auril dernier.
Castres Lors de
je suis dans ma
Factum, pour M'; Jean Mascarene adt. prevenu, prisonnier
4 la conciergene contre Monsieur le procureur general P
Dit que 1 annee 1685, le produisant estant alle de Castres ou il
meTlSheuSecl’Anp0l21naire’ * ^ camPaSne- dans vne sienne meterie
pies clu lieu d Angles pour y passer 1 este et partie de 1’automne • il
com ut vn bruit au commencemt doctobre que de gens de guerre
devoit vemr loger 4 .discretion a Castres, a Angles ft autresTeuf
voisins, comme auoit deja fait en d'autres diocfses, etle produisant
et sa femme qui estoit enciente et prete d’accoucher, furent menaces
2 rand' FffrnvT Tc d?V01t Ctre remPlie- Ce«e nouuelle donna vn si
pn ri Etf ^ ^ cette femme fiue le produisant voyant quelle estoit
en danger depenr avec lenfant quelle portoit.Lt oblirf de luv
chercher vn azile chez quelques paisans de la Montagne d’ Angles7
fant SmP£eSearui fm de Phiver’ et ou elle accoucha d’unen-
?P p if f t n^ptT‘Se par mr- °ulet ministre de ceux de
R P. R. et fut appelle Jean Paul Mascarene: le Roy ayS? bien
voulu permettre que quoy que l’exercice de lad. religfon *fut allors
mterdicte, le bapteme fut encore administre par quells mkis res
APPENDIX.
353
Barbara had his [their] deposition drawn up according to his so
own fancy, instead of that of the witnesses. For when he read the It}°l
deposition of the first witness, conceived in these terms : ‘ Such a
one, shoemaker, has deposed that the sieur Mascarene left his
house at Castres to go to his country house, in order not to change
his religion, according to the king’s will ; ’ this witness, greatly
astonished, exclaimed that such was not his deposition; that it was
true he had said that I had left Castres to go to the country with
my family ; but that he did not know the business I had, and that
he had not the gift of divination so as to know what went on in my
heart. The sieur Barbara, in my presence, threatened to have
him hung. The witness persisted constantly in saying that, if he
knew that he would be hung, he would say only what he knew.
Whereupon he [the judge] corrected the deposition of the said
witness ; and, as he had done the same thing in respect to the
deposition of the other two, who were waiting in another room of
the prison [and] he was a little confused to see me present at the
correction of the deposition of the first witness, he made me go
into another room, and called the two other witnesses, whose
deposition subsequently did not mention the purpose for which I
had left Castres to go to the country. What 1 say here will appear
from the erasures that will be found in the originals of the pro¬
ceedings.
My name is Jean Mascarene. I am a native of Castres. At the
time of my first hearing, I was about twenty-six years old. I
entered upon my twenty-eighth year on the 26th of the month of
April last.
Statement for Mr. Jean Mascarene, at the present time under
accusation, prisoner in the conciergerie, against the attorney gen¬
eral.
Says that in the year 1685 the appellant having gone from Cas¬
tres, where he usually resided, to a farm of his near Angles, to pass
the summer and a part of the autumn, there was a rumor current in
the beginning of October, that soldiers were to come and live at
tree quarters at Castres, Angles and other neighboring districts,
as had already been the case in other dioceses, and the appellant
and his wife, who was pregnant and about to be confined, were
threatened that their house was to be filled with them. This news
gave this woman so great a fright, that the appellant, seeing that
she was in danger of dying with her unborn child, was obliged to
seek refuge with some peasants of the Montagne d’ Angles, where
they passed a part of the winter, and where she was delivered of a
male child, which was baptized by Mr. Oulet, a minister of the
adherents of the Pretended Reformed Religion, and was named
Jean Paul Mascarene ; the king having been pleased to permit that,
although the exercise of the said religion was at that time inter¬
dicted, baptism should still be administered by a few ministers.
During the sojourn of the men of the regiment of Koenigsmark
at Castres and the vicinity, twenty-two soldiers of the said regi-
354
APPENDIX.
1687. Pendant le sejours que les gerls du regiment de Konismark firent
a Castres et aux environs, vingt deux soldats dud. regiment ravage-
rent les biens du produisant et vendirent ses cabaux et generale-
ment tout ce qui se trouva dans ses meteries.
Le produisant et sa femme estans advertis que lesd. soldats les
cherchoint et se vouloir saysir de leurs personnes, ils crurent devoir
secarter de Castres et des environs, et ils vinrent a Toulouse y cher-
cher quelque repos : mais craygnant qu’on ne squt quils estoit a Tou¬
louse, ou ils estoit connus de plusieurs personnes, et qu’on ne les
obligeat de retourner chez eux ils voulurent s’elloigner encore
davantage et aller du cotte d’Agen et de Bordeaux, vsant de la per¬
mission que le Roy, par l’artde xii de led., qui revoque celuy de
Nantes, donnoit a tous ceux qui nauoit pas abjure la R. P. P. d’aller
venir et de demeurer dans tous les lieux et villes du royaume sans y
pouvoir etre troubles sous pretexte de religion. Ils partirent done
par le bateau deposte et se rendirent a Agen, mais ayant trouve
que le sr, de Romens, Capitaine darts le regim* de Touraine de
qui le produisant est connu, estoit dans lad. ville et y commendoit
les troupes comme plus ancien officier et quil y auoit aussi d’autres
officiers de la connoiss^e du produisant ; et ayant encore apris
qu’on auoit arrettd quelque personnes de la R. P. R. il crut quil
ny seroit pas en seurette ce qui l’obligea et sa femme d’aller
promptement au bateau qui partoit pour Bourdeaux, dans lequel
ils ne furent pas plutot que le s* Chem de Gramont y estant
vennu, leur demanda sils ne faisoit pas profession de la R. P. R.
ce qu’ayant aduoue, il les fit conduire au logis de S1. Jaques de
lad. ville d’Agen, et puis ayant separe le produisant de sa femme il
fut conduit aux prisons des sennechal de lad. ville auec quelques
autres qui auoit etes aussy arrettes ce jour la., qui fut le 20 ou 21
feurier 1686. Quelques heures apres on fit venir vn sergeant du
regiment de Touraine, accompagne d’un soldat, lesquels de lordre
de leurs officiers se firent remettre des tablettes quils trouverent
sur le produisant, dans lesquelles il y avoit seulement vn papier
volant d’un cart de feuille sur lequel estoit marque vn cadran.
Deux ou trois jours apres, vn officier dud. senal estant vennu
pour interroger le produisant, il proposa sa declinatoire et refusa
de repondre : neantmoins il ne fut pas en son pouvoir de garder le
silence, lorsque ces* officier luy ayant presente lesd. tablettes, il s’y
trouva un papier sur lequel estoit ecrit vn sonnet en langage de
Gascogne, fait ice que disoit led. officier en derision des nouuelles
conuertions, lequel sonnet auoit este apparent, mis' dans lesd.
tablettes par Les officiers ou soldats du regiment de Touraine, par
les mains desquels elles auoit passe.
Le produisant se contanta seulement de protester quil n’auoit
point compose, ny jamais veu, ny leu, ny entendu lire led. sonnet,
et quil ne scauoit pas meme parler le langage de Gasco°-ne, et
quil auoit este mis dans lesd. tablettes depuis quil les auoit remises
entre les mains du sargent et des soldats, dequoy il se remit a leur
temoignage et i celuy du concierge, et il ecriuit sa protestation sur
led. sonnet, laquelle il signa.
APPENDIX.
355
merit ravaged the property of the appellant, and sold his valuables 1687
and in general everything found upon his farms. ’
The appellant and his wife, being informed that the said soldiers
were seeking them and wished to seize their persons, believed that
they must go to a distance from Castres and its vicinity, and they went
to Toulouse in search of some rest. But fearing that it might be
learned that they were in Toulouse, where they were known to a
number of persons, and that they would be compelled to return home,
they wished to remove still farther away and to go in the direction
of Agen and Bordeaux, making use of the permission which the
king, by the twelfth article of the edict revoking that of Nantes,
granted to all those who had not abjured the Pretended Reformed
Religion to go and come, and to dwell in all places and cities of his
realm, without being liable to be molested under pretext of religion.
They left therefore by the packet boat, and betook themselves to
Agen; but having found that the sieur de Romens, a captain in the
regiment of Touraine, to whom the appellant is known, was in the
said town, and commanded the troops there as the senior officer,
and that there were also other officers of the appellant’s acquaint¬
ance ; and having moreover learned that some persons of the Pre¬
tended Reformed Religion had been arrested, he believed that he
would not be safe. This obliged him and his wife to go promptly
to the boat that left for Bordeaux, upon which they had scarcely
stepped, before the sieur chevalier de Gramont, arriving, asked
them whether they did not make profession of the Pretended Re¬
formed Religion. When they had admitted that they did, he had
them taken to the logis de St. Jaques of the said town of Agen,
and subsequently having separated the appellant from his wife, he
[the appellant] was taken to the prisons of the seneschal of the said
town, with some others that had also been arrested that day,
which was the twentieth or twenty-first of February, 1686. Some
hours after, a sergeant of the regiment of Touraine was brought,
accompanied by a soldier, who, by an order of their officers, re¬
quired that a pocket-book which they found upon the appellant
should be given up to them, in which there was only a loose paper
of a quarter of a sheet, upon which a dial was marked.
Two or three days later, an officer of the said seneschal having
come to interrogate the appellant, he offered his declinature, and
refused to answer : nevertheless it was not in his power to keep
silence, when this officer, having presented to him the said pocket-
book a paper was found within it, on which was written a sonnet,
in the dialect of Gascony, composed, according to the statement of
the said officer, in derision of the new conversions ; which sonnet
had apparently been put in the said pocket-book by the officers
or soldiers of the regiment of Touraine, through whose hands it
had passed.
The appellant contented himself with simply protesting that he
had not composed, nor ever seen, nor read, nor heard read the said
sonnet, and that he did not even know how to speak the dialect of
Gascony, and that it had been put in the said pocket-book since he
had placed it in the hands of the sergeant and the soldiers ;
whereof he appealed to their testimony and to that of the door¬
keeper, and he wrote his protest on the sonnet, which he signed.
35^
APPENDIX.
1687. Douze on quinze jours apres il fut de nouueau interroge, mais il
insista toujours a son renuoy, et il fut conduit a Castres auec le
sr. Dupuy, qui auoit este arreste le meme jour que le produisant,
qui ne i’auoit jamais connu auparauant.
Le juge criminel de Castres lesinterrogeatousdeux et leur ayant
fait confronter 4 chacun quelques temoins qui ne chargent aucune-
ment le produisant, il a donne sentence le 19 aoust 1686, par
laquelle il les a condamnes aux galeres perpetuelles auec confisca¬
tion de biens et 3,000 livres d’amande envers le Roy.
Ils furent conduits de suitte a la Conciergerie de la cour, et
quelque jours apres on les separa et Ion conduisit le produisant aux
prisons de l’hotel de ville, ou il a demeure plus d’un an auant quele
proces fut porte sur le bureau. Enfin le 7 may 1687, apres la
visitte du proces le produisant et led. Dupuy ayant estes oui's sur
selette, la cour renuoya a greffe pour conclurre sur 1’appel, et lettres
que le produisant et led. Dupuy auroit presentees en cassation des
procedeures contre eux faittes.
C’est l’estat de la cause en laquelle la cassation desd. procedeures
et le relaxe du produisant ne peut recevoir aucune difficultte.
1° On ne peut pas imputer a crime au produisant de ce quil na
point change de religion, le Roy n’ayant pas ettably de peines pour
cela : et au contraire sa majeste par led. de Revocation de celuyde
de Nantes art. 12 a permis a ceux de la R. P. R. qui n’ont point
change de vivre librement dans son royaume reconnoissant que
nemo credit invitus, et que la foy est un don du ciel.
23 Le produisant n’est pas coupable aussi d’auoir vouleu sortir
du royaume contre les deffences de sa majestd, il ny a aucune
preuve contre luy de cette pretendeue contrevention, carles temoins
qui luy ont este confronts disent seulement, quil alia a son bien de
campagne au commencement de 1’este de l’annee 1685, et que le 10
ou 12 d octobre aud. an ii partit de sa meterie auec sa femme ; ce
que le produisant na jamais denie, mais cely ne fait ny preuve ny
presomption quil ait vouleu sortir du royaume, et il ne faut pas
s’estonner quil se soit retire de Castres, et de sa meterie pour ne
s ’exposer pas 4 la licence et 4 l’insollance des soldats qui devoit y
venir loger 4 discretion, et quy y vinrent en effet, et y firent tout le
desordre quils peurent ayant pille et vendu tous les bestiaux et
autres choses qui y estoit. L’effroy d’une femme grosse qui estoit
prette 4 accoucher, la tendresse d’un mary, et d’un pere pour la
conseruation de sa femme et de son enfant la crainte d’etre expose
soy meme a la folie et brutnllite des soldats sont des causes assez
legitimes de cest elloignement et de la recherche quil fit d’une
maison dans la Montague d’Angles pouryfaire accoucher sa femme
sans crainte et sans frayeur, et pour y estre 4 couuert des insultes
quil n auoit que trop de sujet d’aprehender, on peut dire auec ray-
son, hie metus cadebat in constantem virum ; et s’il fit baptiser
l.’enfant, dont sa femme accoucha, par vn ministre de la R. P. R. il
APPENDIX.
357
Twelve or fifteen days after, he was interrogated a second time, 1687.
but he still insisted upon being sent before another judge, and he
was taken to Castres with the sieur Dupuy, who had been arrested
on the same day with the appellant, who had never known him
before that time,
The criminal judge of Castres interrogated them both, and having
confronted them each with some witnesses, who in no wise brought
any charge against the appellant, he gave sentence, on the nine¬
teenth of August, 1686, condemning them to the galleys for life,
with confiscation of their property, and a fine of three thousand
livres in favor of the king.
They were then taken to the conciergerie of the court, and, some
days after, they were separated, and the appellant was taken to the
prison of the Hotel de Ville, where he remained more than a year
before the suit was brought into court. At last, on the seventh of
May, 1 687, after the examination of the suit, the appellant and the said
Dupuy having been subjected to an examination, the court sent the
matter to the clerk’s office to decide upon the appeal, and the letters
presented by the appellant and the said Dupuy, with a view to the
annulment of the proceedings against them.
This is the state of the case, in which the annulment of the said
proceedings and the appellant’s release can involve no difficulty.
1. It cannot be imputed as a crime to the appellant that he has
not changed his religion, the king not having established penalties
for that. On the contrary, his majesty, by the Edict revoking
that of Nantes, article 12, has permitted the adherents of the
Pretended Reformed Religion who have not changed, freely to live
in his kingdom, recognizing the truth that “ nemo credit invitus ”
[“ no one believes unwillingly ”], and that faith is a gift of heaven.
2. Neither is the appellant guilty of having intended to leave the
kingdom contrary to the prohibition of his majesty. There is no
proof against him of this pretended contravention ; for the witness¬
es that were confronted with him merely say that he went to his
country property at the beginning of the summer of the year 1685,
and that on the tenth or twelfth of October in the said year he and
his wife left his farm. This the appellant has never denied, but
this constitutes neither proof nor presumption that he intended to
leave the kingdom, and no surprise should be felt that he withdrew
from Castres and from his farm so as not to be exposed to the
license and insolence of the soldiers who were to come and live
there at free quarters, and who in point of fact did come, and com¬
mitted all the disorder they could, having plundered and sold all the
cattle and other things that were there. The flight of a woman
with child, ready to be confined, the solicitude of a husband and
father for the safety of his wife and child, the fear of being himself
exposed to the folly and brutality of the soldiers — are causes
legitimate enough for this withdrawal, and for the search he made
for a house in the mountains of Angles, that his wife might there
be confined without fear and dread, and be sheltered from the
insults which he had but too much ground to apprehend. One
may say with reason, “ Hie metus cadebat constantem virum ”
358
APPENDIX.
1687.
na rien fait en cela contre les loix de l’estat puisque le Roy l'auoit
expressem1. permis ; ayant apres l’interdiction de l’exercice de
la R. P. R. fait laisser de ministres en diuers lieux pour baptiser les
enfans.
Le voyage dud. produisant et de sa femme a Toulouse en suitte
a Agen, ou ils furent pris, ne peut aussi le convaincre d'avoir vouleu
sortir du royaume, soit parce quils eurent auis quon les faisoit
chercher pour les ramener cbez eux ou on pretendoit leur donner
de.nouueaux logement, par la hayne qu’ auoit un nomme Calvet,
consul de Castres leur ennemy particulier soit parce qu’on ne peut
pas leur inputer a crime d’avoir uze de la permission que le Roy
donne k ceux de la R. P. R. par led. de Reuocation de celuy de
Nantes d’aller, de venir et demeurer dans toutes les villes et lieux
de son royaume, sans y pouvoir etre troublez, et en vn mot il suffit
de dire que le produisant a este pris k Agen a 40 ou 50 lieues de la
frontiere ; et pour ainsi dire au coeur du royaume, pour montrer
que c’est mal apropos qu’on l’accuse d’avoir contrevenu au declara¬
tions de sa maj. portant deffences a ceux de [la] R. P. R. de sortir
du royaume.
II est vray quil fut pris entrant dans le bateau pour aller a Bor¬
deaux, mais quand il auroit este pris dans Bordeaux meme il ne
seroit pas coupable ; et ce n’est pas la pensee de sortir hors du
royaume qui le conduisoit a Bourdeaux, cestoit le desir de trouver
vn lieu ou nestant point connu il peut etre hors de tout crainte.
Enfin il^na pas este pris sur la frontiere : ny dans aucun passage
deffendu et le soupgon quon a voulu former quil auoit le pensee de
sortir du royaume, n est pas vne matiere d’accusaon parce quil ny
a que Dieu qui soit le scrutateur des coeurs, et les loix humainesne
s executent point sur les pensees, cogitationis poenam nemo patitur,
1. cogitationis, il de poenis.
Les tablettes, d ont il a este parle, ne peurent de rien servir k la
conviction du produisant i° que quand il auroit compose ou escript
le pretendu sonnet, contre les nouvelles convertions, ce ne seroit
pas vn sujet d’accusation, 2° il n’est pas vray quil l’ayt ecript ni
compose, n entendant pas meme le langage de Gascogne : il pro¬
testa auec rayson devant l’officier du senechal, qui le voulut inter-
joger que le sonnet auoit ete mis dans ces tablettes par ceux entre
les mains desquels elles auoit passe depuis la remise quil en auoit
laitte entre les mains du sergent du regiment de Tourayne, soute-
nant que lors quil les prit des mains du produisant ce sonnet ny
estoit pas comme il paroitroit par le temoignage d’iceluy et du
soklat quy 1 accompagnoit, aussi bien que du concierge qui auoient
tous veu l’etat desd. tablettes dans la prison.
Et si bien elles estoit chargees d’une adresse pour Londres, d’une
autre pour Amsterdam, et d’une autre pour La Haye ce n’estoit
pas pour sortir du royaume, mais pour pouuoir envoyer et receuoir
APPENDIX.
359
[“ Here fear fell upon a constant man”]. And if he caused the 1687.
child of which his wife was delivered to be baptized by a minister
of the Pretended Reformed Religion, there is in this nothing against
the laws of the State, since the king had expressly permitted it,
having, after interdicting the exercise of the Pretended Reformed
Religion, left ministers in divers places to baptize the children.
Again, the trip of the said appellant and his wife to Toulouse,
and, subsequently to Agen, where they were taken, cannot convict
him of having intended to leave the kingdom, both because
they had received notice that they were sought for to be taken
home, where it was in contemplation to billet fresh soldiers upon
them ; because of the hatred entertained by one named Calvet,
consul of Castres, their special enemy ; and because it cannot be
imputed to them as a crime that they made use of the permission
which the king gave to the adherents of the Pretended Reformed
Religion, by the Edict revoking that of Nantes, to go and come, and
to dwell in all the towns and places of his kingdom, without being
liable to be molested. And, in a word, it suffices to say, that the
appellant was taken at Agen, forty or fifty leagues from the front¬
ier, and, so to speak, in the heart of the kingdom, to show that he
has been improperly accused of having contravened the declara¬
tion of his majesty fobidding the adherents of the Pretended
Reformed Religion to leave the kingdom.
It is true that he wras taken when going onboard the boat to go
to Bordeaux, but, had he been taken in Boideaux itself, he could
not be held guilty ; and it was not the thought of going out of the
kingdom that led him to Bordeaux, it was the desire to find a place
where, not being known, he might be free fiom all fear. In fine,
he was not taken on the frontiers, nor in any forbidden passage ,
and the suspicion which it has been sought to create that he had
the thought of leaving the kingdom, is not a matter of accusation,
since Gocl alone is the searcher of hearts, and human laws are not
executed upon thoughts, “ cogitationis poenam nemo patitur [ o
one suffers the penalty of his thought ”].
The pocket-book, of which mention has been made, can be ot
no service in the conviction of the appellant, first, because, had le
composed or written the pretended sonnet against the new conver¬
sions, this would not be a subject for accusation ; and secondly, it
is not true that he wrote or composed it, not even being acquainted
with the dialect of Gascony. He protested with reason before the
officer of the seneschal, who wished to question him, that the son¬
net had been put in his pocket-book by those through whose hands
it had passed since he had placed it in the hands of the sergeant
of the regiment of Touraine ; maintaining that, when he took it
from the hands of the appellant, this sonnet was not within, as
would appear by his testimony, and that of the soldier accom¬
panying him, as well as by that of the door-keeper, all of whom
had seen the state of the said pocket-book in the prison.
And if indeed, it contained an address for London, another tor
Amsterdam, and another for the Hague, this was not with a view
to leaving the kingdom, but in order to be able to send and receive
360
APPENDIX.
1687. des nouvelles de la dem]!e de Rozengues sa cousine germaine,
du sy. Tiscier ministre qui si [s’y] estoit retire auec elle par la’
permission du Roy, et pour apprendre aussi des nouuelles du
sr, de Fabreques ministre, son intime amy, qui par la meme per¬
mission s’estoit retire en Holande, ne sachant s’il estoit a Amster¬
dam ou a La Haye.
Enfin si le produisant estoit coupable mu Barbara juge crimi-
nel de Castres qui estoit extremement passionne pour sa perte et
qui a recherche des preuues par tout, jusques 4 menacer le sr du
Raqui de luy faire vn affaire de religion s’il ne deposoit contre [lei
produisant, n auroit pas manque d’en trouuer, mais led. sr Du-
raque, que led. Barbara alia prendre luy meme prisonnier au lieu
u ^ene8ats> et fit conduire en prison a Castres, ne vouleut pas
charger sa concience par vn faux temoignage.
Les motifs susd. qui obligerent le produisant et sa femme de
quitter leur habitaon de Castres et de la campagne pour s’eloigner,
estoit fortifies par l’inimitie capitale du s'; Calvet lors consul de
Castres dont il a este parle cy clessus, qui auoit jure leur ruyne et qui
sestoit vente de leur bailler les plus forts logements, et de recom-
mender anx soldats de les traiter plus rigoureusement, en haine
de ceque la femme dud. produisant lauoit cy devant fait condemner
aux galeres par santence des ordres de Castres, ensuitte de laquelle
elle le fit mener de suitte en la cour, laquelle par son arrest, en
reformant lad. sentence, le condamna a vn banissement, et a deman-
der pardon a lad. demlle des exes [exces] quil avoit commis bru-
tallement contre-elle, dequoy il promit de se venger, et odium
aspera monet.
Partant conclud. comme au proces de Seuin Raporteur
Manen procureur. r
LETTER TO HIS WIFE.
Du 7. May 1687.
Ma chere femme, j ay compareu devant mes juges lors que i’v
pensois le moms. Hier au matin etant encore au lit le concierge
vmt m advertir quil me falloit aller A la Tournelle. Desque ie feus
habille et que jeus fait ma priere 4 Dieu et implore sa grace pour
me soutemr dans cette nouvelle tentation et l’assistance de son St.
isspnt ahn de pouvoir rendre raison de ma foy 4 ceux qui me de-
voient interroger, on me mit les fers aux pieds et je fus porte en
chaise jusques 4 la grande porte du palais. De 14 je traversay
toute la cour 4 pied, et fus conduit 4 la porte du bureau de la
lournelle attendant qu on eut fait sortir Mr Dupuy qui y avoit
ete mene avant moy. ‘ F 3 4 y
APPENDIX.
361
tidings of Mademoiselle de Rozengues, his cousin, wife of the
sieur Tiscier, a minister who had retired thither with her by per¬
mission of the king, and in order also to have tidings from the
sieur de Fabreques, a minister, his intimate friend, who by the same
permission had retired into Holland, not knowing whether he was
at Amsterdam or the Hague.
Finally, if the appellant had been guilty, Mr. Barbara, criminal
judge of Castres, who was extremely intent upon his destruction,
and who sought proofs in every direction, even to threatening the
sieur Duraque to put him on trial for the matter of religion if he
did not testify against the appellant, would not have failed to find
[proofs] thereof. But the said sieur Duraque, whom the said
Barbara himself went and took prisoner at the place called Sene-
gats, and had him conveyed to prison at Castres, refused to burden
his conscience by perjuiy.
The aforesaid motives that obliged the appellant and his wife to
leave their abode at Castres and in the country and go to a dis¬
tance, were strengthened by the excessive hatred of the sieur Cal-
vet, at that time consul of Castres, of whom mention has been
above made, who had sworn their ruin, and who had boasted that
he would give them the largest billeting of troops, and would advise
the soldiers to treat them more rigorously, through hatred because
of the fact that the wife of the said appellant had caused him here¬
tofore to be condemned to the galleys by sentence of the judges in
ordinary of Castres, in pursuance of which she had him at once
brought to court ; which by a decree modifying the said sentence
condemned him to a term of banishment, and to beg pardon of
the said lady for the violence he had brutally committed against
her ; for which thing he promised to revenge himself ; and “ odium
aspera movet.” , .
Accordingly concludes as in the suit. Mr. deSeuin, Raporteur ;
Manen, Procureur.
LETTER TO HIS WIFE.
May 7, 1687.
My dear wife, I have appeared before my judges when I least
thought of doing so. Yesterday morning, while I was still in bed,
the keeper came to apprise me that I must go to the Fournelle.
So soon as I was dressed, and had made my prayer to God, im¬
ploring His grace to sustain me in this new trial, and asking the
assistance of His Holy Spirit, that I might give a reason of my
faith to those that might question me, my feet were put in fetters,
and I was carried in a chair to the great door of the palace From
there I crossed the entire court on foot, and was led to the door
of the bureau of the Tournelle, where I waited until M. Dupuy,
who had been conducted thither before me, should be brought
forth.
1687.
362
APPENDIX.
1687. Avant que j’entrasse Ie murmure de tous Ies plaideurs qui etoit 4
la porte de la chambre aussi bien que mon procureur ne me nre-
ne? dS b°n' 11 ni avoit Personne qui douttat que la sen¬
tence de notre premier juge ne fut confirmee : tellement que ie me
trouvay sur le point d etre bientot aux rang des galeriens Cenen
dant Dieu me] fit la grace de n’etre point trouble par une crmnte
qui ne paroissoit que trop legitime. 1 crainte
J entray et apres avoir prete le serment en la forme de notre Re-
lgion, le president commenqa a m’ interroger, et ie resnond-'s
presque avec autant de tranquillity que si j’fusse parle i des per-
sonnes de ma connoissance. Je garday pourtant devant mes juo-es
tout Ie respect, et toute la moderation quil me fut possible • Vais
auss1 la justice de la cause que je soutiens fit qu’il ne parut’ point
de tnmdite dans mes paroles ni dans mon action. ^
Apres que le president m’eut fait quelques interroeats sur
quelques faits de la procedure, je luy fis le detail de touf suivant
et conformement 4 mes premieres auditions en donnant les memes
laisons de ma conduite que j’avois donnees devant le premier
juge, 4 savoir, 1 etat ou tu te trouvois et le danger evident oil tu
etois de penr toy et ce que tu portois si nous ii’eussYons trouS
quelque espece d I azile pandant l’allarme qui s’etoit rependue par tout
11 libremenTpa^ toutes ^es
dans ma religion ? A quoy je repondis qu’ouy. En suitte umntr^
je ne savois pas qttil etoit tfeffendu par leder, iei EdTde.T ?’ f-‘
il achevp V. gl°n quil.veut que vous embraissies ? Comm
choses qui ne blelsoien? pas ma on rei?°ndiS Sue dans-toutes les
auxordres de sa majeste avec une P^aV'soVVsioVquVmon
APPENDIX.
363
Before entering, the murmurs of all the pleaders, who were at 16,87.
the door of the chamber, as was also my attorney, augured nothing
in my favor. There was not one that doubted that the sentence
of our first judge would be affirmed : so that I was on the point of
being consigned soon to the galley-slave s bench. Neveitheless God
granted me grace not to be disturbed by a fear that seemed only
too well-grounded.
I entered, and when I had taken the oath in the form of our
religion, the president began to interrogate me, and I replied with
almost as much composure as if I were conversing with my own
acquaintances. Yet I maintained in the presence of my judges all
the respect and moderation of which I was capable . but still moie,
it was due to the justice of the cause I upheld, that nothing of
timidity appeared in my words or my bearing.
The president having put several questions to me with reference
to certain particulars of the proceeding, I gave him a full account
of it, in accordance with my former hearings, assigning the same
reasons for my conduct that I had assigned before the fii st judge .
namely, the condition inwhich you were at the time, and the evident
dano-er that existed of loss of life, not only to yourself, but also tc > our
unborn child, unless we should be able to find some kind of refuge
during the alarm that prevailed everywhere. I called attention
moreover to the twelfth article of the king’s edict revoking the
Edict of Nantes, according to which it is permitted all those who
have not abjured the [Reformed] religion, .to come and go with free¬
dom through the cities of the realm.
The inquiries concerning the proceedings soon came to an end.
The president then asked me whether I purposed always to persist
in my religion. I answered in the affirmative. Afterwards,
another judge asked me what I had intended to do in the kingdom,
seeing mv religion was no longer tolerated within its bounds . To
this 1 replied that my purpose was patiently to await whatever his
majesty might ordain with reference to those who were not willing
to abjure the [Reformed] religion. The president asked me if I
did not know that it was forbidden by his majesty s las Edict to
maintain any exercise of our religion, and if I did not perceive
that therein I violated his majesty's orders. Tol thus I gis^e™d
that it was to the public exercise of our religion that the Edict re¬
ferred, and that hence I was not in that case A judge who had
previously interrogated me then spoke as follows : You are not
unaware that it is the will of the king that there should be but one
religion in this kingdom. You then, being a faithful subject of his
majesty (for you are accustomed constantly to say that you are
faithful and obedient subjects) why will you not novv obey _ his
will, and embrace the religion he wishes you to embra^e ’ ^ •
finished speaking the words contained in the foregoing parenthesis,
I answered that not only we said this, but that such we were 1 m
reality; and when he had ended, I replied that in all that which
did not wound my conscience, I was ready to obey his majesty s
commands with entire submission ; that my soul and my
V
364
APPENDIX.
ame et ma conscience relevoit de Dieu immediatement, et que
j ettois bien marri qu’il se trouvat un point ou il fallut que
volonte fut contraire a celle du Roy. M
ma
Mr ie president me demanda pour la 2 <je f0is s; j’etois en-
tieremt lesollu k persister dans ma religion, a quoy ie repondis
qu ouy, apres quoy un autre juge me parla en ces termes Estant
eclaire comme vous estes, vous devries profiler de vos lumieres
pour reconnoitre la verite de la religion catholique Rom. et l’em-
brasser. Nous ne vous regardons pas dit-il comme un de ces
criminels que nous avons accoutume de voir a nos pieds : mais
nous serons contramts de vous juger suivant les declarations du
Koy et de vous condamner aux peines qui y sont portees.
Un autre juge poursuivit i peu pres de la meme maniere me
disant que mon opiniatrete seroit cause quils m’envoyeroit charee
de chaines dans des lieux don je ne pourrois pas sortir quandle
voudrois, et que je ne pouvois eviter cela que par la grace du prince
a laquelle je devois avoir recours, II me representa comme ils sou-
haitoient tous de meme que tous mes parens, et tous ceux qui me
connoissoient, que je me misse en repos, je repondis en leur
protestant devant Dieu, que ce n’etoit point p‘ar opiniatrete que je
perseverois dans ma Religion, et que c’etoit parce que je la recon-
noises veritable, pure et conforme a la parole de Dieu. Je suis
prest, leui cus-je, a suivre mon Sauveur partout ou il m’appellera
II a. tout quitte pour moy, il est venu mourir pour moy sEr une
pEuH-imEurcle l^! 4 t0Ut abbandonner Pour et i tout souffr.r
Un juge qui n’avoit point encore parle me demanda comment
estions nous asseures de la verite de notre Religion. Je repondis
que nous confenons la doctrine qui nous est proposed avec es
Ecntures a 1 exemple des fidelles de Beree dont il est parle dans ks
actes des apostres._ 11 tacha d’eluder la force de c’est exemok et
me demanda en suitte si je ne croyois pas que Dieu voulut sauver
les ignorants aussi bien que les S5avants ? Je repondis qu’ouv II
!-eli JeP iqU£i-r UC IeS i&norants etoit incapables d’examiner la
sli wpar 1 Ecnture Sty 4 quoy je repondis que dans l’Ecriture
S. les ignoients pouvoit connoitre aussi bien que les scavants tout
ce qui est necessaire pour le salut, et par la etre en estet de rektkJ
emr eSquetlCSeSpqaE? V°Udroit ajouter 4 ceuxTlafoy SS
l’une de ces eJitS /oE^P5°SOlt CCtte Verit6 (luand 11 ^oit dans
e ue ces epitres (or quand nous meme, ou un ang-e du ciel vm.c
evangel, sa-M „utre ce qui! vous a ete evangelise ,51 soi.Tn 21
juge dans beaucoup de paroles ne repondit rien A ™-r,
piem . pailer, et a la fin de son discours il me demanda rl’nn P E
que ,e sqavois que 1’Ecriture S« es, I’Ecri.u.e “ De iS^
S(e Iuy repondis-je; et comme il mut repete a nen nrL 1 ‘
question jadjoutay que l’Ecriture S(e PVoit des camckr^ dE
diyimte plus que suffisants pour se faire reconnoitre pour St dl
Dieu, qu elk etoit reconnue pour telle par tous les chretteEs et quE
APPENDIX.
365
science had to do directly with God, and that I was exceedingly
grieved that there shodld be a single point at which my will should
be contrary to the will of the king. The president asked me for
the second time whether I was wholly resolved to persist in my
religion; to which I answered, Yes. After this another judge
addressed me in the following terms : Enlightened as you are, you
ought to profit by the light you possess, and acknowledge the truth
of the Roman Catholic religion, and embrace it. We do not, said
he, regard you as one of the criminals whom we are accustomed to
see at our feet : yet we shall be constrained to judge you accord¬
ing to the king’s declarations, and to condemn you to the penalties
therein prescribed.
Another judge continued in much the same strain, telling me
that it would be owing to my obstinacy that they would send me
loaded with chains to places of confinement from which I would
not be able to come forth when I might wish to do so, and that I
could avoid this only through the clemency of the sovereign, to
which I ought to have recourse. He represented to me how
greatly they, in common with all my kindred and my acquaintance,
desired that I would put myself in a position of tranquillity. I
replied, declaring as in the sight of God that it was not out of
obstinacy that I persevered in my religion, but because I recognized
it to be true, pure, and conformed to the word of God. I am
ready, said I, to follow my Saviour whithersoever He may call me.
He gave up every thing for me. He came to die for me upon a
cross. I am constrained to abandon every thing for Him, and to
suffer every thing for the love of Him.
A judge who had not previously spoken asked me how we
were assured of the truth of our religion. I replied that we com¬
pared the doctrine presented to us with the Scriptures, after the
example of the believers of Berea, spoken of in the Acts of the
Apostles. He endeavored to elude the force of this example, and
asked me further if I did not believe that God would save the
ignorant as well as the learned. I answered, Yes. He rejoined
that the ignorant are incapable of examining religion through the
Holy Scriptures. To this I replied that the ignorant can ascertain
all that is necessary to salvation as well as the wise, and thus be in
a condition to reject whatever articles of belief men might seek to
add to those of the Christian faith ; that the apostle Paul pre¬
supposed this truth, when he said in one of his epistles, “ But
though we, or an angel from heaven, preach any other gospel unto
you than that which we have preached unto you, let him be
accursed.”
The judge used many words, but made no reply worthy of the
name, and at the close of his remarks asked me whence I knew
that Holy Scripture is Holy Scripture? From Holy Scripture
itself, I replied; and when he repeated the question in much the
same language, I added that Holy Scripture possessed marks
of divinity more than sufficient to evidence itself to be the word
of God ; that it was recognized as such by all Christians : and that.
1687.
366
APPENDIX.
1687.
d’ailleurs tant d’efforts que les payens avoit fait pour I’eteinclre sans
pom oir en venir 4 bout m estoit un temoignage certain que c’etoit
un livre divin, puis que la divine Providence avoit pris un soin si
particular de nous le conserver dans tous les siecles, et qu’ enfin
je ne reconnoisses que l’Ecriture Sty pour le fondemt et la regie
de notre foy. II me fit en suitte quelques difficulty pour me per¬
suader que sans le secours de l’Eglise nous ne pouvions etre
asseures que ce que nous apellons l’Ecriture Ste fut la parole de
Dieu, et conclud apres un long discours quil 'falloit reconnoitre
1 Eglise avant que de pouvoir etre certains que 1'Ecriture Ste fut ]a
parole de Dieu. Sur cela je supliay la Cour de vouloir permetre
que je fisse une question au juge que me parloit, et les juges
s estant regardes, Mr. le president me dit que je le pouvois.
Madressant done au juge, je luy demanday dou est ce qu’il
sqavoit qu il y avoit une Eglise qui ne peut nous enseigner que la
vente. Mon juge ne peut s’empecher d’avoir recours a 1’Ecriture
sur quoy je fis remarquer quil etoit constraint de poser aussi bien
E m,°ty Ec,r.lture P°ur premier fondement, et qu’ainssi toutes les
difficultes quil pouvoit me faire pour me faire doutter que l’Ecri¬
ture Sainte fut la parole de Dieu, setournoit maintenant contre luy.
■ fC.?ruw t raporter des passages pour prouver la pretendue
infaillibilite de 1 Eglise visible, et concluten disant que cette Eglise
rendoit temoignage a l’Ecriture, et l’Ecriture a cette Eglise, et que
J etoit un encheneure de verites qui etoit enseparable: mais celane
pouvoit pas le tirer de ce pas la, et pour le reste les passages quil
aporta pour la pretendeue infallibility de l’Eglise visible qui etoit
de®P,lorne®ses que notre Seigneur J. C. fait 4 son Eglise, et
des quahtes quil luy atribue : ces passages dis-je ne pouvoient etre
soPntqffiAle?lt'memffi qU,’ rE^Iise ^Ui est corps des elSs qui
sont les vrais membres de Jesus Christ. "
J aurois bien souhaite de luy faire voir comme les articles de notre
eligion sont bien autremt. enchaines avec des passages de l’Ecri-
ure dairs et formels, apres quoy j’aurois bien voulu luy demander
a quel passage de 1 Ecnture Ste est enchaine le sacrifice qu’ on
Cffiy^ 6 t0US 6S l°UrS 4 la messe du corPs et du sang de^Jesus
Christ J auiois peu faire la meme question sur l’adoration qu’on
tioiS^ir ^„Sacy,emen,t de I’Eucharistie, ainssi sur la transubstantia-
tion, sui le culte qu on rend aux Sts 4 leurs reliques, et aux images
J aurois peu demander 4 quel passage de 1’Ecriture Ste est enchaine
S£rCt amSSi dC t0UtC^ui a eteadjoute'4 la relig ™
Mais il fallut ecouter un autre juge, qui me fit un grand dis-
r,uf.s (Eins Equel il m’estala les grandeurs et les prosperity de
1 eglise Romaine et les calamity et les miseres de la notre: auquel
je leponchs par ces mots (notre regne n’est point de ce monde)
^ aUt,re me dlt 1ue S1 ie croyois ma religion bonne il me falloit
rester dans ma maison, y souffrir le logement des gens de guerre
y vo^ chss.permon bien sans regret, el y mourir martir si on eut
APPENDIX.
367
moreover, the fact that the heathen had made so many efforts to
destroy it without success, was to me a sure proof that it is a divine
book since the providence of God has taken so special a care to
preserve it for us through all ages ; and finally that 1 acknowledged
nothin0- as the foundation and rule of our faith save Holy Scrip¬
ture. lie then raised some difficulties in order to persuade me
that we cannot without the aid of the Church be assuied that
what we call Holy Scripture is the word of God, and after a long
discourse concluded by saying that we must acknowledge the
Church before we can be certain that Holy Scripture is the woid
of God. Whereupon I entreated the court to permit that I should
put a question to the judge who had spoken to me. The judges
interchanged looks, and the president told me that I might do this.
Addressing the judge, then, I asked him whence he knew that
there is a Church that can teach us nothing but the truth ? My
judge could not do otherwise than resort to Scripture : whereupon
I called attention to the fact that he was compelled like myself to
lav down the Scripture for the first foundation ; and that ail the
difficulties which he had raised in order to make me doubt that
Holy Scripture is the word of God, recoiled upon himself He
continued to allege passages to prove the pretended infallibility of
the visible Church, and ended by saying that this Church testifies
to the Scripture, and the Scripture to this Church ; and that I was
one who linked together truths that were inseparable. But this
did not serve to extricate him from his quandary, and indeed the
passages that he cited in support of the pretended infallibility of the
visible Church, drawn from the promises made by our Lord Jesus
Christ to His Church, and from the characteristics that He ascribes
to it were such as could be rightfully applied only to the Church
which is the body of the elect, who are the true members of Jesus
ChI 'would have wished greatly that I might show him how the
articles of our religion are linked— in a very different way— with
passages of Scripture that are clear and explicit ; and then 1
would have liked very much to ask him with what _ passage of
Holy Scripture is linked the sacrifice which they claim to make
every day, in the mass, of the body and blood of Jesus Christ. I
miVht have made the same inquiry concerning the adoration paid
therein to the sacrament of the Eucharist, concerning transub-
stantiation, and the worship rendered to the saints, to their relics,
and to images. I might have asked with what passage of Holy
Scripture the doctrine of purgatory is linked, and so as to all that
has been superadded to the Christian religion.
But it was necessary to listen to another judge, who addressed me
in a lengthy discourse, in which he spread before me the grandeur
and prosperity of the Roman Church, and the woes and miseries o
our own : which I answered in these words : “ Our kingdom is not
of this world.” Another said to me that if I believed my religion
to be good, I ought to have remained in my house, and endured
the quartering of the soldiery upon me, looking on without regret
1687.
368
APPENDIX.
1687. voulu, comtne faisoit les anciens chretiens et nnn me m
ssissa sssiP
Mr le president me demanda si j’auois eu soin Hp
struire, je repondis qu’ouv. II me renliaua m,P 'md? m ln'
de ce que les minis, res sepposoTe" , 'f e Romam?
iSpSiiii
volonte de notre Semneur et pour fa m-m' P'“ ,de, p0ur la
tan, des siecles, et plusieurs a^tres chSTe'citte nfmr', Pa"dam
3Si^^,a^»^r^=^SspSi
Mr Pelisson et ml fl „ ; • rePondls tlue J avois leu le livre de
F4&
«n«!LS,ssf*Mjsr ^
J avois ete condamne par le ier jufre aux Xi u * 3ndu ,que
J ettois appellant. Anres one ‘,Vi,c «„ ib e\es’ 1 .me demanda si
en me disant que la cour me rendroitVstice^ °r Y’ d me con§'edia>
que Dieu me (ortifie de jour eu J0Ur el me laul'^'demVdTs!
APPENDIX.
369
while my property was wasted, and suffering martyrdom there, if
men willed it so, even as the early Christians did, and not have
fled as I had done. To this I replied that 1 would justify my con¬
duct by a verse of the Gospel, referring to what our Lord said to
His disciples, “ When they persecute you in this city, flee ye into
another : ” and besides, I said, I have given a very strong reason
in vindication of my absence, namely, my wife’s condition, and the
evident peril in which she was.
The president asked me whether I had taken care to obtain
instruction. I replied that I had done so. He rejoined that
apparently I had sought instruction in the books of our ministers,
who were accustomed to misrepresent the Roman Catholic
religion to us ; and that if I had taken pains to read the writings
of their doctors and of their councils, I would have found in them
nothing of all that our ministers attributed to the Roman Church.
To which 1 made response, that if the court would permit, I
would cite certain passages from their doctors and councils which
gave me pain and which I considered to be opposed to the purity
of the Christian religion. Upon this having looked at one another,
and some having inquired among themselves what it was that I
wished to state, they informed me that they had not the leisure to
hear me with reference to these matters.
I was prepared to adduce to them that canon of the second
council of Nicaea which commands the worship of images, accom¬
panied with a passage from St. Thomas, their “ angelical doctor,”
and another from Gabriel Biel, one of their famous theologians.
I was about to quote that place in the decrees of the council of
Trent where the supreme adoration of the sacrament of the
Eucharist is enjoined, and the canon that authorizes the practice
of offering masses in honor of the saints in order to obtain their
intercession ; the canon of the council of Constance that removes
the cup from the people — with so little deference to the will of our
Lord and the practice of the Church during so many centuries ;
and several other things of the same kind.
Another judge remarked, that had I read the book of one of my
countrymen (meaning M. Pelisson), possessing, said he, so much
gentleness and docility as you display, I am sure you would
recognize the truth of the Roman Catholic religion, and would
find no difficulty in acquiescing in it. I replied that I had read
M. Pelisson’s book, and had found in it nothing that would influ¬
ence me to pursue such a course, or that even awakened in me the
thought of abandoning my religion. Finally, the president asked
me for the third time if I were wholly resolved to persist in my
religion ? I replied that such was my resolution, and that I
trusted that God would grant me grace to adhere to it. He inquired
further if I knew to what I was condemned, and when I answered
that I had been condemned by the first judge to the galleys, he
asked me whether 1 were appellant ? Upon my affirmative answer,
he dismissed me, saying to me that the court would do me justice.
I feel with joy that God strengthens me daily, and gives me grace
1687.
37o
APPENDIX.
1687. poser k toute sorte d’evenerrP5 avec une entiere resignation a sa
volonte. Tu peux t’imaginer que je souhaite avec passion de te
voir avant qu’on me fasse transferrer. Je ne crois pas de rester
long tems. Je te souhaite toutes sorte de benedictions.
LETTER TO HIS MOTHER.
Du 10 may 1687.
Mademoiselle ma mere
vous verres par la lettre que j’ecris a ma femme, ce qui se parla
lorsque je fus sur la selete. Graces k Dieu je ne fus point ettonne
non plus que presentem1. par le crainte des peines qui me
paroissoit presque inevitables. Si j’evite le galeres ce sera apara-
ment pour aller dans cest exil qui effraye tant de monde ; mais
j’espere que je trouveray partout bien [Dieu ?] qui seratousjour’s mon
consolateur et qui me soutiendra jusqu’au dernier moment de ma
vie: c est luy qui me donne la force de regarder avec un visage
asseure toutes les peines qu’on me prepare et qui maydera a les
supporter constament a fin de luy etre fidelle jusqu a la mort.
II y a toutes les aparences que je ne seray ici que fort peu de
jours. Vous vous imagines bien que la plus grande consolation
que j attends du cotte du monde est de vous voir avant que je
parte. Je viens de voir un moment mad^e de Moulens par une
giille qui ma demande si je changeois de lieu. Je luy ay repondu
que je n en scavois rien, et elle ma dit quil ny avoit plus de retarde-
ment pour elle et quelle partoit demain pour Montpellier. Te n’ay
enco!e veu mon procureur, j’ay seulement apris que notre
affaire etoit renvoyee au greffe pour conclure, je ne sais point
asteure [a cette heure] ce quil faut faire. Je souhaiterois bien de
voir mon fils mais j aprehende que cela ne puisse se faire qu’avec
beaucoup d embaras. _ Je luy [envoye mes] benedictions. Gardes
tout ce qui pourra un jour le faire souvenir de moy, et de 1’example
que Dieu me fait la grace de luy donner. Je souhaite toute sorte
de benedictions a toute la famille. Dieu veuille vous tenir en paix.
Je suis avec tout sorte de respect, mad^ma mere V T h et
obeissant serviteur. Mascarene, Signe.
J’ay pris autres cinq ecus que j’ay presque deja acheves. Lecapi-
taine du quel (?) vient de dire au garqon fayancier quil prit o-arde a
luy et quil le conduiroit apres quil seroit revenu de la conduitte de
madame de Moulens. Ce matin 1 1 May madme de Moulens est
partie pour Montpellier et j’ay apris qu’on a ecrit pour scavoir ce
que le Roy veut faire de nous n’ayant trouve de quoy nous con-
1
APPENDIX.
371
to prepare for whatever issue with entire resignation to His will. 1687.
You may imagine that I passionately desire to see you before my
transportation. I do not think that I shall remain here long. 1
wish you every blessing.
LETTER TO HIS MOTHER.
May 10, 1687.
Madam my mother :
You will see from the letter that I write to my wife, what was
said when I was under examination. Thanks be to God, I was no
more disturbed than I am this moment by the fear of the pen¬
alties which seemed to me almost inevitable. If I escape the gal¬
leys, it will apparently be to go into that exile which frightens so
many people ; but I hope everywhere to find God, who will always
be my comforter, and who will sustain me to the last moment of
my life. It is He who gives me strength to look with an assured
countenance upon all the sufferings in preparation for me, and who
will help me bear them constantly, to the end I may be faithful to
Him until death.
There is every appearance that I shall be here only a very few
days. You can fancy that the greatest consolation I expect, on the
side of the world, is to see you before I leave. I have just seen for
a moment Madame de Moulens, through an iron grating. She
asked me whether I was to be removed. I replied that I knew
nothing about it, and she told me that there was to be no delay in
her case, and that she was to leave to-morrow for Montpellier. I
have not yet seen my attorney. I have only learned that our matter
was referred to the clerk’s office for conclusion, I do not know at
the present hour what must be done. I should greatly wish to see
my son, but I fear that this could only be done with much diffi¬
culty. I send him my blessing. Keep everything that may one
day remind him of me and of the example that God is giving me
the favor to set him. I wish every kind of blessings to all the
family. May God keep you in peace. I am with every kind of
respect, Madam my mother, your very humble and very obedient
servant. (Signed) Mascarene.
I have taken five more crowns, which I have already almost used
up. The captain - has just told the crockery-ware boy to take
good care of himself, and that he would conduct him after he should
have returned from conducting Madame de Moulens. This morn¬
ing, May nth, Madame de Moulens left for Montpellier, and I
have learned that the king has been written to, to know what he
wishes to be done with us, nothing having been found to condemn
us for.
APPENDIX.
1687.
372
Confession de foy de Mr. Mascarene par luy rendue k un
grand vicaire, dans les prisons de L’hotel de ville de toulouse.
1 Je ne veus pour objet de ina religion quun Dieu Pere Fils et
St. Esprit.
2 Je ne veus l’adorer qu’en esprit et en verite.
3 Je ne veus invoquer que luy.
4 Je ne veus flechir religieusem4 les genoux que devant luy.
5 Je ne veus reconnoitre pour notre interceseur que Jesus
Christ.
6 ni d ’autre chef de leglise que luy.
7 ni d’autre Vicaire quil ayt laisse pour la conduitte de l’eglise
universselle que son Sh Esprit.
8 Je ne veux reconnoitre d’autre Sacrifice propitiatoire qu’une
seule oblation une fois faite du corps et du sang de mon Sauveur.
9 ni d’autres merites que nous puissions metre en avant pour
etre exhauces dans nos prieres que les merites de Jesus-Christ.
10 ni d’autres satisfactions dont nous puissions payer la justice
divine que ses souffrances.
11 ni d’autre purgatoire que son precieux sang.
12 ni d’autre indulgence que Sa grace.
13 je ne reconnois d’autre manducation de la chair de J. C. que
la spirituelle dont il est parle au 6e de St. Jean.
14 enfin je ne reconnois personne qui ayt droit de retrancher le
calice que Jesus Christ donna a ses comuniants en leur disant,
beuves en tous et faites ceci.
Ayant ces sentimts dans le cceur je suis persuade, Mr-, quil ni
[n’y] a aucun de vous qui me conseillat de faire une profession
exterieure de votre religion. D’autre cotte, je vous proteste,
mr, avec toute la sincerite dont suis capable, quil m’est impossible
de changer ces sentiments, quil n’est pas meme en mon pouvoir de
souhaiter le changem1. et qu’au contraire je ne demande rien a
Dieu avec tant ardeur que la grace dy perseverer.
APPENDIX.
373
Mr. Mascarene’s Confession of Faith, handed by him to a Grand
Vicar, in the prisons of the Hotel de Ville of Toulouse.
1. I will have, as the object of my religion, only one God, Father,
Son and Holy Ghost.
2. I will adore Him only in spirit and in truth.
3. I will invoke Him alone.
4. I will bow my knees, religiously, only before Him.
5. I will acknowledge only Jesus Christ as our intercessor;
6. And no other Head of the Church but Himself ;
7. And no other vicar left by Him for the conduct of His Church
universal than His Holy Spirit.
8. I will acknowledge no other propitiatory sacrifice than the one
sole offering, once made, of the body and blood of my Saviour ;
9. Nor other merits that we can set forth, in order to be heard in
our prayers, than the merits of Jesus Christ;
10. Nor other satisfactions by which we can pay divine justice,
save His sufferings ; _ .
11. Nor other purgatory [cleansing] than His precious blood;
12. Nor other indulgence than His grace.
13. I acknowledge no other feeding upon the flesh of Jesus
Christ than the spiritual feeding of which it is spoken in the sixth
chapter of St. John.
14. Finally I recognize no one as having the right to withhold
the cup which Jesus Christ gave to His communicants, saying to
them, Drink ye all of it, and Do this.
Having these sentiments in my heart, I am persuaded, Sir, that
there is no one of you that would advise me to make an external
profession of your religion. On the other hand, I protest, Sir, with
all the sincerity of which I am capable, that it is impossible for me
to change these sentiments, that it is not even in my power to de¬
sire the change, and that on the contrary, I ask of God nothing
with so much ardor as the grace to persevere therein.
1687.
374
APPENDIX.
1687.
Cantique compose dans les prisons de l’liotel de ville en 1687.
r
O roy des roys souveraine puissance
en qui j’ay mis toute ma confiar.ce
assiste moy par ta force invincible
et Ton verra ce qu’on croit impossible
entretiens dans mon cceur
la celeste vigueur
qui prend de toy sa source
et sans jamais broncher
on me verra marcher
jusqu’au bout de ma eource.
2
ffinirl Pour m’enpeeher de fournir ma carriere
on veut m’oter ce que jay de lumiere,
et 1’on metra bien tot tout en usage
pour esseyer d’ebranler mon courage,
deja prive du jour
dans cest affreux sejour
rempli d’objets funebres
on offre k tout moment
a mon entendement
les plus noires tenebres.
3
Puisque je vois I’erreur et !e mensonge
ne permets pas que mon ame si plonge
que ton Esprit qui deigne me conduire
chasse du mien ce qui peut me seduire
que les biens advenir
m’otent le souvenir
de ceux que j’abandonne
au mileu des liens
et des maux que je erains
montre moy la couronne.
4
Satan qui voit qu’un gennereux martire
sera toujours fatal k son empire
a pris les soins k me forger des crimes
afin qu’on crut mes peines legitimes
APPENDIX.
375
seigneur rends ses desseins
inutiles et vains
et fait partout entendre
que Ton poursuit en moy
ta pure et sainte loy
que Ton me veut deffendre.
5
je t’ay suivi, je veux encor’ te suivre
prive de toy, seigneur je ne puis vivre
Je suis 4 toy et je te sacrifie
ma liberte, mon repos, et raa vie
Je scay que ton pouvoir
egale ton vouloir
et que ta providence
malgre tous les humains
peut marracher des mains
de quiconque m’offence
6
mais si ta main des prisons les plus fortes
ne brise pas les grilles et les portes
et pour bien tot metre fin 4 mes peines
faire tomber et mes fers et mes chaines
au moins accorde moy
l’esperence et la foy
et cette patience
que triomphe de tout
et qui jusques au bout
soutienne ma Constance.
Coppie de Lettre de Mr. Mascarene a Mr. le Baron de Montbeton.
Monsieur et tres honnore frere en notre Seigneur Jesus Christ
Bien loin d’avoir honte de votre chaine, je la regarde comme une
marque et comme un gage certain de la couronne que Jesus Christ
vous prepare dans le ciel. Je la regarde comme la pye des anges,
la Moire de l’F.glise, l’edification et la consolation des fidelles, lad-
miration et l’etonnement des ennemis de la verite, et comme un
eo-uillon puissant pour porter ceuxqui sont tombes. 41a repentance
que vous faites eclater dune maniere si illustre. Je souhaite que
nos freres qui sont les compagnons de vos souffrances soient aussi
les immitateurs de votre fermete, et que loin de tourner leurs
regards du cote du monde ils ne regardent comme vous qu 4 Jesus
1687.
APPENDIX.
376
1687. le chef et le comsomateur de notre foy. Je vous prie de vous sou¬
venir de moy dans vos prieres comme je me souviens aussi de vous
dans toutes les mienes. Dieu veuille vous benir et vous accom-
pagner par tout.
Copy of a letter of Mr. Mascarene to Baron de Montbeton. Sir
and veiy honored brother in our Lord Jesus Christ. Very far from
being ashamed of your chain, I regard it as a mark and a certain
pledge of the crown which Jesus Christ is preparing for you in
heaven. I regard it as the joy of angels, the glory of the church,
the edification and consolation of the faithful, the admiration and
astonishment of the enemies of the truth, and as a powerful stim¬
ulus to lead those that have fallen, to the repentance which you
show forth in so illustrious a manner. I wish that our brethren
that are the companions of your sufferings may also be imitators
of your firmness, and that, far from turning their gaze in the
direction of the world, they may like you look only to Jesus the
author and finisher of our faith. I beg you to remember me in
your prayers, as I also remember you in all mine. May God be
pleased to bless you and accompany you everywhere.
REPONCE
De Mr le Baron de montbeton a ng Mascarene.
Ecrite de Bordeaux lorsqu’il fut attache k la chaine.
Votre billet m est un cordiaque contre les foiblesses de l’ame.
et peut me servir d’epitheme contre les sincopes et les maux de
cceur gennereus confesseur de Christ, il vous confessera devant son
Pere, brave athlete vous combates le bon combat, vous remporteres
la couronne de gloire : pour ma chaine, mes amis savent, qu’en me
l’attachant je dis,
Benite soit la chaine
qui m'attache 4 mon Dieu:
Je n’ay douleur ni peine
qui dans le sacre lieu
ne soit un jour changee
en douceurs en plaisirs
helireuse destinee !
tu combles mes desirs
Voila mon tres cherfrere mes sentiments et 1’etatde moname: je
suis votre imitateur et de tout mon cceur votre obeissant serviteur.
Nos tres cher compagnons vous embrassent de tout leur cceun
C. M.
APPENDIX. 377
Answer of Baron tie Montbeton to Mr. Mascarene, written from
Bordeaux when he was made fast to the chain.
Your note to me is a cordial against faintness of soul, and may
serve me as an epithem against swoons and sickness. Geneious
confessor of Christ ! He will confess you before His Father.
Brave athlete! you are fighting the good fight ; you will win the
crown of glory. As for my chain, my friends know that, when it
was being made fast to me, I said :
Now blessed be the chain
That binds me to my God !
1 have no grief nor pain
But in His own abode
Shall be exchanged, one day,
For joys that never tire.
O glorious destiny,
That crowns my best desire.
Such, my very dear friend, are my feelings, and such is the state
of my soul. I am your follower, and with all my heart your obe¬
dient servant. , . , .
Our very dear companions embrace you with all theu h^ar1.
Note. — The foregoing papers of Jean Mascarene weie pre¬
served in the family of his brother, Cdsar Mascarene, of Castres
(see above, page 125, note), and came into the possession of t e
American bnufch of the family about eighty ^rs ago. In 1763,
lohn Mascarene, of Boston (page 250, note), only son of Jean
Paul and grandson of Jean, visited England. Desiring to find
out whether any of his father’s relations were still living in Lan¬
guedoc, he made inquiry in London, and at s^estioii l o a
lentleman from that province he wrote to a Mr. Mascarene,
fn Castres The person addressed proved to be his cousin, a
son of C6sar MasLrene, who at once replied, expressing the
greatest joy upon hearing from him. (See the correspondence,
f translation of which was published in the New England H s-
torical and Genealogical Register, Yol. IX. [1855J, pp. 239 -47- )
R was through this Relative that John Mascarene received copies
of his grandfather’s papers.
1687.
/
1687.
RELATION D’UN PROTESTANT FRAN£AIS REFUGIE
A BOSTON.1
[Bibliotheque de Geneve, Collection Court, No. 17, tomeL, folios 71-76.]
Je suis, pai la grace de Dieu, arrive en ces heureuses contrees en
parfaite sante despuis le 17 du mois passe, apres une traversee de
cinquante et trois jours, a conter despuis les dunes qui sont k 20
lieues de Londres jusqu’a Boston, et je puis dire qu’il y a peu de
navires qui passent un si peu de temps. Nostre navigation a este
tort heureuze, et je puis dire qua la reserve de trois jours et trois
nuits que nous avons eu un fort orage, tout le'reste n’a este qu’un
temps agreable et delicieux ; car un chacun menoit joye dans nostre
bord. Les femmes, filhes et enfans ont este presque tous les jours
sur le gailhard a se divertir. Nous n’avons pas eu le plaisir de la
peche sur le banc, parce que nous n’ y avons pas touche ; nous
en avons passe d 50 lieues au sud, nostre route a presque tousjours
este de 1 est a l’ouest. Nous sommes passes a la hauteur des Fe-
jalies distans d’environ 60 lieues ; ce sont des isles qui appar-
tiennent aux Portugais et qui sont a 400 lieues de l’Angleterre. Si
on n aprehendoit les corsaires de Sales qui croisent souvent
autour de ses isles, Ton iroit souvent mouiller dans ces ports, mais
ces pirates font que 1’on sen tient esloigne du coste du Nord
INous avons rencontre en merquantite de navires, lesunsvenant de
la peche du banc, et les autres des isles de l’Amerique Entre
autres nous avons rencontre un navire de la Rochelle, qui venoit de
a Martinique charge de sucre, et qui auparavant avoit fait voyage
en Gumee d ou il avoit apporte 150 negres, et deux peres Capucins
qui ont este obliges d abandonner leur poste de Guinee, veu le peu
de progres qu llz y faisoyent. Presque tout 1’ equipage et le cap-
ltaine sont protestans. Ils vinrent 4 nostre bord avec leur chaloupe
et nous promirent qu’ilz ne tarderoient pas longtemps a nous venir
voir a Boston, pour fai re reparation d’avoir malheureusement suc-
combe. Ils nous dirent de plus que presque tous les habitans des
isles franqoises protestans sont sortis ; nous en avons icy plusieurs
a Boston avec toute leur famille.
I ar un navire arrive des isles nous avons nouvelles que la plus
grande partie de nos pauvres fibres qui avoient est6 conduits k
llsle aaint-Martm se sont sauv6s dans l’isle Saint-Eustache qui
1 By the kindness of M. Ph. Plan, Librarian of the Public Library
ot Geneva, I am enabled to give above a carefully collated transcript of
this interesting document, which was originally published in the Bulletin
de la s°ci6t6 de 1 histoire du protestantisme franjais, volume xvi (Fev
rier, 1867,) pp. 69-81. * vi., ^rev-
NARRATIVE OF A FRENCH PROTESTANT REFUGEE
IN BOSTON.
[See above, volume I., page 233; volume II., pages X83-185, 202-204, 226, 258, 27x, 300.]
Bv the goodness of God, I arrived in this favored land in perfect
health on°the seventeenth of last month, after a passage of fifty -
three davs— counting from the day we left the Downs, sixty miles
from London to the day we reached Boston— and I may say, that
S* 4 “sE:rthe ssr
'i'ry ^SRhreeniSfts1 during which we experienced a heavy storm,
ihT.ime passed agreeably ag„d delightfully, every person on board
i • tKp women the vounsr girls and the childien
gathered onThf deck" al moS^e^y, for diversion. We did not
have the pleasure of fishing on the Banks, inasmuch as we did not
reach^ them Tut sailed fifty leagues to the south of them our
course bein°- almost uniformly from east to west. We reached the
fathude of fhe Fayal islands, [the Azores,] passing within sixty
leagues of them. These islands belong to the Portuguese and l e
at fhe distance of four hundred leagues from England. Were it
no for the fear of the corsairs of Salee, [Morocco,] which fre-
■ i :n +r,e vicinity of these islands, vessels would often
S Li harbo s ; b„ on account of those pirates they avotd
them keeping to the north. We met while at sea a great many
shins’ some coming from the fisheries on the Banks, and others
progress 1 y Thev came to us on their long boat,
g32* “ -
that the greater oTS. Eus-
to the island of St Martin nau . ^ d ^ .g hoped that the rest
may soonbe receTved. You have doubtless learned that one of the
1687.
APPENDIX.
380
appartient aux Hollandois, et 1’on espere avoir bientot le reste.
Vous aurez sans doubte sceu qu’il se perdit un navire des trois qui
conduisoit ces pauvres freres, duquel il ne se sauva que l’esquip-
age. Dieu pardonne k ces cruels, qui sont cause de ces malheurs
et les convertisse ! Par un autre navire arrive de la nouvelle
Yhork, nous avons des lettres qui nous marquent que le gouver-
neur de Kebecq avoit escrit une lettre fort choquante au gouver-
neur de la nouvelle Yhork, sur ce qu’il avoit donne des munitions
aux Iroquis qui sont en guerre avec les Franqois, en luy disant
que, s’il leur continuoit son secours, il les viendroit voir cest hiver.
M. le gouverneur de la nouvelle Yhork luy fit responce comme il
le meritoit, et a mesme temps fit faire une levee de 3 a 4 milles
hommes tous Anglois, (n’ayant pas voulu detourner les Francois
de leurs nouvelles habitations oil ilz ont besoin d’une grande
assiduity au travail,) pour camper cest hiver sur la frontiere et
observer les demarches des Franqois. Le gouverneur de Vir-
ginie a ordre de se tenir prest avec ce qu’il pourra lever de gens
pour venir a son secours, au cas il en eut de besoin. Je croy que
les mesmes ordres sont icy; Boston seul peut fournir 15 milles
hommes combatans, et s’il faut croire ce qu’on m’a dit, il en peut
mettre 20 mille. S’il se passe quelqu’autre chose de nouveau, je
ne manqueray pas a vous en faire part. Je respond presentement
aux articles dont il vous a pleu me charger a mon depart, du moins
a ceux desquels j’ay desja pris connoissance.
Premierement pour venir dans ce pays, il faut s’embarquer k
Londres, d’ou il part tous les mois l’un pourl’autre un navire. Le
temps le plus propre pour s’embarquer est a la fin de mars, ou a
la fin d’aoust et au commencement de septembre. Ce sont les
veritables saisons, d’autant plus qu’il ne fait ni trop chaud ni trop
froid, et que l’on n’est plus dans le temps des calmes qui sont
frequents en este, et qui sont cause que les navires demeu-
rent des 4 mois a passer de dega, outre que les chaleurs causent
souvent des maladies dans le navire. L’on n’a point des fatigues a
essuier, lors que 1’on a avec soy des bons rafraichissemens et de
toute sorte Ill est bien aussy d’avoir un chirurgien dans le navire
ou Ton s’embarque, comme nous avionsdans le nostre. A 1’esgard
du danger, il faut prendre garde de s’embarquer sur un bon navire
et bien equipe du monde et du canon, et bien pourveu de vituailles,
surtout que pain et l’eau ne manque pas. Pour la route j’en ay
suffisamment parle cy-dessus, il n'y a du danger qu’en approchent
les terres, et sur le banc de sable qu’on trouve. Nous avons sonde
en deux endroits, au cap de Sable, que est dans le coste du Port-
Royal ou Accadie, ou nous trouvames 90 brasses. Alors nous
n’estions qu’a 20 lieues de terre ; nous prismes au large, et vinsmes
sur le Banc Saint-George qui est a 80 lieues de Boston, ou nous
trouvasmes 100 brasses. Du despuis, nous ne sondasmes plus, car
trois jours apres nous vismes le cap Coot, qui est a 20 lieues de
Boston du coste du Slid, et le lendemain nous arrivasmes a Boston,
apres avoir trouve une quantite de fort jolies isles qui se trouvent
devant Boston, la plus part cultivees et habitees par des peysans,
qui font une tres-belle veue. Boston est situe au fond d’une baie
qui aura de 3 a 4 lieues de tour, enclos des isles que je vous ay dit.
appendix.
381
three ships that carried these poor brethren was lost, and only the
crew were saved. God forgive the cruel men who weie the cause
of These disasters, and convert them ! By another ship that has
arrived from New York, we have had letters informing us that tl e
governor of Quebec has written a very offensive letter to the gov¬
ernor of New' York, regarding the supplies which t3n3^m that
the Iroquois who are at war with the French, telling him, that
should he continue such aid, he will come to see him this winter.
The governor of New York answered him as he deserved, and at
the sfme time caused a levy to be made of three or four thousand
men all English, (as he was not willing to call the French away
from their new habitations, where their most assiduous labois aie
needed I to encamp this winter upon the frontier, and watch the
proceedings of the French. The governor of Virginia has his orders
to hold himself ready, with the men whom he may be able to raisj
to come to his help, should he require it. I think the same order
have reached this place; Boston alone can furnish hfte en tho usand
fip-hting men and if 1 am to believe what is told me, can laise as
manv fsTwenty thousand. Should anything else of interest occur,
i 3 not failto inform you of it. I reply at present to the articles
with reference to which you were pleased to charge n.e upon my
departure; at least, to those concerning which I ha\e ahea y
°'Tirsfin orfer M come to this country, it is necessary to embark
a, London, from which place a ship sat * ““art of Sarth
The most favorable time for embarking is the latter .part ot Ma c ,
or.\c end of August SSher uSS
“hhelfo™Phrnertnoo'c^,,a'dmo^does no, cxpencncc the dead
weYhad in our ship. With regard to danger, one must be particu-
Zr to take nSe on a good vessel, well equipped with men and
w th cannot andgweil provided with victuals and »,.h
an unfailing supply of bread and wa er. A to the route
S^ues^m1^,^
for three days a ° , the following day we reached Bos-
L'^cr lc ing a muldtude of exceedingly pre ty islands in front
of them cultivated, and inhabited by peasants and
gSSSSfSSSiSS
382
APPENDIX.
1687. Quels temps qu’il fasse, les navires sont en seurete. La ville est
basbe sur la pente d’une petite colline, et aussy grande que La
Rochelle. La ville et le dehors n’ont pas plus de trois milles de
circuit, car c est presque une isle: 1’on n’auroit qua couper des
trois cent pas de largeur tout sable, qui en moins de deux fois 24
heures rend Boston une isle que la mer battroit de tous costes. La
ville est presque toute bastie de maisons de bois ; mais despuis que
f fcu f fait, quelques ravages, d n’est plus permis de bastir de bois
de sorte qu ilz se font presentement de fort jolies maisons de brique.’
Je devois vous dire, dans le commencement de cest article que
1 on paye a Londres pour passer icy 20 escus, et 24 si l’on’ veut
payer a Boston, de sorte qu’il vaut mieux payer icy qua Londres •
I on a un escu de quitte, parce que 100 livres de Londres font icy
125 liv.. de sorte que 20 escus k Londres l’on devroit payer icy 2/
a raison de 25 p %, et Ton n’en paye que 24; cette augmentation
argent est d un grand secours aux pauvres refugiez, pour peu
qu 1 1 z en apportent. s p ^
2e. II n y a icy point d’autre religion que la presbyterienne l’an-
g icanne, l'anabatiste et la nostre. Nous^i’a/ons “o.nt te
papistes, du moms qui nous soyent cognus.
•. 36- resPondray au troisiesme article touchant le R lorsaue
J en seray mieux informe. lorsque
B°st°n est situe soubz le 42 1-2 degre, de latitude septentrio-
nalle. II est presentement jour 4 six heures du matin, et nuit a six
heures ; j entends 1 aube du jour, trouvant presque une heure de
prescuspulle [crepuscule] jusqu’au lever du soleil
laA«™«Tci“'Lacdrol''' * *» « »«-
propre a M. le president et la f de Nicmok appart.ent en
Boston, et autant esloignee de la mer de sorte que lorsqu’d™6
lent envoyer ou recevoir quelaue chose He ’ iorsqu Hz veu-
pa,- charetle. ,1 y a des'Sl'i"^
APPENDIX.
383
built upon the slope of a little hill, and is about as large as La
Rochelle. With the surrounding land it measures not more than
three miles around, for it is almost an island. It would only be
necessary to cut through the sand about three hundred paces, and in
less than twice twenty-four hours Boston would be made an island,
with the sea beating upon it on every side. The town consists
almost entirely of houses built of wood : but since the ravages
made by fires, it is no longer allowed to build of wood, and several
very handsome houses of brick are at present going up. I ought
to have stated to you, at the beginning of this article, that the
price paid in London for a passage hither is twenty crowns, and
twenty-four crowns if one chooses to pay in Boston, so that it is
better to pay here rather than in London ; one has a crown clear,
since a hundred pounds of London make here one hundred and
twenty-five pounds, so that twenty crowns in London ought to cost
twenty-five crowns here, at 25 per cent., but cost only twenty-four.
This increase in the value of money is of great advantage to the
poor refugees, if they bring ever so little.
II. There is no other religion here than the Presbyterian, the
Anglican, the Anabaptist, and our own. We have no Papists, or
at least none that are known to us.
III. I will reply as to the third article, touching [the King], when
I shall be better informed upon the subject.
IV. Boston is situated in degree 42X north latitude. At present
it is day at six o’clock in the morning, and night at six ; I mean
the dawn, as there is almost an hour of twilight before sunrise.
V. I do not answer as to your fifth article, not having yet trav¬
eled through the country. I am to leave for Narragansett two
days hence. Upon my return, God helping, I will speak to you
of the quality and fertility of the ground, and of its products.
VI. With regard to the acquisition of lands, those that are taken
up in the Narragansett country cost twenty pounds sterling per
hundred acres, ready money ; and on time, twenty-five pounds at
the end of three years : but the lands are not yet paid for, because
it is not known whether that country will remain with the proprie¬
tors— improperly so called— or with the king. Pending the decision
of this matter, no payments will be made upon the lands. How¬
ever, one can only be compelled to pay the price stated above, and
according to the contract made in the presence of the mayor of the
town. Indeed, it is said that should the lands fall to the king,
nothing or very little will be paid, the crown contenting itself with
a small quit-rent, in consideration of which one may sell or
mortgage, as rightful owner. The Nipmuck country is the prop¬
erty of the president [of the Council], and the land costs nothing.
I do not yet know how much land is given to each family : some
persons have told me, from fifty to a hundred acres, according to
the family.
VII. and VIII. To be answered later.
IX. It rests with those who wish to take up lands, to do so in
the one or the other of the two countries, on the seaboard or
inland. The Nipmuck country lies inland, twenty leagues from
APPENDIX.
1687.
384
cette habitation, fertilles en poisson, et bois plein de chasse. M.
Bondet en est le ministre. II n’y a encore d’habitans que 52 per-
sonnes. La contree de Noraganzet est a 4 milles de la mer, et par
consequent elle a plus de commerce avec les isles maritimes,
comme Boston, Plemud, et l’isle de Roderlan, qui n’en est qu’a dix
milles. C’est une isle k ce qu’on m’a dit fort habitee, et d’un grand
negosse, ce que je sauray moy mesme. Ilya k Noraganzet envi¬
ron 100 personnes ; M. Carre en est le ministre.
ioe. L’on peut mener avec soy des engages de quelle vocation
que ce soit ; il en faut necessairement pour travailler les terres.
L’on peut tenir aussy des negres et negresses ; il n’y a point de
maison dans Boston, pour peu de moien qu’ilz aient, qu’ilz n’en
aient un ou deux. 11 y en a de ceux qui en ont cinq ou six, et tout
cela gaigne bien sa vie.
L’on se sert des sauvages pour travailler vos terres, moyennant
un chelin 1-2 par jour, et nourris quy est 18 pences ; bien entendu
qu’il leur faut fournir le bestail ou outilz pour travailler. Il est
mieux d’avoir des engages pour travailler vos terres. Les negres
coutent de 20 jusqu’4 40 pistolles, suivant qu’ilz sont adroitz ou
robustes ; il n’y a point de risque qu’ilz vous quittent, ni mesme
des engages, car des aussy tost qu’un manque de la ville, Ton n’a
qua advertir les sauvages, qui, moiennant qu’on leur promette
quelque chose, et leur depeindre 1’homme, il est bien tost trouve.
Mais cela arrive rarement qu’ilz vous quittent, car ilz ne sauroient
ou aller, ayant peu de chemins frayes, et ceux qui sont frayes s’en
vont k des villes ou villages anglois, qui,en escrivant, vous renvoyent
d’abord vos gens. Il y a les capitaines de navire qui en peuvent
enlever ; mais c’est un larrecin manifeste et quy seroit rigoureuse-
ment puny. L’on peut bastir des maisons de brique et de char-
pente a bon marche, pour ce qui est des materiaux, car pour la
main des ouvriers elle est fort chere : Ton ne scauroit faire travail¬
ler un homme a moins de 24 p. par jour et nourry.
ne, 1 2e, I3e. A respondre.
He. Les pasturages abondent icy. L’on peut y elever toute
sorte de bestiaux qui viennent fort bien. Un boeuf coute de 12 a
15 escus; une vasche, 8 k 10; des chevaux, de 10 jusqu’4 50 escus
et en quantite. Il y en a mesme des sauvages dans les bois, que si
vous pouvez les avoir, ilz sont k vous. L’on prend quelquefois les
poulains. Le boeuf couste 2. p. la livre ; le mouton 2 p. ; le cou-
chon de 2 jusques k 3 p„ suivant la saison ; la farine 14 chelins les
1 1 2 livres, toute passde ; le poisson est 4 grand marche, et le legume
aussy; choux, navaux, oignons et carrottes abondent icy. De
plus, il y a quantite de noies, chatagnes et noisettes sauvages. Le
APPENDIX.
385
Boston, and equally distant from the sea; so that when anything 1687.
is to be sent to or received from Boston, it must be carried by
wagon. There are small rivers and ponds, abounding in fish, and
woods full of game, around this settlement. M. Bondet is the
minister of the place. As yet the inhabitants number only fifty-
two persons. The Narragansett country lies four miles from the
sea, and consequently has more trade with the maritime islands,
such as Boston, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, which is only ten
miles off. It is, I am told, a very populous island, and has a flour¬
ishing trade : of which I shall know for myself. There are in
Narragansett about one hundred persons : M. Carr6 is the min¬
ister.
X. One may bring with him persons bound to service, of what¬
ever calling; they are indispensable in order to the cultivation of
the ground. One may also hold negroes, male and female ; there
is not a house in Boston, however small the means of the family,
that has not one or two. Some have five or six, and all earn well
their living.
The savages are employed, for the tilling of the lands, at a shil¬
ling and a half, or eighteen pence per day, with their board. Of
course they must be supplied with beasts or with tools for labor.
It is better to have persons bound to service for the cultivation of
the soil. Negroes cost from twenty to forty pistoles, according to
their skill or vigor. There is no danger that they, or even that the
bond-servants will leave you, for so soon as one is missing from
the town, it is only necessary to give notice of the fact to the
savages, and describe the person to them, promising them some
reward, and the man is soon found. But it seldom happens that
they leave you, for they would not know whither to go, few roads
having been opened, and those that have been opened, leading to
English towns or villages, which, upon your writing to them,
would forthwith send back your people to you. There are ship¬
masters who might carry them off ; but that is a manifest larceny,
and one which would be severely punished. Houses of brick, and
of wood, can be built cheaply, as it regards the materials, for as to
manual labor, that is very dear ; a man could scarcely be induced
to work for less than twenty-four pence per day and his board.
Articles XI., XII., XIII., to be answered later.
XIV. Pasturage abounds here. All sorts of cattle can be
raised, and they do well. An ox costs from twelve to fifteen
crowns ; a cow, from eight to ten ; horses, from ten up to fifty
crowns, and plenty of them. There are indeed wild ones in the
woods, which you may appropriate if you can secure them. The
colts are sometimes caught. Beef is sold at two pence per pound,
mutton at two pence, pork at two pence to three pence, according
to the season ; meal, already sifted, at fourteen shillings per
quintal ; fish is very cheap, and so are vegetables ; cabbages,
turnips, onions and carrots, are in abundance. Moreover, there
are quantities of wild walnuts, chestnuts and hazel-nuts. The
APPENDIX.
1687.
386
fruit en est petit, mais d’un gout merveilleux. L’on m’a dit qu il
yen a d ’autre sorte que nous verrons dans la saison. Lon
m’asseure que les bois sont pleins de fraises dans la saison J ay
veu quantite de vigne sauvage, et mang6 du raisin qu un de mes
amis avoit conserve d’un fort bon gout,. L on ne doute point que
la vigne ne se fasse tr£s-bien ; il y en a quelque peu de plantee dans
la contree, qui a pousse. L’on a de la peine d avoir du plant
d’Europe. Si Ton en avoit peu avoir, Ton en auroit beaucoup plus
plante. Ceux qui voudront passer de desga, doivent tacher d en
apporter avec eux du meilheur.
i5e, i6e, 17®, 1 8®. A respondre.
jne, Les rivieres sont fort poissonneuses, et nous avons si grande
quantite de poisson de mer et riviere qu on n en fait point de cas.
Il y a icy toute sorte de gens de mestie, et surtout des charpentiers
pour la construction des navires. Le lendemain de mon arrivee,
i’en vis mettre un a l’eau de 300 tonneaux, et du despuis on en a
mis deux autres un peu moins grans. Cette ville icy fait grand
negosse dans les isles de 1 Amerique et en Espagne. Ilz portent
dans les isles de la farine, du boeuf salle, du cochon salle, de
la mourue, de la futaille, du saumon salle, du maquereau salle, des
oignons et des huitres salees dans des barilz, desquelles il se peche
icy une grande quantite ; et pour leur retour ilz apportent du
sucre, du cotton en laine, de la mellasse, de l’indiguo, du racoul et
de pieces de 8 R. Pour ce qui est du negosse d’Espagne, ilz n’y
portent que du poisson sec, que Ton a icy de 8 4 12 chelins le
quintal, suivant sa qualite ; leur retour est en huiles, vin et eau de
vie, et autres marchandises qu’ilz font passer k Londres, car 1 on ne
peut rien faire apporter icy, venant de l’estranger, qui n ait aupar-
avant passe k Londres et paye le demi-droit, apres quoi l’on peut
le transporter icy ou Ton paye pour tout droit demy pour cent pour
l’entree, car de sortie les marchandises ne payent du tout rien.
20e. A respondre.
2ie. Il faut se desabuser que l’on fasse icy des avantages aux
refuges. A la verite du commencement Ton leur a donne quelque
subsistance, mais 4 present il ne faut rien esperer pour ceux qui
n’apporteront rien. A Nicmok, comme j ay dit cy-devant, 1 on donne
des terres pour rien, et k Noraganzet il les faut acheter 20 k 25 liv.
sterlin les cent acres, de sorte [que] qui n’apporte rien icy ne
trouve rien. 11 est bien vray qu'il y fait tres-bon vivre, et qu’avec peu
de chose Ton peut faire un bon establissement. Une famille de 3
ou 4 personnes peut avec 50 pistolles faire un joly establissement ;
,mais il n’en faut pas moins. Ceux qui en portent beaucoup, le
font k proportion.
22® et 23®. A respondre.
24e. L’on peut venir dans ce pays, et s’en retourner tout de
mesme comme en l’Europe, L’on y est fort libre, et 1 on y vit sans
aucune constrainte. Ceux qui souhaitent de venir dans ce pays
APPENDIX.
3 87
fruit is small, but wonderfully palatable. I am told that there are
other varieties, which we shall see in their season. I am assured
that the woods are full of strawberries in their season. I have
seen a quantity of wild vines, and have eaten grapes of a very good
flavor which one of my friends had preserved. No one doubts that
the vine will do very well ; some plants that have been set out in
the country have put forth. Difficulty has been experienced in
obtaining young vines from Europe. Had it been found practi¬
cable to procure them, many more would have been planted.
Those who intend to come over, should endeavor to bring with
them some of the best kinds.
Articles XV., XVI., XVII., XVIII., to be answered later.
XIX. The rivers abound with fish, and we have so much, both
of sea and of river fish, that no account is made of it. There are
persons here of every trade, and particularly carpenters for ship¬
building. The day after my arrival, 1 witnessed the launching of
a vessel of three hundred tons, and since then, two others, a little
smaller, have been launched. This town carries on an extensive
trade with the islands of America, [the West Indies,] and with
Spain. To the islands they take meal, salt beef, salt pork, cod¬
fish, staves, salt salmon, salt mackerel, onions, and oysters — a great
quantity of which are caught here — preserved with salt in barrels ;
and upon their return they bring sugar, cotton-wood, molasses,
indigo, racoul [?] and pieces of eight [reals]. As for the trade
with Spain, they carry thither nothing but dry fish, which can be
had here at eight to twelve shillings per quintal, according to the
quality. Their return cargo consists of oils, wine, brandy and
other merchandise, which they pass [through the custom-house] at
London ; for nothing can be brought hither, from foreign parts,
without having passed at London and paid the half duty, after
which the goods may be transported to this place, where for all
duty one pays half per cent, impost ; for nothing at all is paid
upon exports.
Article XX., to be answered later.
XXL The impression that advantages are granted here to the
refugees is one that needs to be dispelled. At first, indeed, some
supplies were given them, but at present, nothing is to be hoped
for in behalf of those who bring nothing. At Nipmuck, as I have
before stated, lands are given away; and at Narragansett they
have to be bought at twenty to twenty-five pounds sterling per
hundred acres, so that he who brings nothing hither finds nothing.
It is quite true that there is very good living here, and that, with a
very little, one can keep house very comfortably. A family of
three or four persons can keep house very nicely upon fifty pistoles ;
but nothing less would suffice. Those who bring many [persons]
spend in proportion.
Articles XXII., and XXIII., to be answered later.
XXIV. One can come to this country and return just as in
Europe. One is entirely free here, and lives without any con¬
straint. Those who wish to come to this country, should become
1687.
APPENDIX.
388
16 S7. icy, doivent se faire fridanniser h Londres pour estre libres de
negossier toute sorte de marchandises, et voyager dans les isles
angloises, sans quoy il ne se peut point.
25e, 26° et 27L A respondre.
Les articles que je manque k respondre sont ceux desquelz je ne
puis point donner aucune raison, parce qu’il faut m’en informer
exactement, et le voir moy mesme. Je vous ay dit cy dessus que
l’argent de Londres donne de proffit 25 p. %. Quoy que l’on voye
cet Advantage, il est pourtant mieux de porter des marchandises
sur lesquelles 1’on gagne pres de 100 p. % compris le 25 de
change, car l’on n’achete icy qu’en troc des marchandises,
et si vous donnez de 1 argent, il ne vous est point du tout avanta-
geux. Par autre occasion, je donneray le prix des marchan¬
dises, et les sortes qui sont propres pour ce pays icy, ce que
je ne puis faire encore, ne faisant que d’arriver. Si j'estois
arrive un mois ou deux plutost, j’aurois peu voir les recoltes
qui se font dans ce pays icy. J’y ay este assez a temps pour avoir
veu une quantite prodigieuse de pommes, desquelles Ton fait du
cidre qui est merveilleux. 120 pots necoutent que 8 chelins, et au
cabaret on le vend 2 p. le pot, 2 p. le pot de la biere. Il y en a de
la petitte qui ne coute que 5 a 6 chelins 120 pots. Je dois prendre
chambre avec un de mes amis, et faire nostre ordinaire ensemble
pour passer nostre hiver, qu’on nous dit estre icy fort rude et long,
et l’este extremement chaud, ce que j’esprouveray, si Dieu me fait
la grace de le passer, et donner une relation exacte de toutes
choses. A Boston le 15-25 novembre 1687.
II.
Despuis mon arrivee, il n’est parti que deux navires par lesquels
je me suis donne l’honneur de vous escrire. Ma premiere lettre
estoit dattee du 15-25 novembre 87, ou j’ay respondu a plusieurs
articles de vostre memoire, et par celle cy je tacheray a respondre,
k quelques autres. Ma deuzieme lettre estoit du ier decembre par
laquelle vous aurez heu la relation exacte de mon voyage fait k
Noraganzet, et le nornbre des families qui y sont establies. J’ay
respondu au 2e article de vostre memoire touchant les religions ;
mais j’ay oublie a vous dire qu’il y a icy un temple d’anabatistes,
car pour les autres sectes dont je vous ay parle dans ma relation
de Noraganzet, c’est seulement pour ce pays-lh et non pour Boston,
car nous n’avons icy autres religions que l’anglicane, la presbite-
rienne, l’anabaptiste et la nostre. Pour des papistes, j’en ay decou-
vert depuis que je suis icy 8 ou 10, trois desquels sont Franqois et
viennent h nostre Eglize, et les autres sont Irlandois, k la reserve
du sirurgien [chirurgien] qui a famille. Les autres ne sont icy que
passagers.
3. Ce 3® article ne m’est pas encore bien cogneu, quoy que je
me sois exactement informe des personnes qui sont en quelque
maniere distingues des autres, et que j’ay creu m’en devoir eclaircir.
Cependant ils ne savent rien, peut estre veulent ilz ignorer ; toutes
APPENDIX.
389
naturalized in London, in order to be at liberty to engage in traffic
of all kinds, and to voyage among the English islands ; without
this, it cannot be done.
Articles XXV., XXVI., XXVII., to be answered later.
The articles upon which I fail to reply are those concerning
which I can give no satisfaction, because it is necessary that I
should inform myself accurately about them, and see for myself.
I have above mentioned to you that English money yields twenty-
five per cent, profit. In view of this advantage, it is better, not¬
withstanding, to bring goods, upon which one gains nearly a hund¬
red per cent, including the exchange at twenty-five per cent., for
purchases are made here only by way of barter, and if you pay in
money, it is not of any advantage. By another opportunity, I will
state the prices of goods, and the kinds that are suited to this
country, which I cannot do yet, having but just arrived. Had I
reached here a month or two earlier, I might have seen the gather¬
ing in of the crops. I came in season to see a prodigious quantity
of apples, of which they make cider that is marvelous. A barrel
costs only eight shillings, and in the taverns they sell it for two¬
pence per quart, and beer for twopence. There is a kind of small
beer that costs only from five to six shillings per barrel. I am to
take rooms with one of my friends, and we shall board together
for the winter, which, they tell us, is very severe and very pro¬
tracted, whilst the summer is extremely hot. Of this I shall judge
by experience, should God permit me to live through it, and to
give an exact account of all things.
Boston, November 15/25, 1687.
II.
Since my arrival, only two vessels have sailed from this place,
by both of which I have had the honor to write to you. My first
letter was dated the 15/25 November, 1687, in which I answered
several of the articles of your memorandum: and in the present one
I shall endeavor to reply to certain others. My second letter was
of the first of December; by which you will have had an exact
account of my trip to Narragansett, and the number of the families
that are settled there. I have replied to the second article of your
memorandum, touching religions ; but I forgot to tell you that the
Anabaptists have a place of worship here. As for the other sects
ot which I spoke to you in my account of Narragansett, what I
said related only to that country, and not to Boston : for we have here
no other religions besides the Anglican, the Presbyterian, the
Anabaptist and our own. As to Papists, I have discovered eight
or ten since I have been here. Three of these are French, and
attend our Church. The others are Irish, save the surgeon, who
has a family. The rest are here only transiently.
III. This third article is not yet well known to me, though I
have made particular inquiry of persons who are in some sense
distinguished from others, and who I thought might enlighten me
upon the subject ; yet, they know nothing about it, Perhaps they
1687.
390
APPENDIX.
fois il n’y a pas de doubte que tout ne soit soubmis aux ordres de
S. M. B. et que nous refugies ne soyons icy en toute seurete. Nous
n’avons icy autre cour qu’un presidial qui juge du civil et du cri-
minel, compose dun president et 12 conseillers qui ont les mesmes
loix et coutumes qu’ilz avoient cy devant. Tout ce qu’ily a de plus,
c’est que M. le gouverneur assiste au conseil toutes les fois qu’il
lui plait, et c’est lui qui tient la balance. On a despuis peu aug¬
ments les droits du vin ; ce qui ne payait que dix chelins la pipe k
la coutume en paye k present 30 ; et les cabaretiers qui ne payoient
que 50 chelins par pipe de vin qu’ilz vendoient, en payent a present
100, et 1 2d. par gallon d’eau de vie, 3od. par baril de cidre, et 30 p.
par baril de biere. Pour les autres marchandises, elles payent a
l’ordinaire y2 p. %. Outre ce presidial, il y a 8 juges k paix qui sont
pour les affaires civilles qui surviennent dans la ville. Ce n’est pas
qu’ilz puissent entierement defffnir aucune affaire ; si les parties
aiment la chicanne, ilz en appellent au presidial, ou au conseil de
24 qu’on n’assemble que dans des affaires de la derniere conse¬
quence.
5° . Je ne puis respondre a cest article qu’en partie, n’ayant point
veu encore de fruit sur les arbres ; mais je sqay bien que pour des
figuiers, orangers, citronniers, oliviers, grenadiers, amandiers et
muriers, il n’y en a point, le pays estant trop froid. Cependant je
puis vous assurer que j'ay passe des hivers en Languedoc plus rudes
que celluy cy. Nous n’avons eu que tres-peu de glace et deux fois
de la neige, d’un pied de hauteur chaque fois. Il est vray aussy que
des Anglois m’ont dit qu’il y avoit plus de 50 ans qu’on n’avoit veu
un hiver si doux ; mais ce que j’admire de ce pays icy, c’est qu’il
ne pleut jamais passe 3 jours du mois. Depuis que je suis arrive, je
lay remarque ; apres quoy vous avez des jours serains, un air subtil
et frais, ce qui fait qu’on voit tres-peu de maladies, et beaucoup
de gens de bonne appetit. Le terrain est icy de differente bonte,
comme je vous ay deja dit. Il y en a de sablonneux, d’autre noir,
d’autre jonastre, et d’autre roux ; k la reserve du sablonneux, tout
le reste produit fort bien. L’on recueille icy quantite de bled d’Inde,
qui ne vaut a present que 16 d. le boisseau ; l’on y recueille aussy
du bled, froment et segle, mais non pas en grande quantite, et tout
y vient fort bien, les legumes aussy ; pour la vigne elle y viendra
fort bien ; Ton ne fait seulement que d’en planter. Il est arrive une
coche de Fayalles qui a apporte du plant. Les Franqois s’appliquent
autant qu’ilz peuvent a la faire venir.
7e . L’on cultive la terre avec la charrue, et apres que le terre est
bien preparee, Ton fait avec une cheville un trou en terre et l’on
y met 4 ou 5 grains de bled d’Inde. Les trous sont distans 6galle-
ment les uns des autres. Et lors que le bled est haut, Ton rehausse
le pied de terre autant qu’on peut, afin que le vent ne le coupe,
lorsqu’il vient k estre charge de ses espis. L’autre bled se seme
comme en Europe.
APPENDIX.
391
choose to ignore it. However, there is no doubt at all that every¬
thing is subject to the orders of his Britannic Majesty, and that
our refugees are in complete security here. We have here no
court besides an Inferior Court, which tries both civil and criminal
cases. It is composed of a president and twelve councilors, who
observe the same laws and customs as heretofore. The only
additional feature is, that the governor attends the Council when¬
ever he so pleases, and has the casting vote. The duty upon wine
has lately advanced ; for, whereas ten shillings per butt were
formerly paid at the customs, thirty shillings are paid now ; and
the tavern-keepers who paid only fifty shillings per butt for the
wine they sold, now pay one hundred, and twelve pence per gallon
of brandy, thirty pence per barrel of cider, and thirty pence per
barrel of beer. Upon other goods, one-half of one per cent, is paid
ordinarily. In addition to this inferior court, there are eight
justices of the peace, who take cognizance of civil cases that occur
in the town. It is not within their province to issue any case. If
the parties are anxious for litigation, they appeal from them to the
Inferior Court, or to the Council of Twenty-four, which meets
only for transactions of the last importance.
V. I can reply to this article only in part, since I have not yet
seen any fruit on the trees ; but I know very well that of fig, orange,
lemon, olive, pomegranate, almond and mulberry trees, there are
none ; the country being too cold. Nevertheless, 1 can assure you
that I have passed winters in Languedoc severer than the present
one. We have had very little ice, and snow only twice, to the
depth of a foot each time. It is also true that the English tell
me that for more than fifty years there has not been seen so mild
a winter. But what I admire in this countiy is, that it never rains
more than three days in the month. Since my arrival, I have
remarked this. After which, you will have serene days, an atmo¬
sphere subtle and fresh, the effect of which is that one sees very
little sickness, and a great many people with excellent appetites.
The soil here varies in quality, as I have already told you. There
is some that is sandy, some that is black, some yellowish, some
red. All these, except the sandy soil, are very productive. A great
deal of Indian corn is raised here; it brings at present only sixteen
pence per bushel. Wheat and rye are raised also, but not in large
quantities; and both do very well. So, also, with vegetables. As
for the vine, it will thrive very well ; they have only begun to plant
it. A vessel has just arrived from Fayal, bringing some young
vines. The French are doing their utmost to procure it.
VII. The land is tilled by means of the plow, and when the
earth has been well prepared, a hole is made in the ground with a
peer, and four or five kernels of Indian corn are placed in it. The
holes are made at equal distances from one another. Then, when
the stalk has reached a certain height, the earth around its base is
raised as much as possible, in order that the wind may not break
it when it comes to be loaded with ears. Other corn is sown as in
Europe.
1687.
392
APPENDIX.
1687. 8e . Les terres ne sont icy chargees d’aucun impot, jusqu’4 pre¬
sent. Je vous ai dit de la maniere qu’on les peut acquerir, a Nora-
ganzet. II y a icy diverses families franqoises qui ont achete des
habitations des Anglois toutes faites, et qu’ilz ont eu a grand mar-
che. M. de Bonrepos, frere a nostre ministre, en a achete une a
quinze milles d’icy, et a une lieue d’une ville fort jollie, et ou il y
a grand negosse, qu’on appelle Sellem, pour 68 pistolles de 10 livres
de France l’une. La maison est fort jolie, et elle n’a jamais este
faite pour 50 pistolles. II y a 17 acres de terre toutes defrichees,
et un petit verger. M. Legare, un marchand orphevre franqois, en a
achete une a 12 milles d’icy du coste du sud, sur le bord de la
mer, ou il a une fort jolie maison et 10 acres et y2 de terre pour
80 pistolles de 10 liv. de France la piece. Il a encore sa part dans
des comunaux, ou il peut envoyer paistre ses bestiaux, et faire
couper du bois pour sa provision, et pour en vendre icy, le pouvant
envoyer commodement par mer. Il se trouve tous les jours des occa¬
sions semblables, et de metairies a ferme autant qu’on veut, et a
un prix modique. M. Mousset, un de nos Franqois, se trouvant
charge de famille, en prend une 4 ferme que 1’on luy donne a 8 pis¬
tolles l’annee ; il y a une bonne maison, et 20 acres de terres de¬
frichees. Il peut faire 6 a 7 barils de cidre, et le maistre luy donne
le revenu de deux vaches. Si nos pauvres freres refugies qui s’en-
tendent a travailler les terres, venoient de desga, ilz ne pourraient
que vivre fort comodement et gagner du bien, car les Anglois sont
beauceup feneans, et ne s’entendent qua leur bled d’Inde et en
bestiaux.
Il n’y a pas icy a Boston passe 20 families franqoises, et tous les
jour elles diminuent parce qu’elles s’en vont a la campagne acheter
ou prendre de terres a ferme, et tacher a faire quelque establisse-
ment. L’on en attend ce printemps de tous les costes. Il vient d’ar-
river deux jeunes hommes de la Caroline, qu’ilz donnent quelque
nouvelle du pays : premierement ilz disent qu’ilz n’ont jamais veu
un si miserable pays, ni un air si mal sain. Ilz y ont des fievres
pendant toute l’annee, desquelles rarement ceux qui en sont at-
teint en relevent ; que s il y en a quelqu’un qui en rechappe, ilz
deviennent tout bazannes, comme sont ces deux qui sont arrives,
qui font compassion. De plus les chaleurs y sont si apres, qu’il est
presque impossible de les supporter, et qui leur infectoit les eaux,
et par consequant leur causoit les maladies, n’ayant autre boisson
que celle 14. Ilz nous donnent de plus nouvelle qu’avant leur de¬
part il estoit arrive un navire venant de Londres, ou il y avoit
130 personnes, comprins l'equipage du navire, desquels il en est
mort 1 1 5, dbs qu’ilz ont este 4 terre, tout par de fievres malio-nes
qui se mirent parmy eux. Il y a environ 80 personnes qui &s’en
viennent de la Caroline pour venir s’establir icy ou 4 la nouvelle
York. M. Gaillard, que mon pere connoit, est arrive avec toute sa
famille en Caroline, et M. Brie de Montpelier. M. Delbos se porte
bien et devoit partir Dar la premiere occasion pour la nouvelle
York ou pour icy.
APPENDIX.
o9j
VIII. Lands, up to the present, are not burdened with any tax. 1687.
I have told you in what manner they may be acquired in Narra-
gansett. There are several French families here, that have bought
habitations already improved from the English, and have obtained
them on very reasonable terms. M. de Bonrepos, our minister’s
brother, has purchased one at a distance of fifteen miles from this
place, and within one league of a very pretty town, having a con¬
siderable trade, which they call Salem, for sixty-eight pistoles of
ten livres of France each. The house is very pretty, and was
never built for fifty pistoles. There are seventeen acres of land,
completely cleared, and a small orchard. M. L£gare, a French
merchant— a goldsmith— has purchased a property twelve miles
south of this place, on the sea-coast, where he has a very pretty
house, and twelve acres and a half of land, for eighty pistoles of
ten livres of France each. Besides, he has his share in the com¬
mon lands, to which he can send his cattle for pasture, and where
he can cut wood for his own use, and to sell here, as he can readily
send it by sea. Similar opportunities occur daily; and of farms on
lease, as many as are wanted may be had, and at low prices. M.
Mousset, one of our Frenchmen, being burdened with a family, has
taken a farm on lease for which he pays eight pistoles a year.
There is a good dwelling-house upon it, with twenty acres of
cleared land. He can make six or seven barrels of cider, and the
owner gives him the use of two cows. If our poor refugee breth¬
ren who understand farming should come here, they could not fail
to live very comfortably, and gain property ; for the English are
very lazy, and are proficient only in raising their Indian coin and
cattle.
There are not over twenty French families here in Boston, and
they are diminishing in number every day, because they go off into
the country to buy or lease lands and attempt a settlement. Others
are expected this spring from every quarter. Two young men
have just arrived from Carolina, who give some account of the
country. In the first place, they say, they have never before seen
so miserable a countrv, nor an atmosphere so unhealthy, fevers
prevail all the year, from which those who are attacked seldom
recover; and if some escape, their complexion becomes tawny, like
that of the two who have arrived here, and who are pitiable to
behold. Moreover, the heat is so intense as to be almost unendur¬
able, and as to infect the water, consequently producing sickness,
as they have no other beverage. They bring us also the tidings
that before their departure a ship had arrived from London, with
one hundred and thirty persons on board, including the crew ; of
whom one hundred and fifteen died so soon as they landed, all
from malignant fevers which spread among them. Some eighty
persons are coming from Carolina to settle here, or in New York.
M. Gaillard, whom my father knows, has arrived in Carolina with
his whole family ; also, M. Brie, of Montpellier. M. Delbos is well,
and was to leave by the first opportunity for New York or for this
place.
394
APPENDIX.
i2e . J’ ay respondu a cest article touchant les sauvages dans ma
relation de Noraganzet.
I3e . Pour des betes feroces, nous avons icy quantite d’ours, etde
loups en grand nombre qui font du ravage aux moutons, lors qu’on
ne prend pas bien ses precautions. Nous y avons aussy quantite de
couleuvres sonnantes, mais elles ne se voyent pas encore. J’ay veu
seulement de petis serpens de grosseur de 3 pouces et longs a pro¬
portion ; il y en a beaucoup, car on les voit de 7 4 8 ensemble.
Tous ces animaux fuyent l’homme, et Ton ne voit pasqu’ilz fassent
du mal a personne.
15®. Les Anglois qui habitent les contrees sont comme ailleurs
bons et mauvaix ; mais Ton en voit plus des derniers que des pre¬
miers, et pour vous le dire en peu de mots, il y en a de toute, et
par consequent de toute sorte de vie et de moeurs ; ce n’est pas
qu’il y arrive parmy eux de debat ni querelle, mais c’est qu ilz ne
mhnent pas bonne vie. Il y en a qui ne font autre formalite de ma¬
nage que de se toucher la main, et vivent bien ensemble; d’autres
qui ont 60 ans et ne sont pas encore baptizes, parce qu’ilz ne sont
point membres. Il y a environ un mois que l’on baptisa a nostre
Eglize une femme de 45 ans et 5 de ses enfans. Son ainee pouvoit
avoir 16 ans ; on ne la voulut point baptizer aux presbyteriens,
parce qu’elle ne s’estoit pas faite membresse.
i6e . Il n’y a rien 4 craindre du coste des sauvages, car ilz sont en
petit nombre. Les dernieres guerres qu’ilz eurent avec les Anglois,
il y a 12 ans, les on reduits 4 petit nombre, et par consequent hors
d’estat de se deffendre.
17® . L’on trouve de la pierre rassiere pour batir, et de la brique
autant qu’on en veut. Elle coutte 16 chelins le millier.
1 8®. Il ne se fait point du sel dans ce pays ; on le porte de Lille
de la Tortille. Ceste annee, il est revenu plusieurs navires des isles
vuides, faute du sel et du sucre, les pluies ayant tout desole ; et
la mer est entree dans les salins, qui a tout fondu, de sorte que le
sel qui ne valait que 9 chelins la barrique, en vaut 4 present 14 ; et
comme les batiments commencent 4 partir pour la peche, il pour-
roit venir plus cher.
2o® . A la reserve des peleteries, toute autre sorte de marchandizes
sont bonnes pour iey, et surtout la draperie, toiles bleues, toiles
blanches, toiles peintes, ou indiennes de Levant, cables et manoeu¬
vres de navires, et toiles de Hollande pour les voiles. Surtoutes ces
marchandises l’on peut conter de 80 4 100 p. %, comprins le
25 p. % de change de la monnoie ; le tout se doit embarquer 4
Londres et payer le demi-droit, lorsqu’on les porte d’ailleurs 4
Londres, car tout doit y passer avant venir icy.
APPENDIX.
395
XII. I replied to this article, relating to the savages, in my 1687.
account of Narragansett.
XIII. With regard to wild beasts, we have here a quantity of
bears, and wolves in great numbers, who commit many depreda¬
tions among the sheep, when due precautions are not taken. We
have also a quantity of rattlesnakes, but they are not to be seen as
yet. I have only seen some small serpents, three inches thick and
of proportionate length ; there are many of them, for one sees
seven or eight of them together. All these creatures flee at the
approach of man, and it does not appear that they harm any one.
XV. The English who inhabit these countries are, as elsewhere,
good and bad ; but one sees more of the latter than of the former
class, and to tell it to you in few words, there are all kinds, and
consequently all kinds of life and manners. It is not that strife
and quarrels occur among them, but it is that they do not lead a
good life. There are some that practice no other formality of mar¬
riage than that of taking each other by the hand; and they live
together peaceably : there are others, sixty years of age, who have
not yet been baptized, because they are not members. About a
month ago, a woman forty-five years of age, was baptized in our
Church, with five of her children. Her eldest, a girl, may have
been sixteen years of age. They would not baptize her among the
Presbyterians, because she had not become a member.
/
XVI. There is nothing to fear from the savages, for there are
very few of them. The last wars they had with the English, twelve
years ago, reduced them to a small number, and consequently they
are not in a condition to defend themselves.
XVII. Stone suitable for building purposes is to be found, and
of brick as much as one may want. It costs sixteen shillings per
thousand.
XVIII. No salt is made in this country; it is brought from the
island of Tortola. This year, several ships have come back empty
from the islands, for want of both sugar and salt, the rain having
totally destroyed them, and the sea having made its way into the
salt-works, and completely melted them ; so that salt that brought
nine shillings per barrel is now worth fourteen ; and as the ships
are about to start for the fisheries, it may become dearer still.
XX With the exception of peltries, every kind of merchandise
is suitable for this place ; and especially woolen stuffs, blue and
white linens, calicoes, cables, and rigging for ships, and holland for
sails Upon all these goods, one can count on eighty per cent, to
a hundred per cent, profit, including the twenty-five per cent, profit
on exchange. The whole should be shipped at London, and the
half [per cent.] duty paid, if the goods be brought to London from
elsewhere ; for all goods must be passed theie befoie coming here.
396
APPENDIX.
1684.
JUDITH (GITON) MANIGAULT’S LETTER.
[See above, pages 112-114, 182, 183.]
Je veux faire une relation de notre sortie de France jusqu a la
Caroline, puisque vous le souhaitez. Nous avons souffert pendant
8 mois les contributions et les logemens des gens de guerre, pour
la religion, avec bien du mal. Nous primes done resolution de
sortir de France la nuit, et de laisser les soldats dans le lit, et lais-
ser la maison toute garnie. Nous fumes a Romans (en Dauphine)
nous cacher pendant dix jours, cependant qu’ils faisoient la
recherche pour nous trouver ; mais l’hotesse etant secrette ne nous
declara point, car on vint demander si on nous avait vus. De la
nous fumes passer a Lyons, de 14 4 Dijon, d’ou mon frere aine vous
ecrivit une lettre et une de Langres ; je ne sgais si vous les avez
regues. II vous marquoit que nous sortions de France. Nous
passames chez Mde de Choiseule, ou nous ne fimes rien du tout :
elle etoit morte, et son beau-fils etoit maitre en tout ; de plus, il
nous fit bien connoitre qu’il voyoit que nous voulions sortir de
France, que si nous voulions lui demander quelque chose, il nous
declareroit. Nous poursuivimes notre chemin pour aller 4 Metz
en Lorraine, d’ou nous nous embarquames sur la riviere de la Mo¬
selle pour aller 4 Treves ; de 14 nous fumes 4 Cocheim et 4 Cob-
lentz ; de la 4 Cologne, ou nous quittames le Rhin pour aller passer
dans des carioles, d’ou nous fumes a Vesselle (Wesel) ou nous
trouvames un hote qui parloit un peu frangois, qui nous dit qu’il
n’y avoit que trente lieues de 14 4 Lunebourg.
Nous savions que vous etiez 14 en quartier d’hiver, car nous
avions regu une de vos lettres quinze jours avant de sortir de
France, qui nous apprenoit que vous passiez 14 l'hiver. Notre
defunte mere et moi priames instamment notre frere-aine de vou-
loir passer par 14 ou nous laisser avec elle, cependant qu’il vous
pourroit aller voir lui-meme ; e’etait dans le plus fort de l’hiver _ -
mais il ne voulut jamais, n ayant que la Caroline en son esprit, de
peur de perdre quelque occasion pour y venir; ce qui m’a caus<§
toujours un grand chagrin quand j’ai pense 4 vous, et avoir perdu
une si belle occasion pour vous voir, au moins encore une fois.
Que j ai eu de regret de voir un frere avoir si peu de naturel ! que
je lui ai reproche de fois ! mais il etoit notre maitre, il nous fallok
faire tout comme il vouloit. Apres nous passames en Hollande
pour aller en Angleterre. Je ne me souviens pas bien dans
quelle annee c etoit ; en quatre vingt quatre ou en quatre
vingt cinq ; e’etoit l’annee que le Roi Charles d’ Angle¬
terre est mort (Fevr. 1685). Nous fumes trois mois 4 Londres
pour attendre un vaisseau pr£t pour Caroline. Etant embar-
ques nous fumes bien mal ; la fievre pourpreuse se mit dans
notre vaisseau, dont il en mourut beaucoup ; notre defunte mere en
mourut, dtant^agee. Nous fumes neuf mois avant d’arriver en Car¬
oline ; nous fumes 4 deux ports, un portugais, et une isle appellee
APPENDIX.
397
Bermoude, appartenant 4 l’Angleterre, pour racommoder notre
vaisseau, 4 cause d’une grande tempete ou nous fumes bien mal
traites. Notre capitainede vaisseau ayant fait quelque friponnene
fut mis en prison et le vaisseau saisi. Notre argent ayant ete en¬
ticement depense, ce fut avec la plus grande difficulte que nous
procurames passage dans un autre vaisseau. Apres notre arrivee
en Caroline nousavons souffert toutessortes de maux; notre frere
aine mourut un an et demi apres notre arrivee ici d une hevre, n etant
pas accoutumd au rude travail ou nous etions exposes. Nous nous
sommes vus depuis notre sortie de France en toute sorte d afflic¬
tions, en maladie, peste, famine, pauvrete, travailler bien rudement.
T'ai bien ete dans ce pais six mois sans avoir goute de pam, et que
je trav&illois a la terre comme une esclave, et meme j ai bien passe
trois ou quatre annees avant d’en avoir quand je voulus. Dieu
nous a fait une belle grace d’avoir pu resister 4 toutes sor es
depreuves. Je crois que si je voulois vous faire un detail de toutes
nos aventures je n’ aurois jamais fait. II suffit que Dieu a eu pi le
de moi, et a change mon sort 4 un plus heureux, gloire lui en soi
rendue.
DAILLE LETTERS.
Henricus Selyns, Minister of the Protestant Reformed Dutch
Church in New York, to the Boston Ministers.!
New York, May o | io, 1003.
Ego solus sum, et huic et circ [ ] jacentibus Ecclesijs solus a
sacrfs sum, singulis hebdomadibus ter in hac urbe, et aliquibus
plus alicubi concinando. Excep [ ] Rev. d°. Petro Daille, qui
Galliam deseruit persecutionis causa et qu [ ] concionatur, et .
Petro van Zuuren, qui non in hac urbe, sed qu [ ] dam in pa.gis
eloquiorum Dei promulgator est. Sunt vin, vita gemini et fidei.
( Translation .)
I am alone, and alone am ministering in sacred things to this
church and to circumjacent churches, by preaching three time .
every week in this city, and in some [weeks] oftener elsewhere
except the Reverend Mt Daille, who forsook I ranee on account
^persecution, and who preaches [to the French] and Me PeW
Van Zuuren, who is a promulgator of the oracles of God in certai
country places. They are men of similar life and faith.
The same to the Chassis of Amsterdam in Holland
Domine Peter Daille, late professor at Salmuis, [Saumur] has
1 Tames Allen, minister of the First Church in Boston, 1668 to 1710 ;
Increase Mather, minister of the Second or North Church • l6^to
and Samuel Willard, minister of the Third, or South Church, it>7
I7°7(Mather papers, (MSS.) Vol. V. No. 17. In Prince Library,
Boston Public Library.)
1685.
1683,
May
8 118.
398
APPENDIX.
1683. become my colleague. He is full of fire, godliness and learning.
Banished on account of his religion, he maintains the cause of
October Jesus with untiring zeal.1
21 | 31. 6
DAILLE TO INCREASE MATHER.2
1686, Clarissimo, doctissimoq. Domino Crescentio Mathero Verbi
May Divini fideli Ministro in urbe Bostoniensi.
2.
Reverendissime ac doctissime Vir :
Quod mei memineris in litteris, quas ad dominum Sleins colle-
gam meum doctum, scripsisti, perjucundum fuit : cum te bene erga
me affectum esse manifestum sit. Qua de re opera pretium fore
duxi, si tibi renunciarem, me viri 'pietate, charitate, doctrinaq.
insignis, magni facere benevolentiam. Quam, sibi alijsq. Gallis
profuturam, non fovisse Dominum Vandenbosh mirum est. Sed
rogo te, celebernme Domine, ne molestia a Domino Vandenbosh
illata in causa sit, cur minus faveas Gallis, qui iam adsunt in
vestrajirbe, quiq. ad earn sese recepturi sunt. Unius culpa alijs
innoxijs neque imputari, neque creare damnum debet. Itaque
pristina charitatis ergo fideles istos profugos, gravissimamq. perse-
cutionem passos, documenta te daturum spero : Neque etiam
dubito quin ad Ecclesiam Gallicam Bostoni restituendam manum
adhibere velis. Ad earn rem operam meam offero, ut non bene
antei gesta resarciantur. Tibi collegisq. tuis doctis gaudium
debitum pro moestitia immeriti efflorescat. Sumus fratres, fraterna
igitur amicitia colenda est ! Hoc etficere pro viribus mihi mens
est. Tibi collegisq. tuis inclytis (quibus plurimam etiam salutem
dico) significando me esse Reverende ac doctissime Vir obsequen-
tissimum addictissimumque Sruum [servumj tuum.
. Daillaeum.
Datum in Urbe Eboracensi die 2° men. maij, annoq. 1686.
( T?-anslation .)
To the most illustrious and learned Increase Mather, faithful min¬
ister of God’s word in the city of Boston.
Most Reverend and learned Sir:
It was exceedingly pleasant that you remembered me in the
letter which you wrote to Mr. Selyns, my colleague : since it is
clear that you are well disposed to me. Wherefore I thought that
it would be worth while, if I announced to you in return, that I
consider of great account the good will of a man illustrious for
piety, charity and doctrine. Which [good will], that Mr. Vanden-
bosch did not cherish, as likely to be of service to himself and other
■Memoir of Henricus Selyns, in Anthology of New Netherland bv
Henry c. Murphy. New York, 1865 . ’ y
2 Mather Tapers, in the Prince Library ; Public Library of the City of
APPENDIX.
399
Frenchmen, is surprising. But I beg you, most celebrated sir, 1686.
that the annoyance occasioned by Mr. Vanderbosch may not be
the occasion of your favoring less the French who are now in your May
city, and who shall betake themselves thither. The fault of a 2.
single person ought neither to be imputed to others, nor to do
them harm. I hope, therefore, that you will give, as of old, proofs
of your charity to those faithful refugees, who have suffered
the most severe persecution. Nor do 1 doubt that you will be
willing to lend a hand to the restoring of the French Church in
Boston. For this matter I offer my help, that affairs previously
not well managed may be mended. May merited gladness arise
for you and your learned colleagues, in place of undeserved sad¬
ness. We are brethren ; therefore fraternal friendship ought to be
cultivated ! It is my intention to effect this according to my
strength, signing myself as being, to you and your illustrious col¬
leagues (to whom I also send hearty greeting), Reverend and most
learned Sir, your most obedient and devoted servant,
Daille.
DAILL£ TO INCREASE MATHER.1
Reverende Vir
Dominus Selyns in genere solummodo mihi retulit, qua in par- July,
ticulari de Domino Van den Bosk ipsi scripseras. Sed ab aliis
audivi vos iure merito ej infestos esse, quod rempublicam eccle-
siamq. vestram male habuerit. Nos etiam experimur dictum Van-
denbosh omnia agere perverse, cum in animum multorum Gallo-
rum inducere conatus fuerit Dominum Deschamps (qui in Bostoniae
vixit) admittendum esse ad sacram synaxim, etiam si consistonum
nostrum contrarium censuerit, quod tumultus quosdam in eccle-
sia nostra antea pacata excitavit. Sed ut alia multa praetermittam,
ille adversus fidem datam, et id quod honestum iustumq. est duas
partes (quae degunt ruri) ecclesias nostrae sibi arripuit, ita ut eccle-
sia nostra, quae ante adventum memorati Vandenbosh intime con-
iuncta, et, ut ita dicam, unum cor, unaq. anima erat, iam in partes
abierit’. Rogo te Reverende Vir ut mihi rescribas, eaq. a Domino
Vandenbosh acta enarres. Ille Doctor, qui tibi reddet hasce meas
litteras, est optimus homo, reformatae nostrae religionis, peritissimus
in arte sua. Passus est maximam jacturam, ita ut omnes sarcinos,
omniaq. niedicamenta injuste amiserit. Vuult emere Bostoma
medicamenta et ea quae necessaria sunt ut uitam quasrat, artem
suam profitendo. Sum certus, Reverende Vir, te velle, si opus sit,
suppetias ipsi ferre. Mihi gratum feceris si eum adjuuens, hanc
rem te rogo, et tibi Deo ego et ille rependemus grates. Non licet
mihi per tempus alia addere ; quia navis iam parat iter. Itaque
finem facio tibi collegisq. tuis doctis salutem plurimam impertiendo,
omniaque prospera et fausta praeeundo. Sum Reveiende Vir
obsequentissimus et addictissimus seruus tuus. Daillaeus.
Datum in Urbe Eboracensi Julij an. 1686. _ ___
' Mather PapersMEdiTPi^ J Public Library of the City of
Boston.
400
APPENDIX.
1686.
July.
( Translation.)
DAILLE TO INCREASE MATHER.
Reverend Sir:
Mr. Selyns related to me in general only what you had written
to him in particular concerning M. Vandenbosch. But from others
I have heard that you are justly hostile to him, because he acted
badly to your State and Church. We also find by experience that
the said Vandenbosch acts perversely in everything ; since he
attempted to suggest to the mind of many Frenchmen, that Mr.
Deschamps (who lived in Boston) ought to be admitted to the holy
meeting, although our Consistory decided the contrary, because he
excited certain tumults in our Church, which had previously been
peaceful. But to pass over many other matters, he, contrary to
pledges given, and to what is honorable and just, snatched away to
himself two parts [two-thirds] of our Church (which reside in the
country); so that our Church, which, before the arrival of the
above mentioned Vandenbosch was intimately joined together, and,
so to speak, one heart and one soul, now went off into [distinct]
parts.
I beg you, Reverend Sir, to write to me in reply, and narrate
what has been done by Mr. Vandenbosch. The Doctor who will
give you this letter of mine is an excellent man, of our reformed
religion, most skilled in his art. He suffered the greatest danger,
so that he lost unjustly all his baggage and all his medicines. &He
wishes to buy medicines in Boston, and those things that are
necessary for him to gain his living by practicing his art. I am
certain, Reverend Sir, that you will be willing, if need be, to give
him assistance. You will oblige me if you aid him. This thing I
beg of you, and, God [assisting], he and I will repay you.
I cannot on account of the time add other matters, because the
ship is getting ready to start. Therefore I make an end by send¬
ing to you and your learned colleagues hearty salutations, and
praying for every thing prosperous and favorable.
1 am, Reverend Sir,
Your most obedient and devoted
-T , T , ™ servant, Daille.
New York, July, 1686.
DAILLE TO THE SECRETARY OF THE SOCIETY FOR
THE PROPAGATION OF THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN
PARTS.
Doctissime Vir
Cum sis maxima propensus (ut fama est) ad beneficiendum
ecclesijs, earumq^. ministris, credidi te asqui benig. consulturum, si
hisce htens multa cum reverentia a me rogatus esses, ut libellum
supphcem hie inclusum praslegas plurimum venerandse societati
APPENDIX.
401
vestrse, et ut velis operam navare ad auxilium mihi necessarium
procurandum. Decet ministrum, omnia tentare antequam deserat
suum gregem. Si potes efficere, Doctissime Vir Drie, ne hoc
accidat meo respectu, mihi comparando supplimentum unde pos-
sim sustentari, promovebis rem gratissimam Deo, vestrae admo-
dum inclytae Societati gloriosam, atque ecclesiae utilem ob benev-
olentiam tuam eximiam multum tibi obstrictus ero, et tibi omnia
prospera et fausta semper precabor, sicuti nunc facio Doctissime
Vir obsequentissimus tuus P. Daille.1
Datum Bostoniae octavo die Septembris 1706.
( Translation.)
Most learned Sir :
Inasmuch as you are very greatly inclined (as is reported) to
confer benefits upon the churches and their ministers, I have
thought you would take it in good part should I very respectfully
request you, by this letter, to read the inclosed petition to your most
venerable society, and to consent to exert yourself to procure me the
help that I need". It is proper that a minister try every resource
before forsaking his flock. If you can prevent this from happen¬
ing in my case, most learned Sir, by securing me the means for
my support, you will advance a cause most pleasing to God, honor¬
able to your very illustrious Society, and useful to the Church.
For your rare kindness I shall be under great obligations to you,
and I shall ever pray for your prosperity and happiness as I now
do, most learned Sir. Your most obedient,
P. Daill£.
A HUGUENOT PASTOR’S DISCOURSE.
[See above, page 303.]
From “ The Charitable Samaritan, a Sermon by Ezechiel Carre,
Minister of the French Colony in Narrhaganset.” Printed in
Boston. 1689.
Application.
Let us, my Brethren, make some Reflections on the four sorts of
persons which here present themselves. You see here first, a man
wounded. Secondly, The Thieves that assaulted him. Thirdly,
A Priest and a Levite that abandoned him. Fourthly, A Samari¬
tan that comforted and healed him. i. In Beholding this man
Lying by the way so cruelly Murdered, you will be apt to Bemoan
and Deplore his hard hap, Sinners, and yet you little think that you
yourselves are that man ; seek then after no other Suoject of your
Complaints than your selves, and as Jesus Christ said to the
1 Letter-books of the Gospel Propagation Society.
1706.
September
8.
1689.
402
APPENDIX.
1689. Inhabitants of Jerusalem, Daughters of Jerusalem weep not for
me, but weep for your selves. One may say here the same thing
to you : Miserable Mortals, bewail not the hap of this poor
wounded person, but bewail your own ; Sinners, consider then
your miserable condition, you are this man half dead, and strecht
out by the way. ’Tis you that sin hath mortally wounded, you
were born, and you live in this Estate; and that which is more to
be Lamented is, that though this misery be so great, yet we know it
not. The pride of men carries them for the most part to believe
they are able of themselves to come forth of this Calamity, and
that they have strength enough to raise themselves out of that
condition ; no, no, my Brethren, that is not in the least the Truth
of the Fact. Quit your selves of these unjust and bold Sentiments.
Free-will is but a Chimera that Cheats almost none but the fol¬
lowers of Antichrist. To discover the vanity of these pretentions,
you need only consult your own experience. Flow many times
have you undertook the over-coming your passions without ever
prevailing ? Sinners, do you not perceive in your hearts an invinci¬
ble torrent of corruption ? Assure your selves, that you are in no
capacity to succeed without the Assistance of Heaven ; acknow¬
ledge then the necessity of Grace, implore with humility the
Efficacy of the Holy Ghost ; never appear before God without a
lively feeling of your misery, and if you find in you any good Dis¬
position, give all the glory thereof to God. But in avoiding this
Precipice, my Brethren, take heed of falling into another opposite
thereto. Do not from this miserable Estate wherein you are take
up a pretence to sit still with folded Arms in the work of’your
Salvation, say not through weakness and culpable Remissness as
that slothful Sinner, seeing I am not. able to raise my self I must
wait until Grace Convert me; Oh my Brethren, God acts not with
us, as with insensible Stocks, he cannot Convert you without vour
selves, you must give him a Subject to work upon, at least you
must present the sick person to him, if you would have him healed
you must then put your selves into a Condition to receive his
grace , .is it not true, that if this wounded man had not been in the
way, the Samaritan had not met him ; and is it not true that if 'he
had not been in a posture to move pity, this Charitable man had
gone by him without saying any thing to him ? There are also
some certain steps that the Sinner must make for to prepare a wav
for grace ; he must be found in the way, which he doth, when he
is found hearing the Word of God, in God’s House ; and when he
gives attention to the Preachings of his Servants, and when he
implores help from God for his Conversion, and when he fervently
desnes the same. Oh then it is that he is powerfully assisted and
receives the impressions of Grace ; Seek and you shall find, Knock
and it shall be opened unto you, (Matt. 7.7.) 2. But if you should
agree with me that you are that man half dead, overthrown by
the way side, I am sure you will not so easily conclude, who are
he other persons of the second Rank, you’l say without doubt
t lat it is none of you that were these infamous Robbers that
Assassinated this man, you abhor their action, yet permit me to
tell you, That you are the persons again, of whom mention is made
APPENDIX.
403
in the second place. Yes, it is you Sinners (in a sence) that are j68q
these Thieves ; suffer me to say of this Parable, as Nathan said of J
his to David, ’Tis thou that art the man, 2 Sam. 12. This offends
you, but have patience a little, and see the proof. Thou slanderer
that Rendest thy Brother in secret thou ought not Refuse to be
put in this Rank, dost not thou in a sence Murther thy Brother by
thy Calumnies ? These are stabs thou piercest him withal, stabs
without doubt more cruel, than the wounds of the Body, since
thou assaultest his honour, which is more dear to him than his
life. Revengeful person ! thou that seekest all occasions to be
revenged on thy Brother, and that keepest an implacable hatred in
thy heart against him. Thou art a Murderer of him, in the
opinion of a great Apostle, John 3.15. Unjust Merchant! Thou
deservest to be placed in this Rank, thou who makest use of a
thousand Frauds, and a thousand subtile shifts in thy Dealing, to
enjoy the Goods of thy Brother, ah in so doing thou Robbest him.
I tell thee then, as Nathan said to David, Thou art the man.
Wretched Father ! Thou oughtest to be put into the number of
these Robbers; thou who by thy Debauchery or Idleness, causest
those which God hath given thee to bring up, to dye with Hunger,
thou Stickest a Dagger in their bosoms, since by thy evil manage¬
ment, thou reducest them it may be in their necessities to seek
their Livings by unlawful ways : Thou art this Thief, since thou
takest from them, that which God hath appointed for their subsist-
ance ; to wit, thy Labour and pains, but thou art a far worse
Robber, and more cruel Murtherer by thy fatal Example. I say to
thee once again, Thou art the man. Finally, We will put amongst
this Troop of Robbers and Murderers, those Wretches who bare
away the Goods of their Brother by Gaming : And I positively
assert. That there is no person, who gives his mind to Gaming, but
forms a resolution to rob his Neighbor, I speak not here of those
slights and cheats that accompany Gaming, I speak of that which
is the most innocent in these sort of things (if at least one may say,
there is any thing innocent in them) which is, that each Gamester
purposeth to win, and one of necessity must win, behold the Rob¬
bery, according to the Law of right, which defines Robbery, by
enjoying the Goods of another contrary to the will of the Posses¬
sor ; so that following this Maxime, wherever there are two Game¬
sters, there are two Thieves, the one by inclination, the other real
and Effective : because he which loses, desires to win, and would
not willingly see his money in the others hands. But you will say,
I am no High-way Robber, as those were who assaulted this poor
man ; you are not High-way Robbers, it is true, but is your cruelty
the less extream, is he that stabs another without giving him
warning, or in embracing him less criminal, than he that kills by
open Force or Threats. 3. But another will say, I am none of
these Thieves and Murderers, since I am no calumniator, nor
Gamester, nor Debauched, nor Revengeful, &c. I do no hurt to
any ; thou bad Christian, it is not sufficient not to do evil, but thou
must also do good : the bad rich Man was not in Hell for doing
evil to Lazarus, but it was because he did no good to him. This
Priest and this Levite will very well shun the judgment of God in
404
APPENDIX.
jggo that they Killed not this Man; but I know not whether they will
y’ escape punishment for not relieving him when they might have
done it : this I know of a surety, that liberality is one of the princi¬
pal points on which Jesus Christ will examine Men at the last day,
and that hard heartedness to-wards the Distressed will be motive
sufficient for Damnation. I was an hungry and you gave me not
to eat, thirsty and you gave me not to drink, I was a stranger and
you took me not in, &c. Depart from me you cursed into ever¬
lasting lire prepared for the Devil and his Angels, Matt. 25. 41,
42, &c. I make no doubt but you will consent with me in this,
and in your heart blame this want of Charity in the Priest and
Levite, who passed by without succouring this poor man : but you
consider not that every day you do the same ; all those times that
you know the necessity of your Brethren and do not concern your
selves about the remedy thereof, do not say that you know not any
that are poor and indigent, or that have need of your help. Ah !
have you not them every day before your eyes ? Many whom the
Robbers of Persecution have reduced almost to the condition of
this poor wounded man in my Text (that is to say) who are half
dead with miseries, for they cannot properly be said to live that
are in such a condition : they maybe said to be half dead. How
many times have you passed by them with an heart as indifferent
as this Priest, and this Levite shewed to this wounded man, not¬
withstanding, they are your Brethren, of the same blood, of the
same Nation, of the same Religion. Ah my Brethren ! you ought
to lay their poverty to heart, since it is caused for the best of all
causes in the World, to-wit, that of Jesus Christ : how much
should that move us since thereby Christ presents occasion to us
to exercise our Charity in such manner as may be most agreeable
to God (Gal. Chap. 6, ver. 10,) how much should it animate us !
since it confirms us in our holy Profession, for so many persons
would not expose themselves to such harsh miseries, and all for a
lye. Brethren, you that have saved something from this Shipwreck
have compassion according to your Ability. Let it be known that
the same interest inspires you in your mutually assisting one the
other. 4. But Christians, limit not your Charity only to your
Brethren, else what do you more than the Turks and Pagans, Do
good to all even to your very Enemies, Imitate this Samaritan
towards this Jew. These two Nations (as you know) hated one
another mortally, and were of different Religions, nevertheless this
Samaritan passes all that by, and shows to this poor afflicted man
all the good Offices he was capable to perform. Let the very
seeing the miserable, suffice you for the finding objects worthy
your pity. And for to overcome the utmost Efforts of the hard¬
heartedness of Mankind ; remember what Jesus Christ hath done
for you, he stript himself of his glory, he made himself poor and
miserable, yea mortal, for the Love he bore to you, will you then
refuse to give him some small portion of your Temporal Goods ?
For inasmuch as you give it unto one of these little Ones, you give
it unto him, Matt. 25, 40. The poor are the Treasurers of Jesus
Christ, he charges to his own account that which you bestow on
them, and he will largely pay you the Interest another Day. If
APPENDIX.
405
you advance some part of your Goods to the poor, he will Restore 1689.
you an hundred fold in the world to come. He will do much more,
he hath promised to give you Heaven for a cup of cold Water. Of
all the Goods you possess, you shall carry nothing with you, you
shall have nothing Remaining to you, but what you have (as it
were) Deposited into the hands of our Lord, Then make to your
selves Friends of this corruptible Riches, so that when you fail,
they may receive you into Everlasting Habitations. Amen.
To God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, the Adorable Trinity,
be Honour and Glory, for ever, Amen.
.
INDEX
Abjuration of the Roman Catholic
Faith, ii. 8 1
Abjurations of Protestantism in
Canada, i. n8, 119
Acadia, Settlement of, under the
Protestant De Monts, i. 79-100;
Its Climate and Soil,!. 86 ; Cho¬
sen as the Mission-field of the
Jesuits, i. 104; Lost to the Jes¬
uits, i. 106 ; Grant of, to Sir
William Alexander, by James I.,
i. 112 ; Varying Fortunes of, i.
128; Five Times Seized by the
English, i. 128 ; Comparative
Toleration in, i. 129; Se'tlersin,
From La Rochelle and Vicinity,
i. 131 ; Efforts to Exclude Hu¬
guenot Settlers From, i. I42- I4S
Adams, John, ii. 211
Agenois, In Guyenne, ii. 139
Aigle, 1’, In Normandy, ii. 81
Aigna, The Dreaded Demon of the
Brazilian Savages, i. 49
Alabama, ii. 38
Alaire, i. 326
Alard.ii. 266; Murder of the Daugh¬
ter of, ii. 274; Two Children
of, Carried by the Indians to
Quebec, ii. 274
Alard, Jacob, ii. 317
Albany, N. Y. (Orange), Settle¬
ment of Walloons at, i. 171
Albany, N. Y., Huguenots From
Canada, Remove to, i. 124
Albert, Captain, Goes With Ri-
baut to Florida, i. 60 ; Left in
Command of Charlesfort, i. 63 ;
Murdered, i. 63
Alexander, Sir William, After¬
wards Earl of Stirling, i. 112 ;
Obtains Grant of Nova Scotia
from James I., i. 112 ; Sends an
Expedition to seize Acadia, i.
113
Allaire, Alexandre, L 231, 281,
291 ; ii. 210
Allaire and Company, Louis, ii.
210
Allaire, Antoine, Sieur du Bug-
non, i. 281 ; ii. 210 ; Catharine,
ii. 103 ; Jean, i. 281, ii. 210 ;
Louis, i. 287, ii. 201, 204, 210,
298, 310
Allaire Family, of La Rochelle,
The, i. 281
Allen, Hon. Zacliariah, ii. 328
Alms’ Chests in the Huguenot
Churches, ii. 232
Alms-giving Neglected in the
French Church in Boston, ii,
232, 304
Alva, The Duke of, i. 187
Amail, Marie, ii. 58
Amboise’, Peace of, i. 63
America, Emigration to, Contem¬
plated by Many of the French
Refugees in England, ii. 166 ;
The Persecuted Huguenots in
France Contemplate, ii. 166 ;
Plans of, ii. 166-171
Amian, ii. 298
Ammonet, Jacob, ii. 51
Amsfort, jAmersfoortJ Holland,
ii. 239
Amsterdam, Holland, Fugitives to,
ii. 28
Amsterdam, Short Stay of the
Brownists in, i. 154
“Anciens.” See Elders.
Anderson, Garland, ii. 81
Anderson, Rev. James, ii. 81
Andrivet, Jean, ii. 33, 118
Andros, Sir Edmund, Governor of
New England, Affirms the Right
of Rhode Island to the Narra-
gansett Country, ii. 294 ; The
French Settlers Make Complaint
to, ii. 301
408
INDEX.
Angers in Anjou, ii. 170, 297
Angevin, Zacharie, ii. 51
Angles, in Languedoc, ii. 124, 125
Anglois, Philippe 1’. See English,
Philip.
Angoumois, Province of, Refugee
from, ii. 42
Anjou, ii. 170, 297
Annapolis, Nova Scotia. See Port
Royal. Besieged by the French,
i. 141 ; Expedition Under Sir
William Phips for the Capture
of, ii. 218
AnsSme in Picardy, ii. 95
“Antarctic France,” i. 32, 40, 56
Anthon en Perche, Province of
Maine, ii. 98
Antilles, The, i. 201-237; The
Resort of French Commerce, i.
201 ; A Refuge for the Protest¬
ants of France During the
Half-century Preceding the Rev¬
ocation, i. 201 ; Discovery and
Occupation of, i. 202 ; Of Vol¬
canic Origin, i. 203 ; Religious
Toleration in, i. 204 ; Notwith¬
standing Government Orders, i.
204 ; Large Protestant Popula¬
tion of, i. 205 ; Protestant Rites
of Worship Freely Observed in,
i. 204; Supplied With Ministers
by the Synod of the Walloon
Churches of Holland, i. 206 ;
Huguenot Families From, Settle
in Mass., New York, and South
Carolina, i. 209, seq. ; Approach
of Persecution in, i. 21 1 ; List
of Huguenot Names in, i. 21 1 ;
Instances of Persecution in, i.
215, 216 ; Transportation of
French Protestants to, i. 217 ;
Instances of Kind Treatment in
i. 226,229; Flight From, i. 229-
231 ; Severity Toward the Hu¬
guenots in, relaxed, i. 233 ; Con¬
siderable Numbers remain in, i.
233 j Return of Colonists in
America to, i. 234 ; French
Merchants in New York Send
Their Sons to, i. 234
Antoine, King of Navarre, at the
Head of the Huguenot Party i
57
Antwerp, Walloon Church of, i.
149.
Anvuille, sieur d’, ii. 71
Appalachee Bay, Florida, Contem¬
plated Settlement on, ii. 177
Appleton, Eliza, ii. 250
Apre, Jean, i. 183
Aracheguene, Adrienne, ii. 77
Arces, in Saintonge, Refugees
From, ii. 39.
Archambeau, Timothee, ii. 27 ;
Etienne, ii. 27 ; Jeanne, ii. 27
Ardouin, Madeleine, ii. 60
Argali, Samuel, Destroys the Set¬
tlements on Mount Desert and
at Port Royal, i. 105
Arnaud, Andre, ii. 33, 298, 300 ;
Jahel, ii. 33 ; Stephen, ii. 33
Arnold, Captain, of Providence,
R. I., ii. 288
Arondeau, Jacques, ii. 22 ; Pierre,
ii. 22
Arras. Walloon Church of, i. 149
Ars, Isle of Re, i. 302
Artois, Province of, i. 149 ; Wal¬
loon Churches in, i. 149 ; Refu¬
ses to join the United Nether¬
lands, i. 150 ; Some Protestants
in, Remove to Holland, i. 150 ;
Refugees from, ii. 95, 96
Arvert, The Forest of, ii. 46
Arvert, in Saintonge, ii. 29-31 ■
Refugees from, ii. 31, 32
Ashurst, Sir Henry, ii. 2x6
Ashurst, Sir William, with others,
A Committee for the Relief of
the Refugees, ii. 179, 1S0
Assire, Pierre, ii. 74
Atherton Company, Agents of the,
in London, ii. 170; The, ii. 291-
302, 310
Atinas, Martin, Goes With Ribaut
to Florida, i. 60
Atlantic Ocean, Discomforts and
Dangers Experienced by the
Refugees, in Crossing the, ii.
181-183, 185, 1S6
Aubin, Jean, ii. 28
Auboyneau, Jean, i. 287 ; ii. 33
Aubry, Messire, a Priest in De
Monts’ Expedition, i. 89 ; His
Adventure, i. 91.
Audebert, Anne, ii. 31 ; Elizabeth,
ii. 59
Augustine, John, ii. 193
Aulnay in Poitou, refugees from,
ii. 61
Aumant, Jean, ii. 80
Aunant, Jean, ii. 132
INDEX. 409
Aunis, the Smallest of the Provin¬
ces of France, i. 263 ; the Birth¬
place of American Hugueno.s,
i. 264 ; Originally a Part of
Saintonge, i. 264 ; Settlers from,
in Acadia, i. 132 ; Commence¬
ment of Severe Persecution in,
i. 312 ; Demuin Appointed Gov¬
ernor of, i. 312 ; Quartering of
Soldiers in, i. 312 ; the Drag-
onnades in, i. 313, 314
Arnou, Governor of Aunis, i. 313 ;
Summons the Leading Protest¬
ants of La Rochelle, i.313
Avillaisnez, L. (Laville, alne ?), ii.
20
Avranches in Normandy, ii. 313
Aycrigg, Colonel Benjamin, ii 28
Aydelott Family, ii. 143 ; Isaac, ii.
143 ; Rev. Dr. B. P., ii. 143
Aymon Goes with Ribaut to Flor¬
ida, i. 60 ; With Laudonnieire,
i. 65
Ayrault, C. , i. 326
Ayrault, Daniel, i. 304 ; ii. 214,
298, 31 1 ; Nicolas, ii. 298 ; Pierre,
i. 304, it. 170; Physician of the
Natraganseit Colony, ii. 295,
297 ; Character of, ii. 298, 302 ;
Narrative of the French Troubles
by, ii. 307, 309 ; Remains in
Narragansett After the Disper¬
sion, ii. 311 ; Unites with Ber-
non and Others in a Petition for
Aid in Maintaining a Minister of
the Church of England, ii. 321
Bacot Family, the, ii. 64, 65 ;
Pierre, ii. 64; Thomas W.,
ii. 65
Badeau, Claude, ii. 140 ; Elie, ii.
37, 140.
Badeau Family, the, ii. 15S
Bahama Islands, ii. 200
Baillergeau, Jacob, ii. 50
Balaguier, Jean, ii. 134; Barthele-
my, ii. 134
Balarand, Louise de, ii. 130
Ballaud, Louis, Goes with Ribaut
to Florida, i. 70
Ballou, Maturin, ii- 3x5 ; Hosea, ii.
3 1 5
Baluet, Judith, ii. 52
Barand, Janice, Wife of Elie Bou-
dinot, i. 299
“ Barbarie’s Garden,” New York,
ii. 140
Barbarie, Jean, ii. 139 ; Pierre, ii.
139
Barbauld, Ezechiel, i. 304 ; Jane,
i. 290
Bavbezieux in Angoumois, i. 304 ;
Refugee from, ii. 42
Barbier, Claude, i. 179
Barbot, Jacques and Jtan, i. 309
Barbut, Guillaume, ii. 134, 210,
233, 266, 269, 281, 298, 310
Barcelona, Spain, Besieged by the
French, ii. 237 ; Relieved by an
English Fleet, ii. 237
Bard Family, the, ii. 117
Barde, Jacques, ii. 118 ; Peter,
John, Samuel, ii. 118
Barger, Philippe, ii. 210
Barnstaple, England, Refugees in,
ii. 149
Baron, Franpois le, ii. 312 ; Laza¬
rus le, ii. 312, 313
Barre, de la, Governor of Can¬
ada, i. 142 ; Warns the Govern¬
ment of the Danger of Permit¬
ting the Huguenots to Establish
Themselves in Acadia, i. 143
Barre, Jean, ii. 218 ; Nicolas ac¬
companies Villegagnon to Brazil,
i. 60 ; Accompanies Ribaut to
Florida, i. 60
Barihelemy, i. 65
Bas, le, Family, ii. 71, 72.
Bas, Jacques le, ii. 71
Basking Ridge, New Jersey, ii.
194
Basset, David, i. 145 ; ii. 210 ;
FranQois, i. 232 ; ii. 25, 26, 196 ;
Jean, ii. 26 ; Rev. Dr. John, ii.
26 ; Pierre, Doctor, ii. 26, 210
Bastion de l’Evangile, le, a La
Rochelle, i. 175
Bataille, Isaac, ii. 74
Baton, Isaac, ii. 95
Baudon, Judith, it. 64
Baudouin Family, of La Rochelle,
the, i. 280, 326
Baudouin, Jean, ii. 269, 281, 284,
318 ; Pierre, sieur de la Laigne,
i. 280 : Pierre, i. 280, 287 ; ii.
201, 21 1 ; Takes Refuge in Dub¬
lin, ii. 205 ; Emigrates to
America, ii. 205 ; Settles in
Casco, Maine, ii. 205 ; Iiis Pe¬
titions to Governor Andros for a
4io
INDEX.
Grant of Land, ii. 205, 206, 207,
210, 239 ; Descendants of, ii.
247-250
Baudrit, i'. 266
Bayard, i. 151 ; Nicholas, i. 151 ;
ii. 140 ; Lazare, i. 152 ; Baltha¬
zar, i. 152 ; ii. 148, 248 ; Samuel,
i. 152 ; Peter, i. 152
Bayley, J. Roosevelt, Archbishop,
ii. 75
Bay Path, The, ii. 255
Bayeux Family, The, ii. 70, 71
Bayeux, Thomas, ii. 70, 71
Beadle Family, The, ii, 191
Bearn, Province of, the Roman
Mass Excluded in the, i. 82 ; ii.
147 ; Fusileers from, i. 315
Beau, le, Goes with Ribaut to
Florida, i. 70
Beaubattu, David, i. 118
Beauchaire, Sieur de, Goes with
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69
Beauchamp, Jean, ii. 103, 298, 310,
335
Beaumont, le Sieur de, Goes with
Le Monts to Acadia, i. 89
Beaussais in Poitou, Refugees
from, ii. 60
Beauvois, Jacques de, i. 183
Bedlow’s Island, i. 179
Belgium, South-western Provinces
of, i. 149
Belhair, ii. 298
Belleville, Jean, i. 305
Bellomont, Richard Coote, Earl of,
Governor of New York and
Massachusetts, Favors the Plans
of Gabriel Bernon, ii. 216, 217,
320 ; Testifies to the Worth of
the Huguenot Refugees in Mas¬
sachusetts, ii. 233, 273, 279, 282,
333; His Opinion of the Narra-
gansett Country, ii. 299 ; Let¬
ter of, to Gabriel Bernon, ii.
3x9 ; At Newport, ii. 321
Bellot, i. 70
Belong, Elizabeth, ii. 64
Benech, Antoine, ii. 143 ; Fran¬
cis, ii. 142
Benet in Poitou, Refugees from,
ii. 58, 59
Bennet, William Adrianse, i. 177
Benoit, Jacques, ii. 50
Benon in Aunis, Refugees from,
i. 300
Bentyn, Jacques, i. 177
Berehaud, Elie, i. 296 Jeanne, i.
296, ii. 138
Bergerac in Guyenne, ii. 138,
I4I~4
Bergeron, Jacques, ii. 57, 58
Bergier, a Rochellese Merchant, i.
142 ; Forms a Company to Pros¬
ecute the Shore Fishery in Aca¬
dia, i. 143 ; “ A Most Obstinate
Huguenot,” i. 143
Berkeley, Dean, ii. 326
Bermuda, Island of, i. 235 ; ii. 182;
Huguenot Families from St.
Eustatius Remove to i. 235
Bernard, Paul, i. 308 ; Joseph, i.
308
Bernardeau, Daniel, i. 288
Bernon Family, of La Rochelle,
The, i. 277-279
Bernon, Andre, i. 278,279; Inter¬
view of, with the Governor Ar-
nou, i. 320; Death of, i. 319,
320
Bernon Arms, i, 277
Bernon de Bernonville, i. 278,
279; Bernon de la Bernonieire,
seigneurs de l’lsleau, 1. 278
Bernon, Gabriel, i. 127, 128, 277,
287; in Canada, i. 127, 323: Re¬
turns to La Rochelle, i. 324 ;
Writes to a Friend in Boston, i,
313-315 ; Impiisoned in La
Lanterne, i. 324 ; his Property
in La Rochelle, ii, 215; Es¬
capes to Holland, ii. 215;
Proceeds to London, ii. 215 ;
Reaches Boston, ii. 20 r, 204,
215, 259; Undertakes to Set¬
tle a Plantation in Oxford,
Massachusetts, ii. 169, 215; Per¬
sonal Appearance of, ii. 262 ;
Character of, ii. 262; Relations
of, to Dudley, ii. 262 ; Engages
in the Manufacture of Naval
Stores, ii. 216; Visits England
twice, ii. 216; His Plans Advo¬
cated by Lord Bellomont, ii.
216; Engages iq Other Business
Enterprises, ii. 217; Removes to
Rhode Island, ii. 220, 316; En¬
gages, with Daniel Ayrault, in
the West Indian Trade, ii. 316 ;
Other Projects of, ii. 317,
318 ; His “ Chamoiserie ” at
Oxford, ii. 283; His Fortified
House, ii. 287; Lord Bellomont
INDEX.
Writes to, ii. 319; A Member
of the French Reformed Church
in Boston, ii. 220, 322; Unites
with the Church of England, ii.
322 ; Joins with Ayrault and
Others in a Petition for Aid to
Maintain a Minister of the
Church of England, ii. 321; Is
Active in the Formation of the
P'irst Three Episcopal Churches
in Rhode Island, ii. 322, 323;
His Zeal for Religion, ii. 323;
Visits England a Third Time, ii.
323; His Loyalty to the British
Crown, ii. 323; His Pronounced
Protestantism, ii. 324; His Sec¬
ond Marriage, ii. 325; His Last
Years, ii. 326 ; Death of, ii.
326; Obituary Notice of, ii. 326;
Mural Tablet to, ii. 322; De¬
scendants of, ii. 327
Bernon, Gabriel, Junior, ii. ; Death
of, ii. 317
Bernon, Jean, Sieur de Luneau, i.
321-323; Jean, Mayor, i. 279;
Jeanne, ii. 210
Bernoniere, La, ii. 262
Bernon, Raoul, i. 279 ; Nicolas,
Mayor of la Rochelle, i. 279;
Samuel, Sieur de Salms, i. 128,
321-323; ii. 324; Susanne, ii. 212
Bernonville, ii. 263
Berou, Gabrielle, ii. 98
Berri, Province of, Refugees from
the, ii 105, 106
Berteaud, Jean, ii. 80
Berthon de Marigny, Pierre,
Leader of the Narragansett Col¬
onists, ii. 49, 17I1 295
Bertolet Family, The, ii. 77
Bertolet, Jean, ii. 77
Berton, Peter. See Berthon.
Bertonneau, Elizabeth, ii. 61 ;
Jacques, i. 306 ; Sara, i. 310
Bertrand, i. 65
Bertrand du Tuffeau, Isaac, ii. 169;
Associated with Bernon, Under¬
takes a Plantation in Oxford,
Massachusetts, ii. 169, 257 : Ar¬
rives in Boston, ii. 258 ; Obtains
a Grant of Land in Oxford, ii.
258; Marriage of, ii. 259;
House of, ii. 266, 267 ; Magis¬
trate, ii. 267 ; Abandons the
Settlement, ii. 276; Goes to New
Rochelle, N. Y., ii. 281
411
Bertrand, Marguerite, Wife of
Jacques de Lancy, ii. 69
Berwick, James, Duke of, Marshal
of France, False Report of the
Death of, ii. 237
Besart, Francois, ii. 122
Besly Family, The, i. 307
Besly, Anne, Wife of Guillaume le
Conte, Jr., ii. 75
Besly, Olivier, i. 307
Bessonet, Claude de, ii. 118; Dan¬
iel, ii. 1 18 ; Charles, ii. 118
Bessonet Family, The, ii. 117
Bethnal Green, London, ii. 157
Bethlo, Isaac, i. 179
Beverwyck, (Albany, N. Y.) i. 190
Bibaud, Francois, i. 118
Biencourt, Jean de, Proprietor of
Port Royal. See Poutrincourt.
Biencourt, De, Son of De Poutrin¬
court, i. 133 ; Bequeaths his
Proprietary Rights to Charles de
la Tour, i. 133
Billard. Marie, i. 288
Billbaud, ii. 20
Billebeau, Jacques, ii. 15; Jean, ii.
16
Biscon, Isaac, i. 31 1 ; ii. 210 ;
Jean, i. 311 ; Samuel, i. 311
Bisset, Abraham, ii. 41 ; Elie, ii.
4i
Bitheur, Marie, ii. 41
Black James, an Indian, Informa¬
tion of, ii. 280
Blanchard, Malhfese, i. 188 ; Set¬
tles in Esopus, i. 189; I' wo Chil¬
dren of, Taken by the Indians, i.
195 ; Marie, Wife of Antoine
Crispel, i. 193 ; Captured by the
Indians, i. 195
Blenac, Count de, Governor-Gen¬
eral of the Antilles, i. 227 ; En¬
deavors to Prevent the Flight of
the Huguenots lrom the Islands,
i. 231
Bliss, Catharine du, i. 296
Block, Adriaen, i. 171
Blois in Orleanais, ii. 97
Blom, Hermanus, Minister, Ap¬
pointed to Officiate at Esopus, i.
192 ; His Wife and Child Cap¬
tured by the Indians, i. 196
Blond, Antoine le, ii. 213
Blondeau, Francois, ii. 37
Blonderie, Sieur de la, Goes with
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69
412
INDEX.
Blond, Jacques le, ii. 83
Bochet, Nicolas, ii. 104
Bodin. See Boudin.
Bohain in Picardy, Refugees from,
ii. 92, 93
“ Bohemiahs, The.” See Bahama
Islands.
Boinest, ii. 65
Boisbelleau, Jean, i. 232 ; ii. 27 ;
Marc, ii. 27
Bois-le-Comte, Sieur, a Nephew of
Villegagnon, i. 35
Boisseau, Jacques, ii. 27; Jean, ii. 27
Boisselet, Jeanne, i- 288
Boiteux, Gabriel le, i. 290 ; Paul
and Pierre, i. 2go
Bolbec in Normandy, ii. 82
Boles, Jean, Martyred, i. 54
Bon, Francois, i. 183
Bondet, Daniel, Huguenot Min¬
ister, Missionary to the Nip-
muck Tribe of Indians, ii. 256 ;
Pastor of the Huguenot Colony
in Oxford, Massachusetts, ii.
256, 259, 225 ; Supplies the
Vacant Church in Boston, ii.
226 ; Complains of the Sale of
Rum to the Indians, ii. 272,
273 ; Leaves Oxford, ii. 276, 285
“ Bondet Hill,” Oxford, Ma§s., ii.
267
Bongrand, Louis, i. 232 ; ii. 132
Bonhoste, Jonas, ii. 103
Bonneau, Anne, ii. 61 ; Antoine,
i. 291, 296
Bonneau Family, The, i. 291 ; Louis,
i. 291 ; Marie, ii. 77 ; Tor-
terue, ii. 210
Bonnefous, Marthe, ii. 143
Bonnerme, Surgeon in De Monts’
Expedition, i. 89
Bonnet, Daniel, ii. 38, 56, 57, 59
Bonnet Family, The, ii. 57, 158 ;
Adventures of, ii. 57 ; Certificate
of, ii. 57
Bonneville, George de, ii. 76
Bonnin, Aman, ii. 52, 63 ; Gousse,
ii. 52
Bonrepos, David de, Huguenot
Minister, in St. Christopher, W.
S. i. 211, 231, ii. 203, 204, 225 ;
In Boston, ii. 225, 226 ; In New
Rochelle, Staten Island, and
New Paltz, ii. 225
Bontecou, Daniel, i. 307 ; Pierre,
i- 307
Bontecou Family, The, i. 307
Bordeaux in Guyenne, ii. 34, 137;
Fugitives from, ii. 138, 140, 141,
143
Bordel, Jean du, Goes to Brazil, i.
33 ; Martyred, i. 53
Bose, Jacques du, ii. 134 ; Andre',
ii. 134
Bosson, Jeanne de, ii. 121
Bo.-taquet, Dumont de, ii. 163
Boston, Massachusetts, The Hu¬
guenot Settlement in, ii. 188 ;
Motives for Settling in, ii. 189;
A Deputation Front La Rochelle
Visits, ii. 194; Arrival of Desti¬
tute Fugitives in, ii. 195 ; Arri¬
val of Refugees From St. Chris¬
topher in, ii. 198; Letter From
La Rochelle to an Unknown
Person in, i. 314, 3I5) ii. Igg .
Huguenot Settlers in, ii. 14,26,32,
41, 63, 74, 83, 94, in, 131, I34)
142, 188, seq. ; A Huguenot’s
First Impressions of, ii. 202 ;
310 ; Some of the Refugees Set¬
tle in the Vicinity of, ii. 203, 204;
Narrative of a French Refugee
in, ii. 183, 184, 185, 202, 203,
226,258,271,300. Appendix.
Boston, Proximity of, to Acadia, i.
129 ; Dangerous, i. 142
Boston, French Church in, ii. 133,
142 ; Origin of, ii. 220; Kindness
of the Public Authorities to, ii.
221-224; Place of Worship’ of,
ii. 221; King William III.
makes a donation to, ii. 221 ;
land for the site of a house of
worship purchased for, ii. 222 ;
“Temple” of, eree’ed, ii. 222,
223, 240 ; Ministers of : Laur-
entius Van den Bosch, ii. 224 ;
David de Bonrepos, ii. 225 ;
Pierre Daille, ii. 226 ; Andre Le
Mercier. ii. 239 ; Elders of, ii.
233 i Weakened bv Van den
Bosch, ii. 224 ; Built up by De
Bonrepos, ii. 226 ; Fluctuating
Character of, ii. 226 ; Without a
Pastor for eight years, ii. 226 ;
Supplied by Carre, Bondet, and
Walter, ii. 226 ; Prosperity of,
under Daille, ii. 226 ; Assists the
French of Oxford, ii. 234, 281 ;
The English Occasionally attend,
ii. 228 ; Liturgical Worship of
INDEX.
413
ii. 231, 232 ; Decline of, ii. 241 ;
Dissolution of, ii. 245
Bouche, Simon, i. 182
Boucher, Louis, ii. 210
Bouchet, Stephen, ii. 205
Boudin, or Bodin, Jean, ii. 38, 39
Boudinot, Elie, i. 288, 298, ii. 28 ;
Will of, i. 298-9 ; Benjamin,
i. 299, 302
Boudinot, Jean, of Marennes, i.
299, 302
Boudinot, Madeleine, i- 299, 302 ;
ii. 70
Boudinot, Susanne, i. 299, 302 ; ii.
143
Bouin en For@t, ii. 123
Bouniot, Ezechiel, ii. 298, 310
Bounty, the Royal, ii. 155, 157,
I75> 176
Bouquet, Francois, ii. 16
Bourdeaux, Evremond de, ii. 1 1 7 ;
Jacques de, ii. 117
Bourdet, Pierre, i. 2S8 ; Samuel,
i. 288, 291
Bourdieu, du, Family, ii. 85, 86 ;
Isaac, Ministre, ii. 167 ; Jean
Armand, ii. 167 ; Olivier, ii. 85 ;
Pierre, ii. 86 ; Samuel, ii. 85, 86
Bourdille, ii. .267
Bourdon, Pierre. Goes to Brazil, i.
33 ; Mariyied, i. 53
Bourioli. le Sieur la Motte, Goes
with De Monts to Acadia, i. 89
Bouteiller, Jean, i. 291 ; ii. 28
Boutignon, Perinne, ii. 52
Boutigny, Paroisse de, ii. 104
Boutilier, Jean, Judgment Against,
Rendered by the Council of
Martinique, i. 216 ; Reaches
New York, i. 231
Boutineau, Etienne, ii. 21 1, 248,
266, 281 ; Isaac, ii. 33 ; Stephen,
i>- 33
Bouyer, Etienne, i. 232, ii. 31
Bouyer, Jean, ii. 138
Bovie, Jerome, i. 186
Bowdoin College, Maine, ii. 249
Bowdoin Family, The, ii. 247, 248
Bowdoin, James, Son of Pierre
Baudouin, ii. 248 ; James, Son
of James, ii. 248 ; His Public
Career, ii. 249 ; Governor of
Massachusetts, ii. 249 ; His
Character, ii. 249 ; James, Son
of Governor Bowdoin, ii. 250
Boyd, Jean, i. 296, ii. 138
Boyer, Charlotte, ii. 31
Brabant, Province of, Walloon
Churches in the, i. 149
Braintree, Mass., Huguenots set¬
tle in, ii. 204, 213
Brazil, attempted Protestant Settle¬
ment in, i. 21-57 ; Long unoccu¬
pied, i. 26 ; Claimed by Portugal,
i. 26 ; Portuguese Settlements in,
i. 27 ; Villegagnon Pioposes to
Establish a Protestant Colony in,
i. 27. See Villegagnon
Brebeuf, The Jesuit, Miraculous
Conversion of a Huguenot Sol¬
dier, by means of the Relics of, i.
119, 121
Bremar, Solomon, ii. 95
Bressan, Jean, ii. 117
Bretagne, France, Linen Manufac¬
tures of, i. 1 8 1 ; Emigration from,
i. 182 ; Flight from, After the
Massacre of St. Bartholomew’s
Day, i. 149 ; Refugees From, ii.
81, 84-90, 315
Breteau, Franyois, i. 183
Bretin Dit Laronde, Pierre, ii. 298
Bricou, Marianne, ii. 56 ; Pierre,
ii. 61
Bridon, Franfois, ii. 14, 15, 39,
210, 233
Brie, M., ii. 123
Brieil, Toussaint, i. 179
Biigaud, Marie, i. 311 ; Moi’se, ii.
33
Brinqueman. Fran9oise, ii. 139
Bristol, England, Huguenot Refu¬
gees in, i. 289, 292 ; ii. 37, 38,
39, 40. 57, 60. 61. hi, 140, 158 ;
French Church in, ii. 158-161 ;
Bishop of, ii. 159; Chapel of the
Gaunt in, ii 159
Bristol, Rhode Island, ii. 313
Brokin, John, ii. 151
Brooklyn, N. Y., i. 177
Browning, Arthur Giraud, ii. 157
Brownists, the. See Puritans
Brouage in Saintonge, ii. 21, 22
Broucard, Bourgeon, i. 188
Broussard, Marie, ii. 212 ; Isaac
Saviot, dit Deschamps, i. 297 ;
Judith, ii. 61
Browne, John, ii. 191
Brugnet, Marie, ii. 79, 80
Bruyas, the Jesuit Jacques, ii. 333,
334
Brun, Agnes Constance le, i. 292
4H
INDEX.
Bran, Jean le. See Browne, John
Bran, Moi'se le, i. 309 ; Veuve, i.
309
Bruneau, Arnaud, Sieur de la Cha-
boss.ere, i. 283, 285 ; Henri, i.
284, 285, 297 ; Paul de Rive-
doux, i. 283, 285, 297
Buccaneers of the West Indies, i.
218 ; Anecdote of one of the, i.
218
Buckingham, Duke of, sent by
James I. to relieve La Rochelle,
1. 1 1 3 ; Ignominious Failure of,
i. 1 13
Bureau, Anne, wife of Benjamin
Faneuil, ii. 208, 209,268 ; Fran¬
cois, i. 287, ii. 208, 209, 2ir, 281,
266, 267 ; Thomas, ii. 209, 219,
267
Buretel, (Burtel,) Pierre, i. 297
Burgeaud, Jeanne, wife of Elie
Prioleau, ii. 44 ; Madeleine, i.
297
Burgundy, The Dukes of, i. 277,
278 ; ii. 324
Burlington, New Jersey, ii. 32, 134
Bushwick, Long Island, N. Y., i.
179
Butler, Mary, ii. 191
Bussereau, Paul, ii. 298
Butt, Thomas, a native of Alveton,
Co. of Stafford, England, ii. 258,
266, 269
Buvier, Antoinette, ii. 118
Buzantpais in Berri, Refugees from,
ii. 106
Cabot Family, The, ii. 191
Cadiz, Spain, a Transport Ship
in the Harbor of, i. 223
Caillaud, Isaac, i. 231
Caillebceuf, Isaac, ii. 61
Cairon, Jean, Minister, ii. 145
Cajarc in Guyenne, ii. 145
Caen, Emery d% Plolds the Mon¬
opoly of the Canadian Fur-tiade
for a Year, i. 115 ; Guillaume
de, Sieur de la Mothe, i. 106 ;
At the Head of the Compagnie
Montmorency, i. 106 ; A Hu¬
guenot, i. 106; Assembles the
Sailors at Quebec for Worship, r.
107
Caen, in Normandy, Religious
Toleration in, Under the Edict
of Nantes, i. ill ; Protestantism
in, ii. 67 ; “ Temple ” of, ii. 67 ;
Protestant Congregation of, ii.
68 ; Persecution in, ii. 68 ;
Refugees from, ii. 69-72 ; ii.
239
Calais, France, i. 179
Callard, Marie, ii. 97
CallieSres, Louis Hector de, Gover¬
nor of Canada, sends Two En¬
voys to Lord Bellemont, ii. 333
Calvin, Chai tier and Richer Write
to, i. 41 ; Villegagnon Writes
to, i. 42 ; Villegagnon’s Changed
Opinion of, i. 44 ; In Poitiers,
France, i. 81, 262
Calvinism in France. See Prot¬
estantism in France.
Calvin’s Liturgy, ii. 231, 232
Calvin’sRelations With the English
Reformers and Bishops, ii. 162;
His Position Upon Ecclesiastical
Polity and Ceremonial, ii. 162
Camp, Laurent de, i. 183
Campbell, Mr., ii. 319
Campbell, Sarah, ii. 247
Canada, Included in De Monts’
Commission, i. 101 ; Settlement
of, i. 101 ; Unrestiicted Religious
Liberty in, i. 102 ; Calvinist
Traders and Sailors in, i. 102,
107 ; Closed to Huguenot Set¬
tlers, i. 108, 109 ; To be the
Patrimony of the Church of
Rome, i. 111 ; Seized by Eng¬
land, i. 1 12; Recovered by
France, i. 115
Canadian French and Indians, In¬
cursions of the, in Massachusetts,
ii. 275-280, 285-289
Canaveral, Cape, i. 73, 76
Canche, Ami, i. 231, ii. 49
Caner, Mary, ii. 315
Canet in Languedoc, ii. 121
Canon, i. 187 ; Jean, ii. 94
Cante, Pierre, ii. 266, 269
Canterbury, The Archbishop of,
With Others, a Committee for
the Relief of the Refugees, ii.
179
Canterbury, the Walloons in, i
150
Canton, Peter, ii. 211, 266, 269
273, 281
Cardaillac in Guyenne, ii. 145, 282
Carion, Moi’se, ii. 134
INDEX.
415
Carleton, Sir Dudley, English Am¬
bassador at the Hague, i. 158 ;
Favors the Project of the Leyden
Walloons, i. 163
Carmarthen, Lord, ii. 216
Carmeau, Nicolas, Goes to Brazil,
i- 33
Caron, Nicolas, ii. S3
Carouge, Jean, i. 288
Carre, Ezechiel, Huguenot Minis¬
ter, i. 303, 304 ; ii. 170 ; Min¬
ister of Narragansett, ii. 226 ;
Supplies the Vacant Church in
Boston, ii. 226; ii. 295, 297, 306,
3x0, Leaves Narragansetc, ii. 310;
Disappear from view, ii. 310;
His Published Sermon, ii. 303,
307, Appendix
Carre, Jean, Minister, ii. 49 ;
Jeanne, ii. 44 ; Louis, ii. 49
Carrelle, near Angles, in Langue¬
doc, ii. 125
Carrieire, Jean, ii. 83
Carron, Claude, ii. 64 ; Michel, ii.
64
Cartier, Jacques, Explores the
Coast of New France, i. 84
Casco, now Portland, Maine, ii.
205, 206
Casee, i. 187
Casier, Philippe, i. 182, 188
Casjou, Jean, i. 179
Cassagne, The Sieur La, ii. 133
Castaing, Physician, ii. 177, 180
Castres in Languedoc, Protestant¬
ism in, ii. 123 ; Huguenot Ref¬
ugees from, ii. 124-131
Catskill Mountains, i. 189
Caudebec, Jacques, ii. 19, 83
Caussade in Guyenne, ii. 138
Caverns, Meetings in, ii. 40
Cawgatwo, a Wapaquasset Indian,
ii. 280, 286
Cazalet, Noe, ii. 121, 122
Cazneau, (Cazaniau,) Paix, ii. 201,
211 ; Isaac, ii. 211, 266, 268,
281
Cellars, or Underground Habita¬
tions, Used by the Early Settlers,
ii. 295, 296
Certificates of Abjuration, ii. 120,
Specimen of, ii. 120, 121
ChaboissiSre, Chateau de la, i. 284
Chabot, Jean, ii. 142, 211; Bernard,
ii. 142
Chabossi&re, Sieurs de la, i. 284
Chadaine, Jean, ii. 21, 298 ; Marie,
ii. 20 ; Jeremiah, ii. 33
Chaigneau, Pierre, i. 288
Chaillaud, Tare, Journal of, ii. 29-
31
Chaille Family, The, i. 294, 295
Chaille, i. 326 ; Moi'se, i. 294 ;
Pierre, i. 294
Chaine, Antoine du, i. 183
Chalne, La, Fort of, in La Ro¬
chelle, i . 274
Chalais in Saintonge, Refugees
from, ii. 42
Chalifour, Charles-Gabriel, i. 11S
Challeux, Nicolas le, Goes with
Ribaut to Florida, i. 70 ; Serves
as a Religious Teacher, i. 70 ;
His Account of the Expedition,
i. 70
Challion, Catharine, ii. 104
Chambers, Thomas, Patentee of
Esopus, i. 190
“ Chamoiserie ” (Wash - Leather
Manufactory), Bernon’s, at Ox¬
ford, ii. 283, 288, 318
Champagne, Marie, i. 118
Champagne, Province of, Flight
from the, ii. 108-111
Champenois, Daniel, ii. 56
Cbampflour, de. Bishop of La
Rochelle, ii. 324
Champlain, Samuel de, Accompa¬
nies De Monts to Acadia, i. go ;
Lands at Quebec, i. 101 ; Gov¬
ernor of Quebec, i. 115
Champout, Pierre, i. 118
Champs, des, Surgeon in De
Monts’ Expedition, i. 89
Channel Islands. See Jersey, and
Guernsey
Chapelcupe, Nathanael, ii. 28
Chaperon, Pierre, ii. 74
Chapman, Rev. Jedediah, ii. 75
Chardavoine, Elie, ii, 38
Chardon, Madeleine, ii. 64 ; Pierre,
ii. 63, 211, 233
Charie, Claude, i. 183
“Charitable Samaritan, the,” ii.
303. Appendix
Charlesfort Built, i. 62; Aban¬
doned, i. 63
Charles I., of England, Declares
Himself the Protector of the
Protestants of France, i. 112
Charles II., of England, Issues a
Proclamation with Reference to
416
INDEX.
the “ Distressed Protestants ” of
France, i. 254 ; Promises Let¬
ters of Denization, i. 254 ; Or¬
ders Collections to be made for
Their Relief, i. 255
Charles V., Wars of, i. 21 ; In¬
clines to Terms of Peace with
France and the Protestant States
of Germany, i. 26
Charleston, South Carolina, PIu-
guenot Church of, ii. 44 ; First
Pastors of, ii. 44 ; Members of,
ii- 45
Charlton, Rev. Richard, ii. 70
Chamise, Charles de Menou d’Aul-
nay, Sieur de, i. 135; Contentions
of, with Charles de la Tour, i.
135— T38 ; Barbarity of, i. 138 ;
Death of, i. 138
Charon, Ester, ii. 25 ; Jean, ii. 25;
Pierre ii. 25 ; Elie, ii. 25, 196
Chartier, Guillaume, Minister, Goes
to Brazil, i. 33 ; Visits the
Newly-formed Church in Paris,
i. 34; Writes to Calvin, i. 41 ;
Is Sent Back to France by Ville-
gagnon, i. 43 ; Fits Subsequent
History, i. 44 ; Letter of, to
Calvin, i. 329-332.
Charuyer, Marie, ii. 61
Chastaignier, Alexandre Thesee, i.
284, 297 ; Hector FranQois, i.
325 ; Henri Auguste, i. 284,
297 ; Philippe, Abbess, i. 284 ;
Roch, i. 297, 325
Chastes, Aymar de, Commissioned
by Henry IV. to Colonize
America, i. 85
Chateaubriand, Edict of, June 27,
1551
Chateaudun in Orleanais, ii. 97
Chatelas in Saintonge, ii. 36; Birth¬
place of Jacques Fontaine, ii, 36
ChStellerauit in Poitou, ii. 49 ; Ref¬
ugees from, ii. 49, 50, 64, 171,
2J)7
Chatillon-sur-Loing, Coligny’s Es¬
tates at, i. 34
Chatonnay in Poitou, i. 282
Chaudore, le Sieur, Goes With De
Monts to Acadia, i. 89
Chaume, la, in Poitou, ii. 17 ; Ref¬
ugees from, ii. 52
Chauveau, Mai tin, i. 65
Chauvin, Pierre, Seigneur de Ton-
tuit, a Huguenot, Commissioned
by Henry IV. to Colonize Amer¬
ica, i. 84
Checkley, John, his “ Modest
Proof,” ii. 325
Cheever, Ezekiel, ii. 22 1
Chenac in Saintonge, Refugees
from, ii. 40
Chenay in Poitou, ii. 60 ; Refugees
from, ii. 61
Chenevard (Chesnevert), Jean
Michel, ii. 335
Chentrier. See Chintrier
Che'rigny, Claude, ii. 105
Cherveux in Poitou, ii. 59 ; Refu¬
gees from, ii. 59, 314
Chevalier, Jean le, ii. 80 ; Marie, i,
309 ; Nicolas, ii. igi ; Pierre le,
ii. 80 ; Family of, ii. 80, 81
Chezean, Adam de, i. 303 ; ii. 211
Chintrier, Elizabe.h, Marie, i. 297
Choiscule, Madame de, ii. 113
Chreslien, Marie, ii. 42
Church, French, in Boston. See
Boston, F'rench Church in
Church, French, in Narragansett,
ii. 298
Church, French, in Oxford, ii. 263
Churches, Fluguenot. See “ Tem¬
ples ”
Civil War, the First, i. 59
Clement, Bastien, i. 182
Clements, Richard, ii. 205, 207,
208
Cler, Jeanne le, ii. 32
Clercq, Jean le, i. 182
Gere, Elizabeth le, ii. 32, 59
Claude, Jean, His Book Publicly
Burned in London, ii. 156
Cloux, Marie du, Wife of Jesse de
Forest, i. 174 ; Returns to Hol¬
land, i. 175
Cochivier, Alexandre, i. 183
Coit, Mary Anne, ii. 250
Colbert, Minister of Louis XIV.,
Advocates Colonization, i. 21
Colier, Henri, ii. 103
Coligny, Gaspard de. Admiral, En¬
tertains the Plan of Establishing
Colonies of French Protestants in
America, i. 21 ; Devoted to the
Interests of France, i. 22 ; In
Accord with the Protestant Move¬
ment, i. 22 ; Sagacity of, i. 25 ;
Obtains Consent of Henry II. to
the Scheme of Colonization, i.
26 ; Imprisonment of, i. 55 •
INDEX. 417
Undiscouraged by the Fail¬
ure of the First Attempt to
Found a Colony, i. 56 ; Con¬
sulted by Catharine de Medici,
Recommends Toleration, i. 58 ;
Sends an Expedition to Florida,
Under Ribaut, i. 60 ; Decides
to Join the Huguenots in the
Field, i. 62 ; Sends a Second
Expedition, Under Laudonni&re,
i. 63
Coligny, the Island of, i. 31; Forti¬
fied, i. 31 ; First Religious Serv¬
ice on, i. 37 ; Order of Pub¬
lic Worship Established on,
i. 40 ; Colony on, Broken up, i
56
Colineau, Matthieu, ii. 43, 44
Collardeau, Jeanne, ii. 41
Collin, Jean, i. 304 ; Paul, i. 304 ;
ii. 298, 310, 331 ; Pierre, i.
304
“Colloque,” or Provincial Synod,
of the Reformed Churches of
France, i. 25
“ Colloques ” of the French Prot¬
estant Churches in England, ii.
161
Commission of Henry IV. to De
Monts for the Settlement of
Acadia, i. 84, 341-347; Its
Liberal Terms, i. 86, 97 ; Ob¬
jected to, i. 97
Commissioner for the Town of New
Oxford, Mass., ii. 267
Comtat, Jean, i. 44
Concourt in Artois, ii. 95
Conde, Prince of, i. 57 ; Takes
the lead of the Huguenot Party,
i. 62 ; Viceroy of New France,
i. 103; ii. 136
Confession, Public, of Apostacy,
ii. 33. 103
Confiscation of the Property of
Refugees, ii, 85, 86
Conformist Church of Bristol,
England, French, ii. 161
Conformist Churches in England,
French, ii, 161, 162 ; Proportion
of the, ii. 165. See Non-con¬
formist Churches
Conformity to the Church of Eng¬
land, the French Refugees Differ
as to, ii. 161 ; Motives for, ii.
161, 162 ; Obstacles to, ii. 163,
164
Connecticut, Boundary Disputes of,
with Rhode Island, ii. 293
Connecticut, Huguenot Settlers in,
i. 304, ii. 60, 103, 132, 146,
330-336
Connecticut River, Settlement of
Walloons on the, i. 171
Conseiller, Jean le, i. 182
Consistoire, or Church Session, in
the Reformed Churches of
France, i. 25
Constable of the French Planta¬
tion, Oxford, Mass., ii. 267
Contesse, Marie, i. 305
Conversion, Boasted, of Plugue-
notsin Canada, i. 118 ; Marvel¬
ous Instance of, i. 119, 120
Conversions, Insincere, Brought
About by the Infliction of Legal
Disabilities, and by the Bru¬
talities of the Dragonnades, i.
253
Conversion of Seamen, i. 213, note
Conversion of the Heathen,
Prayers at La Rochelle for the,
i- 95
Convicts, Permission to Choose Re¬
cruits for Expeditions to America
from, i. 28, 89 ; Troubles of
Villagagnon from, i. 30; Con¬
spiracy of, i. 31 ; Punishment of,
i. 32
Corbusier Family of Bermuda, i.
235
Corguilleray, Philippe de, Sieur du
Pont. See Pont, du
Cork, in Ireland, ii. 21, 22
Corlear’s Hook, i. 177
Cormie, S'mon, i. 183
Cornilly, Pierre, of Saintonge, ii.
266, 269
Cosette Goes with Ribaut to Flori¬
da, i. 70
Cossart, Jacques, i. 183
Cothonneau, Elie, i. 305 ; Guil¬
laume, i. 305 ; G., i. 326
Cottin, Daniel, ii. 93 ; Jean, ii.
92 ; His bequests, ii. 93
Cou, De, ii. 32. See De Cow,
Coudret, Jean, ii. 37, 298, 310
Couillandeau, Pierre, ii. 33
Coulombeau, Jeanne, ii. 22
Coulon in Poitou, ii. 58, 59
Coulon, Jean, i. 305 ; ii. 56
Couly, Marie, ii. 97
Courdil, Jean, Minister, ii. 133
4i 8
INDEX.
Coursier, Anne, i. 305 ; Marie, i.
306
Cousseau, Jacques, i. 182
Coutant, Ester, i. 306
Couturier, Jeanne, ii. 38, 59
Couverts, Jean, i. 183
Coxe, Doctor Daniel, Proprietary
of Carolana and Florida, ii. 177
Coysgame, ii. 214
Cozes in Saintonge, Refugees
from, ii. 40
Cramahe, Chateau of, i. 284
Cramahe, Seigneurs de, i. 284
Crequi, Count, Settles in the West
Indies, i. 209
Cressy, Seigneur de, i. 298
Crispel, Antoine, i. 188 ; Settles
in Esopus, i. 189 ; Wife and
Child of, Taken by the Indians,
i.,195
Croiset, Suzanne, i. 289
Cromrnelin, Charles, ii. 91 ; Dan¬
iel, ii.gr, 92; Family, the, ii. 91,
92 ; Jean, ii . 91
Cromwell, Oliver, Grants a Tract
of land in Nova Scotia, to
Charles de la Tour, i. 139
Crotte, Nicaise de la, i, 70
Crucheron, i. 187
Cura^oa, W. I., Island of, Indian
Prisoners Sent by Stuyvesant to,
i. 194
Daillain, Esther, ii. 80
Daille, Pierre, Fluguenot Minister,
ii. 210, 212, 221, 222 ; Pro¬
fessor in the Academy of Sau-
mur, ii. 227 ; Banished from
France, ii. 228 ; Sent to America
by the Bishop of London, ii.
221, 236 ; Ministers to the
French Refugees in New York,
ii. 221, 226 ; in New Paltz, N-Y.,
ii. 19 ; His Piety and Learning,
ii. 227, 228, 239 ; Becomes Pas¬
tor of the French Church in
Boston, ii. 226 ; His Relations
to the Ministry of Boston, ii.
226 ; His Correspondence with
Increase Mather, ii. 224, 225 ;
His Straitened Circumstances, ii.’
234> 235 I Receives aid from the
Public Treasury, ii. 235 ; Ap¬
plies to the Society for the Prop¬
agation of the Gospel in For¬
eign Parts, ii. 235 ; Testimonies
to the Worth of, ii. 235, 236 ;
Was Episcopally Ordained, it.
236 ; His Congregation not
Conformable to the Church of
England, ii. 236 ; Letter of, to
Bernon, ii. 236, 237 ; Death of,
ii. 237 ; Will of, ii. 238, 239 ;
Letters of, Appendix ■ Martha,
Widow of, ii. 238. (First wife,
Esther Latonice, died December,
1696. Second wife, Sytie
Duyckinck.)
Daille, Paul, Brother of Pierre, ii. 238
Damour, Anne, ii. 20
Darlington County, S- C., ii. 65
Dauphiny, Province of, Refugees
from, ii. 114-118
David Family, the, of La Rochelle,
i. 283 , Jean and Josue, i. 283,
288 ; Jean, ii. 298, 310 ; Josue,
Senior and Junior, ii. 298, 310 ;
Madeleine, ii . 42 ; Martin, Goes
to Brazil, i. 33.
Deaf-mutes, Instruction of, i. 301
Deblois, ii. 25,211 ; Gilbert, Louis,
Stephen, Susanne, ii. 26
Debray, Pierre, i. 65
Dechezault, E., i. 326
Decoux, Marie, ii. 32
De Cow, Isaac, ii. 32
Decrees, Royal, in France, Abridg¬
ing the Liberties of Protestants :
Permitting Children to Renounce
the Faith of their Parents, i. 243 ;
Suppressing Schools, i. 244 ;
Suppressing Academies, i. 245 ;
Closing Churches, i. 246 ; Exclu¬
ding Protestants From Civil and
Municipal Charges, i. 247 ; From
Professions and Trades, i. 248 ;
Quartering Troops Upon Prot¬
estant Families, i. 248 : See
Dragonnades. Forbidding the
Protestants to Leave the King¬
dom, i. 256; Announcing “An
Infinite Number of Conversions,”
i. 256; Proclaiming the Extirpa¬
tion of Heresy, i. 257
Deerfield, Mass. .Massacre at, ii. 288
Deerpark, Orange County, New
York, ii. 19, 38
Dehaies, Jean, i. 65
Dehays, Susanne, ii. 104
Delacheval, Pierre, ii. 28
Delafon, Jean, ii. 28
INDEX.
419
Delaforetre, Peter, ii. 176
De la Grange, i . 1 79
Delancey, Stephen, ii. 28
De Lancy (De Lancey). See
Lancy, de
Delavergne, Pierre, ii. 28
Dellaclose, Rachel, ii. 191
Delaware, Waldenses Settle in, i.
186 ; Huguenot Settlers in, ii.
35, 133
Delaware River, Settlement of
Walloons on the, i, 171
Dellius, Godfrey, Minister of the
Protestant Reformed Dutch
Church, in Albany, N. Y., ii.
3°4
Dtmeon, Pierre, ii. 27
Demuin Appointed Governor of
Aunis, i. 312, 294
Denis, Andre, ii. 40 ; Jean, ii. 28 ;
Nicolas, Goes to Brazil, i. 33
Denization. See Naturalization
Denmark, the King of, Invites the
Persecuted Huguenots to his
Kingdom, i. 256
Denonville, Marquis de, Governor
of Canada, i 127
Depont, Gabriel, i. 287 ; ii. 204,
332 ; Jacques, i. 287 ; ii. 204,
212, 266, 269, 281, 332
Depont, Gilbert, ii, 212
Desbrosses, Elie, ii. 54 ; Legacy
of, to the French Church in New
York, ii. 54 ; Jacques, it. 53
Desbrosses Street, New York, ii. 54
Descairac, Alexander, Minister, ii.
160 ; Death of, ii. 160
Deschamps, Isaac Saviot Brous¬
sard, ii. 212, 310
Desert, Mount, French Settlement
on the Island of, i. 105
Desplanques, Ebe, i. 70
De Vaux. See Vaux, De.
Detraction, Le Mercier’s Treatise
against, ii. 243
D’Harriette, Benjamin, i. 288
Dickestean, Master, ii. 272
Die in Dauphiny, ii. 114, 116
Dieppe in Normandy, Ville-
gagnon’s Expedition Puts in for
Shelter at, i. 28 ; Ribaut Ar¬
rives in, i. 62 ; Ribaut Sails
from, i. 70
Dieppe in Normandy, Protestant¬
ism in, ii. 78 ; Persecut;on in, ii.
78 ; Refugees from, ii. 79> So
Dismal Swamp, The, ii. 178
Dolphin, The Ship, ii. 259
Dorchester, Massachusetts, ii. 245
Douay, Walloon Church of, i. 149
Doublet, Jean, ii. 18
Doucet, Mattliieu, i. 118
Doucinet, Etienne, i. 288 ; Su-
sanne Marie, ii. 20
Douw, Gerard and Allet'e, i. 293 ;
Sarah, Wife of Jacob Theroulde,
i. 293
Doyoeux, Anne, ii. 20
Dragaud, Jean, ii. 21 ; Pierre, ii.
21
Dragonnades, The, in Canada, i.
126 ; In France, i. 248-250
Drelincourt’s Consolations, ii. 326
Droilhet, Paul, ii. 42, 131
Drouet, i. 70
Drune, Simon, i. 182
Dublin, Ireland, ii. 61
Du Bois, Catharine, Wife of Jean
Cottin, ii. 92 ; Chretien, i. 187 ;
Jean, Goes with Ribaut to Flor¬
ida, i. 70 ; Jean, ii. 20, 31, 32 ;
Jacques, ii. 28
Du Bois, Louis, i. 187 ; Emigrates
to Mannheim, i. 188 ; Marries
Catharine Blanchard, i. 188 ;
Removes to New Netherland,
i. 189 ; Settles in Esopu«,
(Kingston, N. Y.,) i. 189 ; His
Wife and Three Children Taken
Prisoners by the Indians, i. 195 ;
His Vigor and Presence of Mind,
i. 199 ; Removes to the Wallkill
Valley, i. 199 ; Founds New
Paltz, i. 199
Du Bois, Philip, ii. 20
Dubose, Isaac, ii. 34, 80 ; Susanne,
ii. 33
Du Buisson, Jean Baptiste du Poi¬
tiers, Sieur, i. 128, 129
Duche, Antoine, i. 294
Duche, family, the, i. 294, 295
Duchemin, Daniel, i. 231 ; 11. 71
Dudley, Joseph, One of the Pro¬
prietors of Oxford, Massachu¬
setts, ii. 258 ; Visits Oxford
With Bernon, ii. 260 ; Character
of, ii. 261 ; Governor of Mass.,
ii. 287 ; His Dealings With Ber¬
non, ii. 289, 290
Dudley, Thomas, ii. 205
Dugua, Jeanne, ii. 59
Du Gua, Peter, ii. 175
420
INDEX.
Dugue, Jacques, ii. 64 ; Judith,
Wife of Samuel du Bourdieu, ii.
85 ; Marie, ii. 134 ; Pierre,
Isaac and Elizabeth, ii. 106.
Dulac, Jacques, i. 70
Dumaresq, Captain Philip, ii. 193
Dunot, Fran^oise, ii. 17
Dupee, James A., ii. 233
Dupee, (Du Tay?) Marthe, ii. 135,
136
Dupeu, Elie, ii. 266, 268, 281 ;
Jean, ii. 266, 281
Dupeux, Elie, ii. 14
Dupeux, Jean, ii. 14
Duplessis-Mornay, in Orleanais,
ii. 97
Duplessis, Francois, ii. 336
Dupon, Anne, ii. 41
Dupont, Abraham, ii. 74
Dupuis, Francis, i. 182 ; Jean, ii.
233
Dupuis Family, the, ii. 233
Dupuy, Andre, ii. 27 ; Captain
Barthelemy, Escape of, ii. 109,
no
Dupuy, Elizabeth, ii. 106
Dupuy of Caraman, ii. 127
Durand of Dauphiny, His Nar¬
rative of his Escape, ii. 114-117;
His Impressions of London, ii.
151 ; His Project of Emigration
to America, ii, 167 ; His Prep¬
arations, ii. 171
Durand, Pierre, ii. 21, 61, 332 ;
Rene de, ii. 1 14
Durant, of Geneva, ii. 76
Duras in Guyenne, ii. 139
Durham, New Hampshire, ii. 275
Durie, Juste, i. 188
Durouzeaux, Daniel, ii. 41
Dushaise, David, ii. 175
Dutais, Marie, ii. 21, 56 ; Jeanne,
ii. 21
Dutaies. See Tay, Du.
Dutarque, Louis, ii. 95
Du Tay, Jeanne, ii. 21
Dutee (Du Tay). See Jerauld
Duthais, Daniel, ii. 176
Duval, Francois, i. 70
Duyou, Chretien, i. 188
East Greenwich, Rhode Island.
See Greenwich, East
Eastern Provinces of France,
Flight from the, ii. 107-118
Edgartown, Massachusetts, ii. 141
Edicts, Royal, with Reference to
Protestantism : Edict of Chii-
taubriand, June 27, 1551, i. 23 ;
Edict of July, 1561, i. 58 ; Edict
of January, 1562, i. 59 ; Edict
of Pacification, August 8, 157°.
i. 148, Edict of Nantes, April 13,
1598, i. 79 ; Revocation of, see
Revocation
Edicts, Proscriptive, in the Antilles,
i. 212 ; Unenforced for Many
Years, i. 213 ; Strict Orders for
the Enforcement of, i. 227
Elders of the French Church in
Boston, ii. 233 ; Petition the
Council for Leave to Solicit
Funds for the Erection of a
House of Worship, ii. 221, 222 ;
Office of. ii. 232 ; Seats of, ii.
232 ; Petition the Council for
Aid in the Support of Their
Minister, ii. 233-6
“ Eleatheria.'’ See Eleuthera
Eleuthera, One of the Bahama
Islands, Persecution in, ii. 200
Eliot, John, “the Apostle to the
Indians,” ii. 168, 277, 315
Elizabeth, New Jersey, ii. 138
F.ly, William D., ii. 266
Emigrants, Large Body of, Under
Olivier de la Muce, ii. 176
Emigration, Outfit for, ii. 171
England Welcomes the Fleeing
Huguenots, i. 254. See Charles
II.
England, the Church of, Extends
a Welcome to the French Prot¬
estant Refugees, ii. 157 ; Early
Relations of, to the Continental
Churches and Reformers, ii. 162;
Popularity of, in 1688, ii. 164
England, the Refuge in, ii. 148 ;
Hospitality of, ii. 148 ; the Ref¬
ugees in, ii. 148 ; A Refugee’s
Impressions of, ii. 153
English, Philip, ii. 191-193
“ English’s Great House,” ii. 192
“ Engages,” or Bondsmen, in the
Antilles, i. 218 ; Anecdote of
one of the, i. 218
Equier, Jean, ii. 33, 101
Erlach, D’, Accompanies Laudon-
nitlre to Florida, i. 63
Erouard, Jacques, i. 306 ; Charles,
i. 306
INDEX.
421
Erving, John, ii. 248
Escape of the Huguenots from the
Antilles, Methods of, i. 230, 231,
235
Escape of the Huguenots from
France. Methods of, i. 251-253
Esopus, (Kingston, N. Y ,) i. 189,
190 ; Settlement of Walloons at,
i. 189; Attacked by the Indians,
i. 191
Esopus Creek, i. 193
Esopus Indians, The, i. 190 ; At¬
tack the Dutch Settlements on
the Hudson River, i. 191; In¬
vest Wiltwyck, i. 192 ; Stuyve-
sant’s Severity to, i. 194 ; De¬
stroy the New Village, i. 194 I
Take Prisoners the Wives and
Children of the Walloon Settlers,
i. 195 ; Pursued by Captain
Krygier, i. 197 ; Almost Ex¬
terminated, i. 199
Esquier, Claude and Jean, ii. 101
Estrees, d’, The Count, ii. 23
Eugene, Prince, ii. 237
Exoudun in Poitou, i. 301
Factors, Huguenot, of Rochellese
Merchants, i. 121 ; Hold Reli¬
gious Meetings in Quebec, i.
122 ; Complained of, to the
Government, i. 122
Faget, Jean, ii. 42
Falmouth, Maine, ii . 193, 207
Faneuil, Andre, i. 287 ; ii. 201, 204,
208, 209, 212, 246
Faneuil, Benjamin, i. 281, 287 ; ii.
201, 204, 208, 209, 212, 246 ;
Letter of, ii. 219
Faneuil Family of La Rochelle, i. 281
Faneuil Hall, Boston, ii. 209, 247
Faneuil, Peter, Character of, ii.
246, 247 ; Personal Appeal ance
of, ii. 246 ; Charities of, ii. 247
Faneuil, Pierre, Father of Ben¬
jamin, Tean and Andre, i. 281
Fanton, Elizabeth, i. 309: Rachel,
ii. 61
Farge, de la, Priest, ii. 31
Farnham, South, Virginia, ii. 144
Faucheraud, Charles, ii. 16
Fauconnier, Pierre, ii. 63, 64
Faug&res, in Languedoc, ii. 134
FavieSres, Etienne Boyer, ii. 31 ;
Jacques, ii. 31
Febure, Jeanne le, Wife of Pierre
de St. Julien, Sen., ii. 85
Ferre, Susanne, ii. 105
Feveryear, Edward, ii. 191
Figeac in Guyenne, ii. 145
Filou Family, the, i. 304
Filoux, Nicolas, i. 304
Fiquinville, Accompanies Ribaut
to Florida, i. 60
Fire Island Inlet, L. I., i. 185
Fisheries, American, i. 83
Fitch, Captain Daniel, Leads an
Expedition in Pursuit of the In¬
dians that Attacked Oxford, ii.'
279
Five Nations, the, ii. 280
Flanders, Defeat of the French in,,
ii. 237
Flanders, Province of, Walloon
Churches in the, i. 149; Settlers1
from, i. 182, 187
Flandreau, Jacques, i. 192
Fleuriau, Marie, ii. 49 ; .Marguer¬
ite, Wife of Pierre Berthon de
Marigny, ii. 49 ; Marquise, ii.
49; Pierre, i. 231, ii. 49; Pre-
geante, Wife of Louis Carre, ii:
49
Fleury de la Plaine, Abraham, n.
64 ; Charles, ii. 64 ; Isaac, ii. 64
Flight of the Protestants of
France, from Persecution Under
Louis XIV., i. 250-254
Florida, Attempted Protestant Set¬
tlement in, i. 57-77 ; First Ex¬
pedition, i. 60 ; Second Expedi¬
tion, i. 63 ; Third Expedition, i.
70; Emigration of French Prot¬
estants to, ii. 176. See Ribaut
and Laudonnicre
Flucker, Thomas, ii. 248
Foix, Comte de, ii. 144, 146, 147
Foix, Louise de, i. 280
Fontaine, Elizabeth, ii. 1827
Jacques, ii. 45 I Flight of, ii.
46-48, 164
Fonteyn, Charles, i. 182
Fore, Daniel, i. 118
Forest, de, i. 1 5 1
Forest, Gerard de, Petitions the
Burgomasters of Leyden, i. 174
Forest, Jesse de, a Leading Wal¬
loon of Leyden, i. 158 ; Pre¬
sents a Petition for Himself and
Others, to the English Ambas¬
sador, i. 158 ; Petition of, i. 348,
422
INDEX.
349 ; Submits His Plan of Emi¬
gration to the States of Holland,
i. 166 ; Petitions the States-
General, i. 167 ; Is Permitted
to Enroll Colonists, i. 168 ; Sails
for New Netherland, i. 169,
173 ; Death of, i, 175 ; Children
of, i. 174
Forest, The Primeval, ii. 255, 259
Forestier, Charles, Jean and The-
ophile, ii. 40, 298
Forestier Family, the, ii. 40
Fort, The Huguenot, at Oxford,
Massachusetts, ii. 263-265 ; The
Settlers Take Refuge in the, ii.
275 ; Palisaded, ii. 287
Fortune, Passengers on the, i. 158
Foucault, Andre, ii. 55
Fouchard, Jean Jacques, ii. 139
Foucheraud, Elizabeth, ii. 41
Fougeraut, Marie, ii. 33
Fougeray, Le Sieur, Goes with De
Monts to Acadia, i. 89
Fougie, Amadee, i. 182
Fournie, Adrien, i. 182
Foye, Captain John, ii. 193, 259,
260 ; Jeffrey, ii. 193
France, Arnaud, i. 310, 326
France, Northern Provinces of, i.
179; Emigration from, i. 179, 182
France, The Reformed Churches
of, Their Early Relations to the
Church of England, ii. 162
Francis I. Professes a Desire for
the Reformation of Abuses in
the Church of Rome, i. 22 ; Be¬
comes the Foe of the Reforma¬
tion, i. 23
Frankenthal, in the Palatinate, i.
187
“French Houses” in Oxford, Mass.,
The, ii. 266-269, 278
French Protestant Refugee Con-
grega'ions, in Holland, Switzer¬
land, and Germany, ii. 163 ; in
England, ii. 161
French River, Oxford, Mass. See
Maanexit, The.
Frenchtown, Rhode Island, ii.
295
Frene, Madeleine du, ii. 103
Fresne, Catharine, ii. 117
Fresneau, Andre, i. 289
Frete, Francois, i. 118
Frezeau de la Frezeliere, Bishop of
La Rochelle, ii. 324
Friars and Pries's in the Antilles,
Their Vigilance, i. 214
Friars, Franciscan, in Canada, i.
102, 107
Fromaget, Charles, ii. 49
Frontenac, Count, Governor of
Canada, i. 101
“Frontier Towns ” of Oxford and
Woodstock, Mass., ii. 279, 287..
Fruschard, Judith, ii. 52
Fublaines, near Meaux, Refugees
from, ii. 104
Fume, Claude, ii, 37 ; Daniel, ii.
37, 38
Fundy, Bay of, i. 92
Gaillard, Daniel, ii. 39 ; Joachim,
ii. 123 ; Pierre, ii. 32, 59
Gaineau, Etienne, i. 182
Galay, la Veuve, ii. 298, 310; Jean,
ii. 298
Gallais, Jean, i. 307 ; Marie, i. 307
Gallaudet, E. M., LL.D., i. 301
Gallaudet Family, the, i. 301
Gallaudet, Pierre Elisee, Dr., i.
300, 301 ; Memorandum of, i.
301
Gallaudet, Rev. T., D.D., i. 301
Gallaudet, Rev. T. H., LL.D., i.
301
Gallopin, Jacques, ii. 81
Galway, the Earl of (Henri, Mar¬
quis de Ruvigny,) Recommends
Gabriel Bernon, ii. 216, 319,
320 ; Brilliant Achievements of,
ii. 237
Gamble, Pierre, i. 65
Gancel, Jean, ii. 74
Gannepaine, i . 187
Garde, Isaac de la, ii. 139
Gardien, Jean, Goes to Brazil, i.
33
Garfield, President James A., ii.
315
Garhere, ii. 315
Garillion, Madeleine, ii. 80, 117
Garlin, Marie, ii. 103
Garneau, F X., Observations of,
upon the Exclusion of Hugue¬
nots from Canada, i. 117
Garnie, Jeanne, ii. 21
Gamier, Daniel, i, 309 ; Isaac, i.
309 ; Jean, ii. 18
Garonne River, ii. 29
Garric. See Garrigues
INDEX.
423
Garrigues Family, the, ii. 123
Garrison, Isaac, ii. 143
Gas, du. See Dugua
Gascherie, Etienne, i. 293 ; Jean,
i. 293 ; Judith, i. 293
Gast, Leonore, ii. 42
Gastigny, James, ii. 157
Gaudineau, Gilles, i. 232 ; Active
in Public A ffaiis, ii. 53 ; Im¬
prisoned by Leisler, ii. 53 ;
Jacques, ii. 53
Gaunt, Chapel of the, Bristol, Eng¬
land, ii. 159
Gautier, Elizabeth, ii. 27 ; Jacques,
ii. 135 ; Jean, ii. 18
Gazeau, Bastian, ii. 212
Gendre, Daniel le, ii. 74, 298
Gendre, Le, i. 65
Gendron, Fran^oise, ii. 2£ ; Phil¬
ippe, ii. 64; Jean, ii. 64
Genejoy, Etienne, i. 182
Genne, Marie, Wife of Olivier du
Bourdieu, ii. 85
Gdnes, Estienne de, i. 65
Geneston, Sieur de, goes with De
Monts to Acadia, i. 89
Geneuil, Louis, ii. 19, 20
Geneva, Academy of, ii. 239
Geneva, an Envoy from Coligny
Reaches, i. 32 ; His Reception
in, i. 32 ; Solemn Services at, i.
32
Geneva, Le Mercier’s Church
History of, ii. 242
Genevese, a Company of, Set out
to join Villegagnon’s Colony, i.
33 ; Visit Coligny at ChStillon-
sur-Loing, i. 34 ; Their stay in
Paris, i. 34 ; Attacked by a mob
in Honfleur, i. 35 ; Sad for Bra¬
zil, i. 36 ; Arrive at Rio de Jan¬
eiro, i. 36 ; Welcomed by Ville-
gagnon, i. 36 I Their Sorry En¬
tertainment, i- 38 ; Their First
Impressions of the New World,
i. 39 ; Disappointed in Villegag-
non, i. 46 ; Leave the Island
Coligny, i. 46 ; Visit some of the
Savage Tribes, i. 47 1 Sufferings
of, on the Homeward Voyage, i.
52 ; They Land on the Coast of
Bretagne, i. 52 ; Villegagnon’s
Treachery Toward, i. 53
Genouil, Marie, ii. 32
Germaine, Margaret, wife of Paix
Cazneau, 268
Germany, the Protestant States of,
Welcome the Fluguenot Refu¬
gees, i. 256
Germany, the Reformation in, ii.
22 ; Protestant Princes of, i. 23
Germon in Poitou, ii. 59
Germon, Jean, ii. 32
Germon, (Germaine,) Jean, ii. 266,
268, 281, 310
Gerneaux, Francois, ii. 194
Gerould. See Jerauld
Gervon, Jean, i. 182
Ghent, Walloon Church of, i.
149
Gignilliat, Jean Frangois, ii. 95
Gilbert, Rene, ii. 55
Gilet, William, ii. 144, 332 ; Elie,
ii. 144 ; Elisha, ii. 144 i Lli-
phalet, ii. 332
Gillette Family, the, ii. 144
Gilliet, Ester, ii. 104
Gilliot, Philip, ii. 93
Girard, Jean, ii. 317
Girardeau, Jean, ii. 53
Gironde River, ii. 36
Girrard, Pierre, ii. 52
Giton, Judith, Wife of Gabriel
Manigault, ii. 112 ; Her Nar¬
rative of her Escape, ii. 112-114;
Appendix
Gloves, Manufacture of, ii. 284
Godet Family, of Bermuda, i. 235,
236
Gombauld, Daniel, i. 231, 292 ;
Moi'se, of Martinique, Removes
to New York, i. 234 ; Marries a
Daughter of Antoine Pintard, i.
235
Gondeau, Estienne, i. 65
Gonnor, Michel, i 70
Goose Creek, S. C., ii. 65
Gosselin Family, ii. 74, 75
Gosselin, Jacob, ii. 74
Gougeon, Gregoire, i. 3°7. 326 ;
Renee Marie, Wife of Pasteur
Rou, i. 307
Gouin, Abraham, ii. 27
Gourdain, Louis, ii. 95
Gourgues, Dominique de, Under¬
takes to Avenge the Slaughter of
the French in Florida, i. 76 ;
Surprises the Spanish Fort. i. 77
Gousset, Jacques, Minister of Poi¬
tiers, ii. 51
Gowanus, Long Island, N. Y.,
Walloons Settle at, i. 177
424
INDEX.
Coyave, in Guadeloupe, Bay of, i.
232
Goyon, Claude-Charles, Baron, ii.
86
Grand, Juste, i. 186
Grandcheinin, i. 65
Grand, Isaac le, ii. 71 ; Jean le,
Sieur d’Anvuille, ii. 71
Grand, le, Family, ii. 93
Grand, Pierre le, ii. 93
Grandpre, i. 65
Grange, de la, i. 179
Grasset, Auguste, i. 289 ; Mari¬
anne, ii. 138
Graton, Renee Marie, Wife of
Gregoire Gougeon, i. 307
Gravesend, England, ii. 151, 154,
176, 259
Gravesend, L. I., N. Y., ii. 27, 28
Grazilier, Ezechiel, ii. 196, 298,
310
Greene, John, ii. 306
Greenwich, East, Rhode Island,
Huguenot Settlement in the
Town of, ii. 295 ; Earlier Ap¬
portionment of, ii. 309 ; The
French Molested by the People
of, ii. 301
Grenier la Tour, Marguerite de,
Wife of Pierre Peiret, ii. 147
Grenoble in Dauphiny, Refugees
from, ii. 117 ; Parliament of, ii.
118
Grennell, Daniel, ii. 316
Greycourt. See Gricourt
Gricourt, Near St. Quentin, ii. gi
Grignon, Rene, ii. 212, 233, 266,
281, 298, 310
Grinnell Family, the, ii. 3x6
Grion la Capelle, Francois, i. 179
Grissaut, Pierre, i. 183
Groesbeeck, John, ii. 70
Grontaut, de, Goes With Laudon-
niere to Florida, i. 65
Gros, i. 70
Groton, Massachusetts, ii. 275
Guadeloupe, W. I., Island of, The
Protestant Population of, Very
Considerable, i. 2 to ; Freedom
of Worship in, i. 210; List of
American Huguenot Names in,
i. 212 ; Escape from, i. 231 ; ii.
78
Guenon, Jean, i. 182
Guercheville, Antoinette de Pons,
Marquise de, i. 103 ; Purchases
De Monts’ Proprietary Rights,
i. 104
Guerin, Mathurin, ii. 17
Guernache, The Drummer, i. 60
Guernsey, Island of, Flight of
Huguenots to, after the Mas¬
sacre of St. Bartholomew’s Day,
i. 149 ; ii. 190, 194; Emigrants
from, Settle in America, ii. 193,
194,312
Guerrain, Pierre, ii. 18
Guerri, Pierre, ii. 61 ; Jacques, ii.
61
Guerry, Anne, i. 306 ; Veuve,
ii. 196
Guibal, Jean, ii. 134
Guichard, Francis, i. 206 ; Marie
Anne, i. 289 1
Guimard, Pierre, ii. 19, 20, 83
Guion, Isaac, ii. 51 ; Louis, i. 300,
301
Guionneau, Henri, i. 287 ; Louis,
ii. 212
Guiraut, of Nismes, Sentenced to
Transportation to the Antilles, i.
226 ; Humanely Treated, i.
226, 229
Guise, The Duke of, Attacks an
Assembly of Protestants, i. 62
Gui'on, Marie, ii. 37
Guiton, Mayor of La Rochelle, i.
275
Gumaer, Peter L., ii. 20
Guyenne, Province of, ii. 135 ;
Loyalty of the Protestants of,
ii. 136 : The Dragonnades in,
ii. 137 ; Refugees from, ii. 138-
146
Guymard, in Orange Co., N. Y.,
ii. 20
Hain, Jean. ii. 16, 205
Hainault, Province of, i. 149 ;
Walloon Churches in the. 1.
149 ; Refuses to join the United
Netherlands, i. 150; Protestants
in. Remove to Holland, i. 150
Half-Way River, the, ii. 279
Hamel, Etienne, Escapes From
Guadeloupe to New York, i. 230,
231 ; ii. 78
Hamilton, A. Boyd, ii. 36
Hammocks, Indian, i. 39
Hance, Artificer, i. 65
Hancock, Thomas, ii. 245
INDEX.
425
Harfleur in Normandy, ii. 82
Harlem, New, on the Nonh End
of Manhattan Island, i. 178 ;
Walloons and French Settle at,
i. 178
Harramond, Elizabeth, ii. 65
Harriette, Benjamin d’, i. 299 ; ii.
212 ; Susanne, Wife of Pierre
Beilin, i. 299
Harris, Mary, Second Wife of Ga¬
briel Bernon, ii. 325
Harrisburg, Penn., ii. 36
Hartford, Connecticut, Huguenot
Families Settle in, ii. 335
Harwich, Massachusetts, ii. 142
Hasbrouck, Abraham, i. 1S8 ;
Ester, ii. 20 ; Jean, ii. 20
Hastier, Jean, i. 231, 292
Hats, Huguenots of New England
Engage in the Manufacture of,
ii. 284, 318, 319
Havre in Normandy, i. 60, 65 ;
ii. 82
Hawes, Esther, ii. 233
Hawkins, Sir John, Befriends the
Huguenots in Florida, i. 69
Henry II. Persecutes the Protest¬
ants, i. 23
Henry IV. Favors Colonization, i.
80 ; Founds the first Agricultu¬
ral Colony in the New World, i.
80 ; Upon Principles of Religious
Freedom, i. 80 ; Grants a Com-
m’ssion to the Sieur de Monts ;
Replies to the Objections Raised
Against it, i. 98 ; is Murdered, i.
103
Herbe, Judith, ii. 140
Het, Rene, i. 289, ii. 29 ; Josue,
i. 289
Hiersin Saintonge, ii. 21, 22
Hillhouse, James A.,ii. 315
Holland, the Provincial States of,
Consider Jesse de Forest’s Plan
of Emigration to America, i.
166 ; Flight of Huguenots to,
After the Massacre of St- Bar¬
tholomew’s Day, i. 149 ; Invites
the Oppressed Huguenots to
Settle Within Her Territory, i.
256
Holy Communion, First Adminis
tration of the, in Brazil, i. 41 ;
In New Amsterdam, i. 176 ; In
Esopus, i. 193
Holyoke, Margaret, ii. 250
Hommedieu, 1’, Benjamin, i. 232.
293 ; Family, i. 293 ; Pierre and
Osee, i. 293
Iloneur, Guillaume de, i. 183
Honfleur in Normandy, Affray at,
i- 35
Horry, Daniel, i. 309; Elie, ii.
103
Hospital in London for Poor
French Protestants and Their
Descendants, ii. 157
Houpleine, Juste, i. 182
Hubbard. William, ii. 250
Hudson River, the, Discovered by
Verazzano, i. 169 ; Arrival of
the Ship New Netherland at the
Mouth of, i. 169
Huertin, Guillaume, i. 289
Huger, Daniel, i. 310 ; ii. 50, 51
Hugla, Susanne, ii. 138
Huguenots, the French Protestants
Begin to be Called, i. 57 ; A
Recognized Party in France, i.
57 ; Take up Arms, i. 62 ; In
Florida, i. 61-77 ; In France,
Under the Edict of Nantes, i.
79-83 ; In Acadia, i. 89-100 ;
On the St. Lawrence, 102, 103,
107 ; In France, After the Death
of Henry IV., i. 103 ; Join the
Expedition to Seize Acadia, i.
1 13; To be Excluded from
Canada, i. 1 16 ; Conversion of,
to Romanism, in Canada, i. 118,
1 19; Occasionally Admitted, i.
121 ; Pass Over Into New Eng¬
land and New York, i. 123 ; In
France, Acknowledged Loyalty
of, i. 179, 240; Renewed Per¬
secution of, i. 180 ; In the An¬
tilles, i. 201, seq. ; In France, no
longer a Political Party, i. 239 ;
Give Themselves up to Agricul¬
ture, Manufactures and Trade,
i. 239 ; Inventive and Industri¬
ous, i. 240 ; Inoffensive to the
State, i. 241
Huguenot Merchants and Manu¬
facturers of France, Their Ability
* and Integrity, i. 181
Huguenot Merchants, of La Ro¬
chelle, i. 106, T2i ; of France,
i. 181 ; in Canada, i. 127
Huguenots Take Refuge in the
Antilles From Severities in
France, i. 214 ; Persecuted in
426
INDEX.
the Islands, i. 227 ; Escape From
the Islands, i. 230 seq.
Huguenot Merchants in the Antil¬
les, i. 208 ; Their Virtues Recog¬
nized, i. 208 ; Numerous and
Prosperous, i. 208
Huguenot Seamen in the Antilles,
i. 206
Huguenot Soldiers in Canada, i.
1 19, 124; Boasted Conversions
Among, i. 119 ; Seek to Escape
to New York, i. 124
Huguenots in Boston, Kindness
Shown the, by the Public Au¬
thorities and by the Ministers, ii.
221-224; Theological Specula¬
tions Concerning the, ii. 229-231;
Prosperity of the, ii. 251-254
Huguenot Refugees, Remittances
From France to, ii. 217
Hullin, Francois, i. 289
Hurley, N. Y., or the New Village,
i. 193 ; Destroyed, i. 194
Hutchins, James, i. 295
Hutchinson, Captain Elisha, ii.
199 ; Foster, ii. 251
Imbert, ii. 133 ; Andrew, ii. 133 ;
Jean, ii. 133
Indians, South American. See
Savages
Indians, the Nipmuck. See Nip-
muck Indians
Ingall, John, a Trader at Oxford,
ii. 284
Inquisition, Spanish, Proposition
to Introduce the, in France, i.
24 ; In the Netherlands, i. 149
Investiture by Turf and Twig, ii.
260
Ireland, Refugees in, ii. 61
“Islands” of Arvert and Marennes,
ii. 24
Isle, Seigneurs de 1’, i. 284
Ive, Gerard, i. 186
Jabouin, Jeanne, i. 306
Jamain, Arnaud, i. 290 ; Elie, i.
290 ; Etienne, i. 288, 289 ; ii.
298, 310 ; Nicolas, i. 290 ;
ii. 25 ; Marie, 290
James I., of England, Grants the
Province of Nova Scotia to Sir
William Alexander, i. 112
James II., King of England, Atti¬
tude of, Toward the French
Protestant Refugees, ii. 156
James River, Virginia, ii. 142
Janvier, i. 308 ; Philippe, Pierre,
Jaulin, Guy, ii. 37
Jay, Auguste, i. 280, 289, 294 ;
Adventures of, i. 319
Jay Family, the, of La Rochelle, i.
279 ; Seigneurs de Montonneau,
i. 279
Jay, Jehan, of La Rochelle, i. 279
Jay, Pierre, i. 279 ; ii. 158 ; The
“Large House” of, i. 317; Stead¬
fastness of, i. 317 ; Sufferings of
his Family Under the Dragon-
nades, i. 317 ; Sends his Family
to England, i. 317 ; is Impris¬
oned in La Lanterne, i. 318 ; His
Own Escape, i. 318, 319
Jenney, Rev. Robert, i. 296
Jeniuille, Village of Chatelas, in
Saintonge. ii. 36
Jerauld, Jacques, ii. 135 ; Dutee,
ii. 136
Je’oe, Antoine, i. 179
Jersey, Island of. Flight of Hu¬
guenots to, after the Massacre of
St. Bartholomew’s Day, i. 149 ;
Protestantism in, ii. 190 ; The
Reformed Churches of, ii. 191 ;
Emigrants from, Settle in Sa¬
lem, Massachusetts, ii. 190-194
Jesuits, The, i. 103 ; Missions of,
in Asia and South America, i.
103; Gain a Foothold in Acadia,
i. 103 ; Attempt a Settlement
on the Island of Mount Desert ;
Expelled by Argali, i. 105 ; En¬
ter Canada, i. 107; Coldly Re¬
ceived by De Caen, i. 107 ;
Complain of the Saying of Pray¬
ers and Singing of Psalms by
the Huguenots on the St. Law¬
rence, i. 108 ; Five, Sent to
Quebec, i. 108 ; Kindly Treated
by Louis Kirk, i. 115 ; Boasted
Success of, in Converting Cal¬
vinists in Canada, i. 118
Jodon, Daniel, i. 310 ; Elie, i.
306 ; ii. 6r
Johonnot, Daniel, ii. 212, 266,
268, 278, 281
Johonnot Family, the, ii. 212,
213
Johnson, John, a Native of Alve-
INDEX
427
ton, County of Stafford, En¬
gland, ii. 212, 258, 266, 268,
269 ; Murdered, Together with
his Three Children, ii. 278 ; Es¬
cape of his Wife, ii. 278
Jolain, Jacquette, ii. 59
Jolin, Andre, ii. 36
Jonville, Sieur de, Goes with
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69
Jorisse, Madeleine, Wife of Mat-
thieu Blanchard, i. 193
Jouet, Daniel, i. 306 ; ii. 298
Jouet Family, the, i. 306
Jouneau, Abraham, i. 304 ; ii. 50 ;
Etienne, i. 326 ; Philippe, i.
304 ; Pasteur, i. 304 ; Pierre, i.
231, 304
Journeay, Meynard, i. 182, 1S8
Joux, Benjamin de, Minister, ii.
177. 179
Julien, Jean, ii. 2S4, 298, 310
Juin, George, ii. 59
June. See Juin
Kekamoochuk, an Indian Village
near Oxford, Mass., ii. 282
Kickameeset Meadow, near
Frenchtown, R. I., ii. 300
Kidnapping of Children in Massa¬
chusetts, by the Canadian Indi¬
ans, ii. 274
Kingston, N. Y., i. 191, 293
Kingstown, Rhode Island, ii. 295 :
The French Molested by the
People of, ii. 301
King’s Province, The, ii. 294,
302. See Narragansett Coun¬
try, The
Kirk, David, Admiral, Commands
the Expedition for the Conquest
of Acadia, i. 113; Takes Port
Royal, i. 114 ; Louis, i. 113,
1 14 ; Governor of Quebec, i.
1 14 ; Courtesy of, i. 115 ; Thom¬
as, i. 1 13
Kockuyt, Juste, i. 182
Kolver, Jacob, i. 183
Krygier, Captain, Pursues the
Esopus Indians, i. 197
La Barree in Flanders, i. 187
Labe, Elizabeth, Wife of Daniel
Gaillard, ii. 39
Laborie, Jacques, a Huguenot Min¬
ister, ii. 145, 282 ; Arrives from
England, ii. 282 ; Is Commis¬
sioned to Preach to the Indians,
Near Oxford, Mass,, ii. 282 ; let¬
ter of, to Lord Bellomont, ii. 285
La Cadie, i. 86. See Acadia.
Lacaille Accompanies Ribaut to
Florida, i. 60, 65
La Caroline, Fort, i. 65 ; Scarcity
in, i. 68 ; Council of War in, 1.
72 ; Taken by the Spaniards, i.
74 ; Butchery in, i. 74
LachSre Accompanies Ribaut to
Florida, i. 60
Lackeman, Louis, i. 183
La Court, Marie, ii. 27
La Creite, i. 65
La Croix, i. 65
La Flotte, Isle of Re', i. 302
Lafon, Andre, Goes to Brazil, i.
33 ; Jean, ii. 298, 310
La Forge-Nocey in Poitou, ii. 60 ;
Refugees from, ii. 61
Lage, Island of, i. 31
Lagrange, Sieur de, Goes With
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69
Lambert, Daniel, ii. 36, 298, 310 ;
Denis, ii. 138
Lamoureux, Andre, ii. 37
Lancey, de, Lieutenant-governor
James, ii. 70
Lancy, Etienne de, ii. 69 ; Escapes
to Holland, ii. 69 ; Arrives in
New York, ii. 70 ; Jacques de,
ii. 68
Lancy, de, Family, ii. 69, 70
Languedoc, Province of, Refugees
From, ii. 1 19-135
Lanier, Thomas, ii. 143
Lanterne, la, tower of, in La Ro¬
chelle, i. 274 ; Used as a Prison
of State, i. 274, 275, 313, 317.
324
Lardant, Jacques, ii. 79
Laretne, Catharine, ii. 53
Laronde. See Bretin
Lasseur, Josue, ii. 138
Lasty, Jacques, i. 231
Latane, Louis, Minister, ii- 144,
177 ; Isaac, ii. 144 ; Daniel, ii.
145
Latin Schoolhouse, the, Used by
the Huguenots of Boston as a
Place of Worship, ii. 221
Latouche, Jeremie, ii. 139
La Tour, Charles de St. Etienne,
428
INDEX.
Sieur de, i. 132 ; A Huguenot,
i. 132, 138, note ; Succeeds
Biencourt as Proprietor of Port
Royal, i. 133 ; Builds a Fort
Near Cape Sable ; Petitions
Louis XIII. to be Placed in
Command of Acadia, i. 133 ;
Inflexible Loyalty of, i. 134 ;
Appointed Lieutenant-Geneial,
i. 135 ; Obtains a Grant of Land
on the River St. John, i. 135 ;
Removes to a Fort at the Mouth
of that River, i. 135 ; His Con¬
tentions with Charnise, i. 135-
138 ; His Relations with La Ro¬
chelle, i. 136 ; With Boston, i.
136, 142 ; Marriage of, i. 136 ;
Obtains a Renewal of His Com¬
mission from Louis XIII., i.
139 ; Surrenders to Cromwell, i.
139 ; Obtains a Grant of Land
from Cromwell, i. 139 ; Sells
His Rights, i. 139 ; Death of,
i- 139
La Tour, Claude de St. Etienne,
Sieur de, i. 132 ; A Huguenot,
i. 132 ; Comes to Port Royal, i.
132 ; Builds a Fort at the Mouth
of the Penobscot River, i. 133 ;
Is Dispossessed by the English,
i. 133 ; Goes to France, i. 133 ;
Is Taken Prisoner by tne Eng¬
lish, i. 134; Obtains a Grant of
Land Under Sir W. Alexander,
i, 134 1 Fails to Persuade His
Son to Own Allegiance to En¬
gland, i. 134, 135
La Tour, Madame de, Wife of
Charles, i. 136 ; a Huguenot, i.
136, 148, note; Heroic Conduct
of, i. 137 ; Death of, i. 138
La Tour, Marguerite de, Wife of
Pierre Peiret, ii. 147; Susanne,
ii. 37 ; Wife of Daniel Robert,
i. 286
La Tourette, Jean, ii. 20
LaudonniSre, Rene de, Joins the
Expedition to Florida under
Ribaut, i. 60 ; His Character, i.
60 ; Chosen by Coligny to Lead
the Second Expedition, i. 63 ;
Sails from Havre, i. 65 ; Builds
Fort La Caroline, i. 65 ; His
Mistakes, i. 67 ; Unfavorable
Reports Reach France Con¬
cerning, i. 69 ; Superseded by
Jean Ribaut, i. 70 ; His Counsel
Overruled, i. 72 ; Escapes from
La Caroline, i. 74
Laurent Family of La Rochelle,
the, i. 282 ; Andre, i. 282 ; ii.
3i5i 335 1 Jean, i. 282 ; Eliza¬
beth, i. 282
Laval, Bishop of Quebec, i. 121
Lavandier, Catharine, Wife of
Daniel Marchand, it. 72, 81
Lavau, Marie, i. 118
Lavigne, Charles, ii. 36 ; Etienne,
ii. 36, 298, 310
Lavillon, Susanne, ii. no
Laymerie (Lainerie), Noede, ii. 123
Leake, Admiral Sir John, ii. 237
Lebanon, Connecticut, ii. 314
Le Bas. See Bas, le
Lebert, Jean, ii. go
Le Boiteux, Gabriel, ii. 28
Le Breton, ii. 310
Lebreton, Christophe, i. 70
Le Bran, Moi'se, ii. 298
Leclerc, Jean, the First Conspicu¬
ous Maityrof the Reformation in
France, i. 57 ; ii. 104
Leclercq. See Clerc, le
Le Conte, Dr. John L., ii. 75, 76
Le Conte Family, the, ii. 75, 76
LeConte, Professor John, ii. 73
Le Conte, Professor Joseph, ii. 75
Le Conte, Frangois, ii. 81 ; Guil¬
laume, i. 232; ii. 75 ; Jr., ii. 75 ;
Isaac, i. 118 ; Jean, ii. 79 ;
Pierre, i. 232 ; ii. 75, 79
Leech, Captain Jonas, ii. 201
Lefavor Family, the, ii. 191
Le Febre, Simon, i. 188
Lefebvre, Daniel, ii, 315
Legare, Frangois, ii. in, 203, 204,
2I3> 3Io, 298 ; Solomon, ii. in,
112
Leger, Elizabeth, Wife of Jacques
le Serrurier, ii. 94
Legrand, Christophe, ii. 28
Le Grand. See Grand, le
Leisler, Jacob, ii. 63
Lemaistre, Nicolas, i. 65
Lemestre, Charlotte, Wife of Dan¬
iel Streing, ii. 91, 96 ; Escape of,
ii. 102
Lemoyne, Jacques, de Mourgues, i.
65 _
Lequier (L’Ecuier), Jean, 182
Le Roy, Ester, wife of Gabriel
Bernon, Home of, i. 275 ; Es-
INDEX. 429
capes to Holland, i. 324 ; Death
of, ii. 325
Lory, Jean de, Goes to Brazil, i.
33 ; Preaches lo the Savages, i.
49
Lescarbot, Marc, i. 32 ; Joins the
Settlement at Port Royal, i. 94 ;
Acts as Religious Teacher, i. 94;
His Allusions to Missionary La¬
bor among the Savages, i. 93
Leschelle in Picardy, ii. 95
Lesueur, Abraham, ii. 82
Le Thuillier Family of Bermuda,
the, i. 235
Levasseur, for Twelve Years Gov¬
ernor of Tortuga, an Avowed
Protestant, i. 214
I.evelin, Jean, i. 182
Le Vilain, Josias, i. 232
Leyden in Holland, i. 152 ; Uni¬
versity of, i. 153; Arrival of the
Puritans in. i. 154; Walloons in,
i. 153 ; Their Employments, i.
153, 154 ; The Puritans leave,
i. 157. See Walloons
L’Hommedieu. See Hommedieu
Libot, Louis, Daniel, Jacques, ii.
93
Lieure (Lievre), Gilles, ii. 38 ;
Pierre, ii. 38 ; Jean, ii. 38
Lille in Flanders, i. 187; Walloon
Church of, i. 149
Liron, Louis, ii. 132, 332-335
Lispenard, Mary, ii. 70
Loddve in Languedoc, ii. 121
Loisary (?) ii. 20
London, the Bishop of, ii. 180
London, the Chamberlain of the
City of. Disburses the Funds
for the Relief of the Refugees,
it. 180
London, the French Protestant
Refugees in, ii. 149 ; Their First
Impressions of, ii. 149 ; A New
City, ii. 149 ; The “ Great Fire ”
of, ii. 149 ; The French Church
in, ii. 153, 154 ; French Churches
in, 153, 157,. 158
Longemare, Nicolas de, ii. 77, 80
Long Island, Acadia, i. 92
Long Island, N. Y., Huguenot
Settlers on, ii. 28, 31
Lorange, Jean, i. 296 ; Veuve, i.
296
Lords of Trade, the, ii. 320-322 ;
Take into Consideration Ber-
non’s Scheme for Manufacturing
Naval Stores, ii. 217
Loritires, Poncet Stelle, Sieur des,
ii. 27
Loring, F. C., ii. 250
Lorme, Marie de, ii. 95
Loriaine, Province of, Flight from
the, ii. 107
Loudun in Poitou, ii. 50 ; The
Dragonnades at, ii. 50 ; Refu¬
gees from, ii. 50, 51
Louhman, Louis, i. 183
Louis, Prince of Conde, at the
Head of the Huguenot Party, i.
57
Louis the Walloon. See Du Bois,
Louis
Loumeau, Jeanne de, ii. 33
Louraux, Francois, i. 290
Louvois, Minister of Louis XIV.,
it. 78, 132, 137
Lucas, Auguste, i. 290 ; ii. 315 ;
Daniel, i. 282 ; Marie, i. 282
Lucas, Jean, Commander of one of
LaudonniSre’s Ships, i. 65
Lumigny (Luminie), Near Meaux,
Refugees From, ii. 104
Lusignan in Poitou, ii. 60
Luten, Walraven, i. 182
Luxembourg, The Duke of, ii. 237
Lyonnais, Province of, Refugees
from the, ii. Ill
Lyons-la-For@t, in Normandy, ii.76
Lyons, Refugees From, ii. ,n
Lys, du, Goes With Ribaut to
Florida, i. 70
Maanexit River, Oxford, Mass., ii.
257
Mace, Anne, ii. 17
Machet, Jean, i. 232 ; ii. 34, 35
Machonville, de, Goes with Ribaut
to Florida, i. 70
Magni, ii. 310. See Many
Magnon, Jean, ii. 140
Magny, Near Meaux, Refugees
from, ii. 104
Mahault, Etienne, i, 294 ; Mar¬
guerite, wile of Guillaume le
Conte, ii. 75 ; Marie, i. 302
Maillard Goes with Ribaut to
Florida, i. 69
Maillet, Jean, ii. 213, 266, 281
Maine, Province of, in America,
207
430
INDEX.
Maine, Province of, France, ii. 98
Main, Robert de la, i. 182
Maintenon in Orleanais, ii. 97
Malacare, Sieur de. See Saint
Julien
Malherbe, Marie, ii. 104 ; Nicolas,
ii. 51
Mallet, Jean, ii. 82, 213
Mallon, Nicolas, Accompanies Ri-
baut to Florida, i. 60
Manakintown, Virginia, Hugue¬
not Settlers in, i. 308 ; ii. 15, 18,
51, 89, 133. 142, 145. 176, 178
Manakin Tribe of Indians, ii. 178
Manhattan Island, The Walloons
and French Settle on, i. 172
Manatte. See New York
Manigault Family, the, i. 279,
280
Manigault, Gabriel, i. 279 ; Pierre,
i. 279 ; Jean, i. 280 ; Isaac, i.
280
Manigault, Judith (Giton), birth¬
place of, ii. 1 12 ; Letter of, 112-
114, 182, 183. Appendix
Manley, Phcebe, ii. 239
Mannheim in the Palatinate, a
Refuge of the Persecuted
French, i. 188
Mannion. See Magnon
Manufacturers, Protestant, of Nor¬
mandy, Bretagne and Picardy,
ii. 66
Manufactures, Huguenots of New
England Engage in, ii. 217
Many (Magni), Jacques, ii. 37, 298
Many (Magni), Jean, ii. 38, 298
Marans in Aunis, i. 297, 298 ; ii.
58
Marbceuf, Joseph, ii. 90
Marchand, Daniel, ii. 72, 81
Marchant, Pierre, Commander of
One of Laudonni&re’s Ships, i.
65
Marc, Pierre de, i. 182
Marcou, of Montbeliard, Settles in
the West Indies, i. 209 ; Abra¬
ham, i. 209, 210
Marennes in Saintonge, i. 299, ii.
2t, 24-29; “Temple” of, De¬
stroyed, ii. 24, 25
Marest, David de, i. 182, 188
Margaret of Angouldme, Sister of
Francis I., Embraces the Re¬
formed Faith, i. 22
Mariette, ii. 97 ; Charlotte, wife
of Louis Thibou, ii. 197 ; Fran-
9ois, ii. 213
Marigny, de. See Berthon
Marillac, de, Accompanies Lau-
donni&re to Florida, i. 63
Marillac, Lord Lieutenant (Intend-
ant) of Poitou, ii. 54, 58
Marion, Benjamin, ii. 52 ; General
Francis, ii. 52
Marlborough, The Duke of, ii. 237
Marseau, Jacques, ii. 61 ; Gabriel,
ii. 61
Marsilly, Near La Rochelle, ii. 196
Martiline, i. 187
Martin, i. 70
Martineaux, Elizabeth, i. 311
Martinique, W. I., Island of, ii.
28 ; List of American Huguenot
Names in, i. 212 ; Persecution
in, ii. 216 ; Principal Destination
of the Transport-Ships, i. 226 ;
Appearance of, i. 226 ; Humane
Treatment of the Exiles in, i.
229 ; Huguenots From, Reach
New York, i. 231
Martin, Jean, ii. 16, 266, 268, 281;
Pierre, i. 186
Martinou, i. 187
Maryland, ii. 19 ; Huguenot Set¬
tlers in, i. 294 ; ii. 114
Marylan, Josias, Lord of La Forcet,
i. 285
Mascarenc. See Mascarene
Mascarene, Cesar, ii. 130
Mascarene, Jean,ii. 125 ; Arrest of,
ii. 126 ; Defense of, 126, 127;
Imprisonment of, ii. 127 ; Re¬
lease of, ii. 128 ; Death of, ii.
129
Mascarene, Jean Paul, Son of Jean,
ii. 124 ; Lieutenant-Governor of
Nova Scotia, i. 140,250 ; ii. 124 ;
Wise and Able Administration
of, i. 141 ; Retirement and
Death of, i. 142
Mascarene Family, the, i. 250, 251 ;
ii. 124, 125 ; Arms of, ii. 125
Mascarene Papers, the ; Appen¬
dix of vol. ii.
Mas d’ Azil, ii. 147
Masiot, Marie, ii. 61
Maslet, Madeleine, Wife of Laurent
Philippe Trouillard, ii. 98
Massachusetts, Huguenot Settlers
in, i. 287, 303 ; ii. 14, 63, 74,
83 ; Petition of Inhabitants of
INDEX.
43*
La Rochelle for Permission to
Settle in, ii. 190 ; Emigration to,
after the Revocation, ii. 197
Massachusetts, the Council of,
Grants the use of the Latin
School House to the Refugees in
Boston, ii. 221 ; Grants a License
to Collect Funds for the Erection
of a House of Worship, ii. 222 ;
Grants Relief for the Support of
the French Minister, ii. 235
Massachusetts, the General Court
of, makes a grant for the Settle¬
ment of New Oxford, ii. 168 ;
Orders a Collection for the Re¬
lief of the French Protestant
Refugees, ii. 195 ; The Council
of, Orders a Collection for the
same Purpose, ii. 199 ; Admits
all French Protestants to dwell
in the Colony, ii. 198
Massacre at La Caroline, i. 72
Massacre in Provence, i. 23
Massacre of Vassy, i. 59
Masselin. i. 70
Masse, Pierre, ii. 20
Massomuck, Indian Village, ii.
280
Mather, Cotton, Minister of the
Second Church in Boston, ii.
228 ; Befriends the Huguenot
Refugees, ii. 228, 253 ; His Ac¬
count of the Persecutions in
France, ii. 229, 230, 304
Mather, Increase, Minister of the
Second Church in Boston, ii. 224;
Befriends the Huguenot Refu¬
gees, ii. 224 ; Correspondence of
Daille with, ii. 224
Maubec, le Pre de, La Rochelle, i.
276, 277 ; ii. 276, 277
Maulard, Susanne, ii. 98
Maurice, Prince, The Ship i. 185 ;
Wreck of, i. 185
Mauritius, the. See Hudson River
Maury Family, the, ii. 36
Mauvoisin in Guyenne, ii. 143
Mauze, Cesar, i. 297
Mauze in Aunis, Refugees from, i.
300, 301
Mawney. See Moine, la
May, Cornelis Jacobsen, Comman¬
der of the Ship New Netherland,
i. 170
Mazicq Family, the, i. 310, 311 ;
Isaac, i. 310, 31 1 ; Paul, i. 310
Meaux, Persecution at, i. 23 ; Ref¬
ugees from the Neighborhood of,
ii. 104
Mechlin, Walloon Church of, i.
149
Medfield, Massachusetts, ii. 136
Medis in Saintonge, Refugees
from, ii. 38
Melet, Jean, ii. 32, 59 ; Madame,
ii. 32
Memin, Auguste, ii. 61 ; Jean, ii.
61
Menardeau, ii. 298
Menendez, Pedro, de Abila, Sent
by Philip II. to Dislodge the
French, i. 71 ; Lands on the
Coast of Florida, i. 72 ; Sur¬
prises the French Fort La Caro¬
line, i. 74 ; Puts Ribaut and
His Followers to the Sword, i.
75
Menigault, Elizabeth, Widow of
Jean Laurent, ii. 282. 283
Menissier, Jacqueline, ii. 65
Mennin, Jehan, i. 70
“Men of Estates” Among the
Huguenot Refugees Arrive in
Boston, ii. 204
Menou, Susanne, ii. 98
Mercereau, Daniel, ii. 20 ; Josue,
ii. 20 ; Marie, ii. 147
Mercier, i. 326 ; Abraham, ii. 64
Merrier, Andre le, Huguenot Min¬
ister, Becomes Pastor of the
French Church in Boston, ii.
239: His First Sermon, ii. 240,
241 ; Testifies to the Kindness
of the Public Authorities and
Ministers Toward the Refugees,
ii. 222-224; Preaching of, ii. 242;
Writings of, ii. 242, 243 , Phil¬
anthropic Exertions of, ii. 243-
245 ; Death of, ii. 245 ; Will of,
ii. 245, 246 ; Jacquine, ii. 64, 65;
Isaac, i. 292, 232
Mercier, Bartholomew, i. 292 ; ii.
213, 245
Merie, Jacques, i- 290
Merindolin Dauphiny, ii. 116
Merindol in Provence, ii. 120
Merlet, Gedeon, i. 183
Merlin, Paul, i. 290, 232
Meschers in Saintonge, ii. 36 ;
Refugees from, ii. 37, 38, 56
Mesnard, Daniel, ii. 28 ; Made¬
leine, i, 292 ; Elizabeth, ii. 138
432
INDEX.
Mestayer, Elie, i. 306 ; Franpois
and Philippe, i. 306
Mesureur, le, i. 65
Mesurole, Jean, i. 182
Melz in Lorraine, ii. 107 ; burning
of Leclerc at, i. 58
Michaelius, Jonas, Dutch Minister,
Preaches and Administers the
Lord’s Supper to the Walloons
in New Amsteidam, i. 176
Michaud, Pierre, i. 306, 310
Micheaux, Abraham, ii. log
Michel, Captain Jacques, i. 113 ;
“A Furious Calvinist,” i. 113 ;
Death of, 115
Micou, Paul, ii. 90
Migault, Jean, Autobiography of,
'i. 55
Milard, ii. 298
Milford, Connecticut, Huguenot
Settlers in, ii. 132, 144, 281,
310, 330-335
Millet, Jean, ii. 213, 233, 266, 269,
281
Mill, The, at Oxford, Mass, ii. 257,
273
Ministers, French Protestant, go
to Brazil, i. 33 ; To Florida, i.
70 ; To Acadia, i. 8g
Minuit, Peter, i. 175 ; a Walloon,
i. 175 ; Director of New Neth-
erland, i. 175
Minvielle, David, ii. 143 ; Ga¬
briel, ii. 138, 139, 140 ; Peter,
ii. 143
Mirambeau in Saintonge, Refu¬
gees from, ii. 42, 170
Missionary Zeal Among the Hu¬
guenots, i. 95
Missions, Protestant, to the
Heathen : in Brazil, i. 33 ;
Prospects of, i. 39 ; Discourage¬
ments of, i. 42 ; In Acadia, i.
95 ; Partial Success of, i. 95
Massacre of St. Bartholomew’s
Day, i. 148 ; Emigration Imme¬
diately After the, to Great Britain
and Holland, i. 149
Mohegan Indians, the, ii. 279
Moine, Jacques le, i. 82, 298 ;
Pierre le, ii. 82, 298, 310, 311
Molse in Saintonge, ii. 19, 20
Money, Henri de, ii. 138
Monier, Jacques, 1.183 ! Marie, i.
288 ; Pierre, i. 183
Monks, Converted, Preach in
Saintonge, i. 81 ; Take Ref¬
uge in “ the Islands ” of Oleron,
Marennes and Arvert, i. 82 ;
Several Burned at the Stake, i.
82. See Friars
Monnie, Sarah, ii. 50
Mons, Walloon Church of, i. 149
Montagne, de la, i. 151 ; Jean
Mousnier, i. 174 ; Accompanies
Jesse de Forest to America, i.
174; Returns to Holland, i.
175 ; Marries Rachel de Forest,
i. 175 ; Doctor, Goes Back to
New Netherlands, i. 175
Montagne, Rachel de la, Wife of
Gyzbert Imbroch, i. 193 ; Cap¬
tured by the Indians, i. 196
Montauban in Guyenne, ii. 137,
142, 143
Monteils, Pierre, ii. 12 1, 122
Montel, ii. 266, 281 ; Gabriel, ii.
122
Montier, Jacques, ii. 74, 213, 281
Montivilliers in Normandy, ii. 82
Montmorency, Compagnie, i. 106 ;
Privileges of. i. 106
Montmorency, Duke of, Made
Viceroy of New France, i. 106 ;
Gives the Monopoly of Trade
with Canada to a Body of Mer¬
chants, i. 106 ; succeeded by the
Duke of Ventadour, i. 108
Montpellier in Languedoc, Prot¬
estantism in, ii. 1 19 ; Persecu¬
tion in, ii. 120; Refugees from,
ii. 121, 122, 123
Monts, Pierre du Gua, Sieur de,
Accompanies Chauvin to the St.
Lawrence, i. 85 ; His Character,
i. 88 ; Obtains from Henry IV.
a Commission to Possess and
Settle a Territory in North
America, i. 84 ; Not Required to
Propagate the Roman Catholic
kaith Among the Savages, i. 96 ;
Organizes a Company, i: 88 ;
Sails from Havre de Grace, i. 88;
Attempts to Form a Settlement
at the Mouth of the St. Croix, i.
93 ; Removes to Port Royal, i.
93 ; His Privileges of Trade
Withdrawn, i. 99 : Abandons
Pott Royal, i. 100 ; Retains his
Commission, i. 100 : Obtains a
Renewal of his Privileges of
Trade, i. 101 ; Undertakes the
INDEX.
Settlement of Canada, i. ior ;
Sends Champlain to the St.
Lawrence, i. ioi ; Parts with his
Commission, i. 103 ; Is made
Governor of Pons, in Saintonge,
i. 104 ; His Commission Viewed
with an evil eye by the Jesuits, i.
no
Moreau, Jean, ii. 60 ; Jeanne, ii.
64 ; Marthe, ii. 22
Morin Family, the, ii. 158 ; Jean,
ii. 56 ; Minister, ii. 20 ; Marie,
Wife of Louis Guion, i. 300 ;
Moi'se, ii. 56, 21 ; Pierre, i. 290;
ii. 25 ; Samuel, ii. 56, 61
Morocco, Slavery in, ii. 27
Morrall, Peter, ii. 191
Morrye, Marie, ii. 21
Mortagne. See St. Seurin de
Mothe, de la. See Caen, Guillaume
de
Motte, Jean Henri la, ii. 118, ng
Mouchamps in Poitou, Refugees
from, ii. 53, 54
Moulinars, Jean Joseph Brumaud
de, Minister, ii . 133
Mounart, Frangoise, ii. 61
Mounier, Louis, i. 311 ; Pierre, i.
3ii
Mourgue, Jean, of Villemande,
Languedoc, ii. 266, 269
Mousset, Thomas, ii. 204, 213,
233, 281
Muce. David, Marquis de la, ii. 87
Muce, Marguerite de la, ii. 89
Muce, Olivier, Marquis dela, ii. 87;
His Arrest and Imprisonment,
ii. 88 ; His Release, ii. 88 ;
Leads an Expedition to Virginia,
ii. 89, 177, 178
Muce-Ponthus, Bonaventure de la,
ii. 87
Muce-Ponthus, La, House of, ii.
87
Mucot, Andre, i. 299
Murdock, Phoebe, ii. 248
Musson, Paroisse de Medis, en
Saintonge, Refugees from, ii. 39
Nails, Pluguenotsof New England
Engage in the Manufacture of,
ii. 217, 317
Name- Wguenot, Anglicized, ii.
95
Nansent'. i River, Virginia, Con-
433
templated Settlement on the ii
178
Nantes, Edict of, Happy Effects of
the, i. 79 ; Its Execution Bitterly
Opposed by the Clergy, i. 83
Nantes in Bretagne, ii. 87
Nanteuil - l£s - Meaux, Refugees
from, ii. 104
Narragansett Country, Rhode
Island, the, ii. 212. 293 ; A
Party of Refugees Design to
Settle in, ii. 170; Disputes Con¬
cerning the Ownership of, ii. 293,
294> 3°°, 3°9 i Climate of, ii. 299
Narragansett, Huguenot Colony in,
i. 304 ; ii. 15. 32- 36, 49, 82, 291 ;
Families Composing the, ii. 298 ;
Prospects of the, ii. 299 ; Incip¬
ient 1 roubles of the, ii. 300-302 ;
Protestant Character of the, Sus¬
pected, ii. 304-307 ; Domiciliary
Visits to the, ii. 305, 306 ; The
Oath of Allegiance Administered
to the, ii. 306
Narragansett, Proprietors of. See
Atherton Company
Naturalization, Anxiety of the
Refugees for the Registration of
their Letters of, ii. 205
Naturalization of French Protest¬
ants in England, a General Act
for the, Promised, ii. 172 ; Let-
ters-Patent of, Granted, ii. 173 ;
Conditions of, ii. 173 ; Patent
Rolls of, ii. 173 ; Petitions for,
ii. 174 I Granted by the Colonial
Legislatures, ii. 174 ; The Right
of the Colonial Governors to
Grant, Denied by England, ii.
174
Naudin Andre, ii. 36, 51 ; Ar-
nauld, ii. 35, 36 ; Elie, ii. 34,
35
Naugatuck River, the, ii. 333
Navigation, Uncertainties of, ii.
181
Neau, Elie, ii. 214 ; Birthplace of,
ii. 19 ; In the Antilles, i. 214 ;
His Religious Experience, i. 215 ;
In Boston, ii. 197 ; Becomes Ac¬
quainted with Eliot, ii. 197 ; His
Opinion of the “Praying Indi¬
ans,” ii. 197
Neau, Jean, ii. 213
Neufville, Jean de, i. 232 ; ii. 62,
63 ; Marie Prudence, ii. 63
434
INDEX.
Nevis, W. I., Island of, i. 207
New Amsterdam, (New York,)
First Visited by a Minister of
Religion, i. 176 ; Appearance
of, in 1660, i. 189
Newberry Plantatii n, R. I., ii. 295
New England, Huguenots from,
Canada Remove to, i. 124
Newfoundland, Huguenots in, i.
145 ; Persecution of, i. 145-147
Newfoundland, the Banks of, Fre¬
quented by French Fishermen,
i. 80
Newfoundland, Trade With, ii. 30
New France, Early Attempts to
Settle, i. 84 ; Foundations of,
Laid in Religious Freedom and
Toleration, i. 87 ; Company of,
i. 108 Takes Possession of
Canada, i. 116
New Jersey, Huguenot Settlers in,
i. 295 ; it. 32, 75, 80, 117, 134,
*94
New London, Connecticut, ii. 279
New Netherland, i. 148-200 ; ii.
296 ; becomes an English Pos¬
session. i. 200
“New Netherland,” The Ship,
Sails from the Texel, i. 169 ;
Her Passengers, i. 169, 172,
173 ; Arrives at Manhattan, i.
171
New Oxford, Mass. See Oxford
New Paltz, Ulster County, N. Y.,
Huguenot Settlement of, ii. 19,
49, 108
Newport, Rhode Island, ii. 141 ;
283, 315, 319 ! Gabriel Bernon
in, ii. 316 ; Lord Bellomont in,
321
New Rochelle, N. Y., French
Church in, ii 133
New Rochelle, N. Y., Huguenot
Settlers in, i. 2ti, 291, 301 ; ii.
22, 25, 34, 36, 37, 38, 40, 57, 58,
63, 74, 79, I02, 132, 140, 141,
212, 225, 281, 310.
New Rochelle, N. Y., Settled in
Part by Huguenot Families
From the Island of Saint Chris¬
topher, i. 211 ; First Pastor of,
i. 211
New Village, The, Xfterwards
Hurley, N. Y., i. 193 ; Destroyed
by the Indians, i. 194 ; Capture
of Walloon Families at, i. 195
New York, Huguenots from Can=
ada Remove to, i. 124 ; Hugue¬
nots from the Antilles Escape
to, i. 231 ; Huguenot Settlers in,
i. 287. 300, 304 ; ii. 16, 18, 19,
20, 21, 22, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32,
36, 37, 39. 42, 49, 52, 53, 54,
55, 56, 58, 62, 63, 69, 71, 72,
74, 79, 8r, 90, 92, ioj, 103,
107, 108, 118, 121, 122, 123,
138, 142, 143, 147, 310
New York, Protestant Reformed
Dutch Church of, iii 225
Nezereau, Elie, i. 290; James,
Lewis, Martin, i. 290
Nicholas. Andre, ii, 17 ; Jacques,
dit Petit Bois, ii. 42
Nicolas, St., Fort of, in La Ro¬
chelle, i. 274
Niort in Poitou, i. 301 ; ii. 213 ;
Sufferings of Protestants in
Villages Near, ii. 54 ; Refugees
from, ii. 54
Nipmuck Country, Mass . , ii. 168,
255
Nipmuck Indians, The, in the
Vicinity of Oxford, Mass., ii.
256-8 ; Took Part in Philip's
War, ii. 277 ; Punished, ii. 277;
Sluggish and Pacific, ii. 271,
277 ; Sale of Rum to, ii. 272 ;
Incited by Emissaries from Can¬
ada to Rise against the English,
ii. 284-286
Nismes in Languedoc, Protestant¬
ism in, ii. 131 ; Persecution of
the Protestants of, ii. 131 ; Ref¬
ugees from, ii. 132-132
Nitherohy, Bay of. See Rio de
Janeiro.
Noailles, Duke of, ii. 132
Nobility, Protestant, of Aunis, ii.
283, seq ; of Normandy, Bre¬
tagne and Picardy, ii. 66, seq.
Noger, Susanne, ii. 139
Nonant, Barons of, ii. 75
Non-Conformist Churches, French,
in England, Proportion of, ii. 165
Non-Conformists, the English, wel¬
come the French Refugees, ii.
157
Nonnelle, Anne, ii. 138
Nord, Departement du, i. 149
Norfolk County, Mass., ii. 204
Norfolk, Virginia, Contemplated
Settlement in, ii. 178
INDEX.
435
Normand, Philippe, ii. 59
Normandy, ii. 239, 313 ; Flight
from, after the Massacre of St.
Bartholomew’s Day, i. 149 ; at
the Revocation, ii. 66-83 i Prot¬
estantism in, ii. 67, seq. ; Set¬
tlers from, in New Netherland,
i. 179 I Renewed Emigration
from, i. 182
Northern Provinces, Flight from
the, ii. 66-106
Norwalk, Connecticut, ii. 146,280
Nottinghamshire, England, the
Brownists from, i. 154
Noue, Francois, Sieur de la, [Bras-
de-fer,] ii. 88
Noue, Pierre, i. 186
Nova Scotia, under Lieutenant-
Governor Mascarene, i. 141
Nova Scotia, ii. 244, 251. See
Acadia
Nud, Nicholas le, ii. 79
Nuns of Quebec, Pious Ingenuity
of one of the, i. 119, 120 ;
Daughters of the “ New Con¬
verts ” to be sent to the, i. 146
Nuquerque, Marie Madeleine, ii.
25
Occoquan Creek, Virginia, ii. 170
Old South Church, Boston, ii. 212
Oleron, Isle of, ii. 24
Olivier, Antoine, ii. 213
Olmy, Herman, ii. 154
Olry, Jean, of Metz, Sentenced to
Transportation to the Antilles,
i. 223
Ony, Elizabeth, ii. 122
Oraille, le Sieur d’, Goes with De
Monts to Acadia, i. 89
Orange County, New York, ii. 19 ;
Huguenot Settlers in, ii. 83
Orange, Jean 1’. See Lorange
Orange. See Albany
Orchards, French, in Narragansett.
ii. 295, 299
Orleanais, Refugees from, ii. 96, 97
Orleans, Refugees from, ii. 96, 97
Orsemont in Orleanais, ii. 97
Osse in Bearn, ii. 147
Ottigny, d’, Accompanies Laudon-
niSre to Florida, i. 63
Oudenarde, Walloon Church of,
i. 149
Ouradour, Anne, ii, 142
Oxford, Massachusetts, Grant of
Land for the Site of, ii. 168 ;
Company of Proprietors of, ii.'
169; Huguenot Families Settle
in, ii. 34, 209, 213 ; Aided by
the French Church in Boston, ii.
234 i Settlement of, ii. 255-290,
310; Site of, ii. 257; Fort of,’
ii. 263-265 ; Population of, ii.
269 ; Abandoned, ii. 281 ; Re¬
occupied, ii. 281, 318 ; Finally
Abandoned by the French Refu¬
gees, ii. 289 ; Settled by En¬
glishmen, ii. 289
Oxford, Massachusetts, Huguenot
Settlers in, ii. 14, 32, 34, 52, 82,
83. 204 ; Huguenot Memorial
Society of, ii, 329
Oyster River, now Durham, New
Hampshire, ii. 275
Packnett. See Pacquenett
Paillet, Andre, ii. 26, 27
Pairan, Charlotte, wife of Andre
Sigourney, i, 324 ; ii. 267
Palatinate, The, i. 187 ; ii. 108
Panetipr, Jean, ii. 18
Paparel, Andre, ii. 134 ; Ester,
wife of Joachim Gaillard, ii. 123
Papillon, Pierre, ii. 312
Papin, i. 326 ; David, i. 286, 291 ;
Elie, i, 232, 286, 291 ; Family,
i. 286 ; Jean, ii. 28; Suzanne,
wife of Elie Boudinot, i. 298, 9 ;
ii. 140
Paquenett, James, ii. 32
Paquinet, Andre, ii. 32 ; Pierre,
ii. 32
Parat, le Sieur, Governor of Pla¬
centia, i. 145
Parcot, Pierre, ii. 25
Pare, Jean, ii. 195 ; Judith, wife of
Stephen Robineau, ii. 196, 214 ;
Marie, wife of Ezekiel Grazilier,
ii. 196, 214 ; Susanne, wife of
Elias Neau, ii. 196, 214
Paris, Protestant Church of, i. 24 ;
Visited by the Genevese Volun¬
teers for Brazil, i. 34
Paris, Settlers in New Netherland
from, i. 182 ; The Persecuted
Huguenots Seek Refuge in, ii.
99, 100 ; Refugees from, ii. 100-
103
Parliament of Rouen, The, Refu-
INDEX.
435
ses to Register De Monts’
Commission, i. 97 ; Its Objec¬
tions Overruled, i. 98
Parmentier, i. 186, 188
Parquot. See Parcot
Pasquereau, Louis, ii. 63, 64 ;
Madeleine, wife of Pierre Fau-
connier, ii. 63, 64 ; Pierre, ii. 64
Passaic, N. J., ii. 28.
Pasteur, le Sieur, i. 146 ; His
Daughter sent to the Nuns in
Quebec, i. 146
Pastre, Jean, ii. 214, 303, 307
Pawcatuck River, The, ii. 293
Peace of Amboise, ii. 67
Pechels, Samuel de, Sentenced to
Transportation to the Antilles,
i. 225 ; His Account of the Voy¬
age, i. 225 ; Humanely Treated
in the Islands, i. 229
Pecontal, Jean, ii. 138
Peenpack, Valley of the, ii. 83
Peiret, Pierre, Huguenot Minister,
ii. 146, 147. 33i
Pelletreau, Elie, ii. 39 ; Framjois,
ii. 31 ; Jean, i. 232 ; ii. 39 ;
Paul, ii. 39
Peloquin, Etienne, ii. 160 ; Jacob,
i. 287 ; Mrs. Mary Anne, Gift
of, ii. 161
Pennakook Tribe of Indians, in
New Hampshire, ii. 284, 285
Pennsylvania, Emigration to, Ad¬
vocated, ii. 170 ; Huguenot Set¬
tlers in, i. 295, 308 ; ii. 52, 76,
80, 117, 123, 133
Penn, William, Endeavors to Se¬
cure the French Refugees for
his Plantations, ii. 170
Peonage, System of, Practiced in
the Antilles, i. 218
Pepie, Daniel, i. 118
’Pepin, Paul, ii. 117; Alexandre,
ii. 117
Perdriau, Etienne, i. 291 ; Daniel,
i. 291 ; Elizabeth and Marie, i.
291 ; Marguerite, i. 310 ; ii. 50
Perie, Jean, i. I7q
Perigny, near La Rochelle, i. 282 ;
ii. 321
Perkins, Thomas, ii. 250
Peron, Mart'ne, widow of Pierre
l’Hommedieu, i. 293
Peronneau, Henri, i. 297; Mary, ii.
65
Perot Family of Bermuda, i. 236,
237 ; Represented in Baltimore
and Philadelphia, i. 237
Perrin, i. 187
Perron, Jeanne, i. 292
Perrotau, Anne, i. 306
Perry, Elizabeth, wife of John
Paul Mascarene, ii. 250
Persecution in the Antilles, In¬
stances of, i. 215 ; Begins in
Earnest, i. 227; Effects of, i. 229
Persecution in France, under Fran¬
cis I. , i. 23; Under Henry II., i.
23 ; Under Charles IX., i. 58 ;
Under Louis XIV., i. 180, 242-
261
Persecutions Endured by the Hu¬
guenots in France, Cotton
Mather’s Account of the, ii.
229, 230
Pbtilion, Marie, ii. 108
Petit Bois. See Nicholas, Jacques
Petit, Judith, ii. 74 ; Marguerite,
ii. 104
Peyret. See Peiret
Peyster, Johannes de, i. 200 ; Abra¬
ham de, i. 200
Philo Family. See Filou Family
Philip II. Sends a Force to Dis¬
lodge the French in Florida, i. 71
Phips, Sir William, ii. 218
Pia, Pierre, i. 182
Piaud, Judith, i. 288
Picard, Louis, ii. 103
Picardy, Flight from, After the
Massacre of St. Bartholomew’s
Day, i. 149 ; Settlers from in
New Netherland, i. 179 ; Linen
Manufactories of, i. 181 ; Early
Emigration from, i. 182 ; ii. 90,
91 ; Refugees from, at the Period
of the Revocation, ii. 91-96
Piedevin, Marie, ii. 95
Pierrot, Jean, ii. 18
Pie, Judith, ii. 59
Pinaud, Jean, ii. 59 ; Catharine,
Jeanne, Paul, ii. 59
Pineau, Jacques, ii. 314
Pinneo Family, The, ii. 314
Pintard, Antoine, i. 232, 235, 295 ;
Family, i. 295 ; Margaret, wife
of Pierre le Conte, ii. 75 ; Sam¬
uel, i. 326
Piracy, Acts of, Perpetrated by
Bois-le-Comte, i. 35 ; Coligny
Denounces, i. 36 ; Dangers from,
ii. 182
INDEX.
437
Pirates, Algerine, ii. 27
Pitts, James, ii. 248
Placentia, Bay of, Newfoundland,
French Colony on the, i. 145
Plague, The Wonderful, in New
England, i. 130, 131
Plaine, Fleury de la. See Fleury
Plaine, Marie de la, wife of Jean
Le Chevalier, ii. 80 ; Nicolas de
la, i. 183
Plan of the Narragansett Settle¬
ment, ii. 296
Plimpton, Ursula, ii 233
Plymouth, England, Refugees in,
ii. 149, 158
Plymouth, Massachusetts, ii. 312,
314
Poillion, i. 187
Poillon, Jacques, ii. 147
Poinset, Catharine, ii. 82 ; Jeanne,
ii. 41 ; Pierre, ii. 18
Poissant, Jacques, i. 118; ii. 317
Poitevin, Antoine, ii. 97
Poitiers, Jean Baptiste du. See Du
Buisson
Poitou, Province of, Early Spread
of Protestantism in, i. 262 ;
Protestants from, take Refuge in
La Rochelle, i. 313 ; One Hun¬
dred Imprisoned in La Lanterne,
i. 313; Flight of Huguenots
from, ii. 49-62, 213, 214, 297,
314, 335 i A Cluster of Protest¬
ant Villages in, ii. 54 ; Firmness
of the Protestants of, ii. 62
Pompierre, Normans de, i. 65
Pons, Antoinette de, Marquise de
Guercheville. See Guercheville
Pons in Saintonge, Town of, i. 104,
301 ; ii. 42 ; Refugees from, ii.
43 ; Demolition of the Church
of, ii. 43 ; Elie Prioleau, Pastor
of, ii. 43- 44
Pont en Royans, Dauphiny, ii. 117
Pontin, Marie, ii. 52
Pont l’Eveque in Normandy, ii. 81
Pont, Marthe, ii. 135
Pont, Philippe de Corguilleray,
Sieur du, Takes the Leadership
of the Genevese who set out for
Brazil, i. 33 ; Reaches the Island
Coligny, i. 36 ; Addresses Ville-
gagnon, i. 36 ; Leaves the Island
Coligny, i. 46 ; Returns to Eu¬
rope, i. 52
Porcher de Richebourg, Isaac, ii. 105
Porcher Family, The, ii. 105
Portage, Hannah, ii. 248
Port des Barques, Saintonge, Refu¬
gees from, ii. 14-16, 268
Portland, The Earl of, ii. 216
Port Royal, Acadia, Discovered by
De Monts, i. 92 ; Granted to
De Poutrincourt, i. 92 ; De¬
scribed, i 93 ; Lay Preaching at,
i. 94 ; A Good Beginning made
at, i. 99 ; Abandoned, i. 100 ;
Re-occupied, i. 105 ; Destroyed
by Argali, i. 105 ; Possession of,
i. 130; Taken by Kirk, i. 1 14 ;
Captured by Forces under Sir
William Phips, ii. 2x8
Port Royal, South Carolina, Chan¬
nel of, i. 61
Portsmouth, New Hampshire, ii.
214, 275
Portuguese, The, Hated by the
Brazilian Savages, i. 29 ; Prox¬
imity of, to the French Settlement
in Brazil, i. 30 ; Cruelty of, to
some of the French Protestants,
i. 54 ; Under Menendez, i. 72
Postel, Marie, ii. 27
Potell, Jean, ii. 80
Pougnin, David, ii. 55
Poupin, Madeleine, ii. 37
Poutrincourt, Jean de Biencourt,
Baron de, Accompanies DeMonts
to Acadia, i. 90 ; His Hostility to
the Jesuits, i. 94 note ; Remnant
of his Colony, i. 131 ; Re-en¬
forced, i. 131
Powell, Anna, ii. 250
Pra, Pierre, i. 182
Prioleau, Elie, Minister of Pons, i.
301 ; ii. 43, 44 ; Elisee, Pasteur,
i. 301 ; ii. 43 ; Samuel, Pasteur,
i. 301 ; ii. 43, 44 ; Margaret, i.
301
Protestant Churches of France. See
Reformed Churches of France
Protestant Church of Paris, the
first in France, i. 24
Protestant Fisherman, Adventure of
a, i. 130
Protestant French, The, Suspected
as Disguised Papists, ii. 304, 305;
Vindicated by the Government of
Massachusetts, ii. 306
“ Protestant Princes,” The, ii. 30
Protestantism in France, Its Early
Spread, i. 22 ; Anxious Outlook
438
INDEX.
for, i. 22 ; Its Extirpation Sought,
i. 23 ; Its Growth in spite of Re¬
pressive Legislation, i. 24 ; Its
Existence Recognized by the
Edict of January, 1562, i. 59 ;
Weakened by Persecution, i.
263
Protestant Settlers in Acadia, i. 132
Providence, la. See Hospital in
London for Poor French Protest¬
ants
Provence, Refugees from, ii. 118
Providence, Rhode Island, ii. 288
Provost, Elias, i. 290.
Provost, David, i. 200 ; Guillaume,
i. 200
Psalms, The French Metrical, ii.
232
Psalms, The, Relating to the Afflic¬
tions of the Church, Sung Kneel¬
ing, ii. 232
Psalm v., Marot’s Version, i. 37
Psalm civ., i. 47. Psalms cxxviii.,
cxxx., i. 68
Psalm cxxxvii., i. 198
Psalms, Singing of the Huguenot,
in Brazil, i. 47 ; in Florida, i. 68;
off the Banks of Newfoundland,
i. 81 : on the St. Lawrence, i.
103 ; Forbidden, i. 108 ; in Cap¬
tivity among the Savages, i. 198;
in the Antilles, i. 206
Puritans, The, in Leyde i, i. 154 ;
Purpose to Emigrate to America,
i. 155; Negotiations of, with the
Virginia Company, i. 156; with
the Dutch Government, i. 157 ;
Embark for America, i. 157
Puylaurens in Languedoc, ii. 134
Pyoset, Charles, Minister, ii. 167
Quantin, Isaac, ii. 36
Quebec, Settlement of, i. 101 ; Su¬
perb Situation of, i. 101 ; Fran¬
ciscan Friarsat, i. 107; Arrival of
Three Jesuit Fathers at, i. 107 ;
Huguenots at, i. 107 ; Captured
by Louis Kirk, i. 114 ; Held by
the English, i. 114 ; Restored to
the French, i. 115 ; Unsuccessful
Attack on, ii. 218, 219 ; English
Children Carried by the Indians
to, ii. 274
Quebec, The Bishop of, i. 121 ;
Supervision of, over Acadia, i.
142
Quintard Family, The, ii. 158 ;
Isaac, ii. 38, 56, 60 ; the Rt Rev.
C. T., ii. 60
Radnor, The Earl of, ii. 157
Raleau, le Sieur, Secretary of De
Monts, i. 89
Rambert, Elie. See Rembert
Ramilies, in Belgium, Battle of,
May 23, 1706, ii. 237
Rapalie, George de, 172 ; Settles
on the Wallabout, i. 177 ; Sarah,
i. 172
Rapin, M. de, ii. 130
Rappe, Gabriel, i. 308 ; Nicolas, i.
326
Rassin, Anne, i. 310 ; ii. 51
Ratier, Jacob, ii. 298, 310
Rayneau, David, i. 292 . See Re-
naud
Ravard Family, The, ii. 58; Pierre,
ii- 59
Ravenel Family, The, ii. 85
Rawlings, Jean, ii. 214, 231, 233,
238
Reading, Massachusetts, ii. 193
Reformation, Spread of the, in the
Seaboard Provinces of France,
i. 262
Reformed Churches of France,
First National Synod of, i. 24 ;
Presbyterian Organization of, i.
25, 239
Refugees, The French Protestant,
in Massachusetts and Rhode
Island, Viewed with Suspicion,
ii. 304 ; Legislation Concerning,
ii. 305 ; Domiciliary Visits to, ii.
305, 306
Registration of Naturalized Refu¬
gees, ii. 204, 205
Regrenie, Paul, i. 305
Regrenier, i. 187
Regreny, Marie, i. 305
Re, Island of, Described, i. 302 ;
Inhabitants of, i. 302 ; Refu¬
gees in, 50, 51 ; Refugees from,
i- 303-31 1 1 i'- 24
Relics, a Novel Use of, i. 119
Religious Liberty, in New Fiance,
Secured under De Monts’ Com¬
mission, i. 86, 97 ; Enjoyed, i.
no; Complained of, i. no ; in
INDEX.
439
France, under the Edict of
Nantes, i. no, ill
Remberf, Andre, ii. 117 ; Elie, ii.
22, 298, 310 ; Jacques, ii. 22
Remes, ii. 272
Remittances, the Refugees Re¬
ceive, from Correspondents in
France, ii. 217
Renard, Martin, i. 182
Renaud, Daniel, ii. 298 ; Family, i.
292
Reneau, Jacques, i. 182
Renee of France, Daughter of
Louis XII., i. 43, 338, 341
Renegades, Huguenots, in New
York, so styled, i. 123 ; in Bos¬
ton, ii. 196
“ Renegats Fran^ais,” ii. 196
Renel, Susanne, ii. 108
Rennat, i. 70
Requa, Claude, ii. 101 ; Family,
ii. 100, 101
Resseguier, Family, ii. 146 ; Alex¬
andre de, ii. 146 ; Jeanne de, wife
of Jacques Laborie, ii. 14s, 282
Reverdy, Pierre, ii- 56 ; Benoni,
ii. 56 ; Catharine, ii. 56
Revere, Paul, ii. 254
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes,
Approach of the, i. 238-257 ;
Not a Political Necessity, i. 241 ;
Its Possibility Contemplated, i.
242 ; Preparatives for the, i.
243-257 ; Provisions of the Edict
of the, 258, 259 ; Judgment
of the Duke of Saint-Simon upon
the, i. 259-261 ; Consequences
of the, in Canada, i. 126, 127
Reynaud Family, The, ii. 40
Reyneau, Daniel, ii. 40
Rezeau, Rene, i. 305
Rhode Island, Boundary Disputes
of, ii. 291 ; Huguenot Settle¬
ment in, ii. 291 ; Huguenot Set¬
tlers in, ii. 15, 32, 36, 49- 82- 96-
134, 135, 141 . T
Ribaut, Jacques, Accompanies Jean
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69
Ribaut, Jean, Chosen by Coligny
to Lead the First Expedition to
Florida, i. 60; Sails from
Havre, i. 60; Lands Near Beau¬
fort, S. C., i. 61 ; Builds
Charlesfort, i. 62 ; Returns to
France, i. 62 ; Enters the Hu¬
guenot Ranks, i. 63 ; Takes
Refuge in England, i. 63 ;
Appointed by Coligny to Con¬
duct the Third Expedition to
Florida, i. 69 ; Supersedes Lau
donnitire, i. 70 ; Reaches La
Caroline, i. 70 ; Pursues the
Spanish Fleet under Menendez,
i. 72 ; is Shipwrecked, i. 73 ; Sur¬
renders to Menendez, i. 74; Is
Murdered, i. 75
Ribouleau, Nicolas, i. 308
Ribouteau, Gabriel, ii. 52; Etienne,
ii. 52
Richard, Jean Pierre, ii. 136 ;
Paul, i. 182 ; Pierre, i. 182
Richebourg, Claude Philippe de,
Minister, ii. 105, 177
Richebourg, The Counts of, ii. 105
Richelieu, Cardinal, at the Head
of the Company of New France,
i. 108 ; his Policy, i. 109
Richer, Denis, ii. 15, note
Richer, Pierre, called De Lisle,
Minister, goes to Brazil, i. 33 ;
Visits the Newly-formed Church
in Paris, i. 34 ; Preaches on the
Lland Coligny, i. 38 ; Writes to
Calvin, i. 41 ; Returns to France,
i. 52 ; his Subsequent History,
i. 53 ; Letters of, i. 329-335
Richmond in Virginia, ii. 178
Ridouet Antoine de. See Sauce
Rio de Janeiro, a Misnomer, i. 29 ;
Discovery of, i. 29 ; Described,
i. 29
Rivasson, Jeanne, ii. 141
Rivedoux, Sieurs de, i. 283, 284
Rivedoux, on the Isle of Re, i. 283
River of May, now the St. John’s,
i. 61
Robbins, Rev. Ammi R., ii. 313
Robert, Christopher R., i. 287
Robert College, Constantinople, i.
287
Robert, Daniel, i. 286, 291
Robert Family, The, i. 286
Robert, Minister, Accompanies the
Third Expedition to Florida, i.
70 ; Escapes from La Caroline,
i- 74
Robineau, Etienne, ii. 196, 214,
298, 310
Robinet, Louise, i- 31 1
Robinson, John, i. 154, 156
Roche Chalais, la, in Perigord, ii.
139
440
INDEX.
Roche, Susanne, ii. 139
RocheferritSre, de la, Accompanies
Laudonniere to Florida, i. 63
Rochefort, Prisons of, ii. 21
Rochefoucauld, Dina de la, wife of
Isaac Bertrand du Tuffeau, ii. 259
Rochelle, La, The City of, Its
Present Appearance, i. 273 ; Its
History, i. 264, 275 ; Early Wel¬
comes the Reformed Doc¬
trines, i. 265 ; Becomes the Cit¬
adel of the Reformed Party, i.
266 ; The “ Grand Temple” of,
i. 276 ; First Siege of, i. 266 ;
Second Siege of, i. 113, 267;
Is Taken by Louis XIII., i. 267;
Is Dismantled, i. 268 ; Loses its
Political Importance, i. 268 ;
The “Prtlche de Maubec,” or
Second “Temple” of, i. 276;
Relations of, With Canada, i.’
121 ; Wi'h Acadia, i. 131, 136,
144; Settlers from, in Acadia, i.
131 J In New Netherland, i.
182 ; Continues Exempt from
many Inflictions Felt Elsewhere,
i. 268 ; Three Hundred Fami¬
lies Expelled from, i. 269 ; Some
of Which Remove to America, i.
270-273 ; Commencement of
Severe Persecution in, i. 312 ;
Huguenot Families of, i. 277-
297 ; The Leading Protestants
of, Summoned before the Gover¬
nor, i. 313 ; The “ Temple” of,
Demolished, i. 313 ; The Dra-
gonnades in, i. 313-316 ; Forced
Conversions in, i. 316, 317 •
Flight of many Pluguenots from,’
*• 3X7— 325 I Continued Exist¬
ence of Protestantism in, i. 178,
note
Rochelle, George de, i. 296
Rochester, or Kingstown, R. I., ii
295, 306
Rochette, Susanne, Escape of, ii.
108
Roi, Catharine, i. 296
Rolland, Pierre, ii. 33 ; Jean, ii.
33 i Abraham, ii. 33
Romans in Dauphiny, ii. 112
Rombouts, Francois, i. 183
Rondeau, Michel, ii. 28
Rondout, N. Y., i. igo
Roos, Cornelia, widow of E'ias
Provost, i. 290
Roquette, La, i. 65
Rosin, Manufacture of, ii. 216, 217,
318,320
Rosoy, near Meaux, ii. 104
Rouen in Normandy, i. 200 ;
Protestantism in, ii. 72 ; Perse¬
cution in, ii. 72, 73 ; Refugees
from, ii. 73-76
Rouffi, Accompanies Ribaut to
Florida, i. 60
Roufigny in Poitou, ii. 58
Rousseau, Jacques, Goes to Brazil,
i- 33 _
Rousserie, Franyois de, ii. 123
Roux, Jacob, ii. 32 ; Jean, ii. 32
Roux, le, Pierre, ii. 32, 36
Roviquet, Nicolas, Goes to Brazil,
i- 33
Roxbury, Massachusetts, ii. 141,
213 ; Huguenots Se.de in, ii.
204
Roxbury, New. See Woodstock
Roy, Anne le, ii. 77 ; Judith le, ii.
74
Roy, Joseph, ii. 193, 214
Royan, in Saintonge, ii. 36 ; Refu¬
gees from, ii. 36
Royer, Noe, ii. 64 ; Sebastien, ii. 64
Rues, Jean Paul de, i. 183
Rum, Sale of, to the Indians, ii.
272, 273, 284
Rupell, George. See Rochelle, de
Rusland, Pierre, ii. 22
Rutan, Abraham, ii. 108
Ryswick, Peace of, ii. 282
Sable, Cape, i. 90
Sable Island, Nova Scotia, Andre
Le Mercier Obtains a Grant of,
ii. 244 ; Shipwrecks on, ii. 244’
245
Sagard, the Jesuit, i. no; Anec¬
dote Related by, i. no
Sailly, Charles de, accompanies
the Marquis de la Muce to Vir¬
ginia, ii. 177
Saint Ambroix, Languedoc, ii. 134
Saint Andre de Valborgne, Lan¬
guedoc, ii. 134
Saint Aubin, Island of Jersey ii
193
Saint Catharine Gasthuis, Leyden
i. 154
Saint Christopher, W. I., i. 203 •
ii. 29 ; Chief in Importance
Among the French Islands, i.
INDEX.
203 ; Description of, by a Hu¬
guenot Pastor, i. 203 ; French
Protestant Church of, i. 206 ; ii.
225 ! English Quarter of, YVell
Provided with Churches, i. 207 ;
Huguenot Families of, that Re¬
moved to Massachusetts, New
York and South Carolina, i. 210 ;
Some Huguenot Families of, Re¬
mained for More than One Gen¬
eration, i. 210 ; List of American
Huguenot Names in, i. 211 ;
French Protestant Refugees from
the Island of, i. 231 ; ii. 225 ;
Reach Boston, ii. 225
Saint-Clerk, Goes with Ribaut to
Florida, i. 70
Saint Croix River, Attempted Set¬
tlement of De Monts at the
Mouth of, i. 93
Saint Denis, Captain, Killed by the
Mob in Honfleur, i. 35
Saint Etienne, Charles de. See
La Tour, Sieur de
Saint Etienne, Claude de. See La
Tour, Sieur de
Saint Eustatius, W. I., Island of,
Preaching in French in, i. 208 ;
Huguenot Families from, Re¬
move to Bermuda, i. 235, 236 ;
Names of French Protestants in’
i. 235
Saintes in Saintonge, i. 174, 292
Saint Froul in Saintonge, ii. 21
Saint Gelais in Poitou, i. 301
Saint Georges in Saintonge, ii. 36 ;
Refugees from, ii. 37
Saint Germain, Peace of, i. 148
Saint Helier, Island of Jersey, ii. 191
Saint Jean d’ Angely, Saintonge,
Refugees from, ii. 41
Saint John River, La Tour Builds
a Fort at the Mouth of, i. 135
Saint John’s Bluff, i. 65
Saint John’s Church, Providence,
Rhode Island, ii. 322, 323
Saint Julien Family, ii. 85, 86 ;
Louis de, ii. 85, 86 ; Pierre de,
Sieur de Malacare, ii. 85, 86
Saint Kitts, Island of. See Saint
Christopher
Saint Lawrence River, Visited by
Champlain, i. 101 ; Traders on
the, i. ro2
Saint Lo in Normandy, Refugees
from, ii. 80
441
Saint Maixent in Poitou, ii. 60 •
Refugees from, ii. 60
Saint Malo in Bretagne, ii. 315 •
the Merchants of, Oppose De
Monts, i. 100 ; Admitted as Part¬
ners with De Monts, i. 102
Saint Mark’s Church, Bristol, En¬
gland, ii. 159
Saint Marlin, Isle of Re, i. 302
305, 308
Saint Martin, W. I., Island of,
Preaching in French in the, i. 208
Saint Mary, Bay of, i. 90
Saint Nazaire in Saintonge, Refu¬
gees from, ii. 16, 17
Saintonge, The Province of, Now
Embraced in the Department
of Charente - Inferieure, ii. 13 ;
Coast Line of, ii. 13 j Early
Spread of Protestantism in, ii.
13 ; Settlers from, in Acadia, i.
132 ; Flight of the Huguenots
from, ii. 13, 268
Saint Palais in Saintonge, ii. 36 ;
Refugees from, ii. 36
Saint Paul’s Cathedral, London,
Rebuilt after the Fire, ii. 150
Saint Paul’s Church, Narragansett,
Rhode Island, ii. 322, 323
Saint Pierre, Cathedral of, Geneva,
Solemn Religious Services in the,
i. 32
Saint Quentin in Picardy, Refugees
from, ii. gi
Saint Sauveur, Church of, in La
Rochelle, Occupied by Protest¬
ants and Romanists Jointly, i.
265
Saint Sebastian, (Rio de Janeiro,)
i- 54
Saint Seurin de Mortagne, Sain-
tonge, Refugees from, ii. 40
Saint Severe in Berri, Refugees
from, ii. 105
Saint Simon, Duke of, i. 259
Saint Surin in Poitou, i. 301
Salavy, Marguerite de, ii. 125
Sale Accompanies Ribaut to Flor¬
ida, i. 60
Sale, Jacques, i. 65
Salem, Massachusetts, French Prot¬
estants from the Channel Islands
Settle in, ii. 190; Refugees from
France Arrive in, ii. 200; the
“ French House” in, ii. 201
Salenave, Jean Pierre de, ii. 20
442
INDEX.
Salle, Abraham, i. 308
Salle, Pierre la, ii. 138
Salt, Huguenots of New England
Engage in the Manufacture of,
ii. 217
Salue, Philippe, ii. 141
Samborne, Anne, Wife of Jean le
Bas, ii. 71
Sance, Antoine de Ridouet, Baron
de, i. 165 ; Colony under, in Vir¬
ginia, i. 165
Sanceau, Pierre, i. 325
San Marain, Sieur de, Goes With
Ribaut to Florida, i. 69
San Salvador, i. 30
Sanferrent, i. 65
Santee, Settlers on the, ii. 61
Sarrasin, Jean, ii. 43
Saujon in Saintonge, Refugees
from, ii. 38
Saulnier, (Saunier,) .Madeleine, ii.
64
Saunier, Susanne, ii. 80
Sautreau, Minister, Shipwreck of,
ii. 182
Sauvage, Abraham, ii. 94, 214
Sauzeau, Blanche, ii. 28
Savages, Brazilian, Friendly to the
French, i- 29 ; Hopes as to their
Conversion, i. 40 ; Barbarous
Condition of, i. 42 ; Cannibals,
i. 42 ; Ten, Sent to France, i.
44 ; Susceptible of Religious
Impressions, i. 49 ; Floridian,
Friendly to the French, i. 68 ;
Sing the Huguenot Psalms, i. 68;
North American, to be Taught
the Christian Religion, i. 87 ;
In Acadia, Converted to Chris¬
tianity, i. 95 1 Scandalized by
the Differences Between Roman
Catholics and Protestants, i. 99
Savariau, Matthieu, i. 183
Says, Louis, ii. 133
Schoolhouse, the Latin, in Boston,
ii. 222
Schoolhouse Lane, Boston, ii. 222
Schuyler, Jeremiah, ii. 70
Scotland, Church of, First General
Assembly of the, i. 24 ; Its Dis¬
cipline Substantially the Same
with that of the French
Churches, i. 24
Seaboard Provinces of France, Early
Spread of Protestantism in the,
i. 81, 82, 261-266 ; A Large Pro¬
portion of the Huguenots who
Reached America came from, i.
263
Seamen, Huguenot, ii. 16, 22, 23 ;
Off the Banks of Newfoundland,
i. 80 ; On the St. Lawrence, i.
107, 108 ; Conversion of, ii. 23
Seays, Richard, ii. 133
Sedan in Champagne, ii. 98 ; Ref¬
ugees from, ii. 108, 109
Seine, Towns near the Mouth of
the, ii. 82
Selipeaux, Jacquine, ii. 64
Sellew, T. G. , ii. 142
Selyns, Henricus, Minister of the
Protestant Reformed Dutch
Church of New York, ii. 225, 228
Seneschaud, Daniel, ii. 60
Sepvret in Poitou, ii. 60 ; Refu¬
gees from, ii. 61
Sere, Noe, ii. 104; Claude, ii. 104
Serrurier, Damaris Elizabeth le,
Wife of Pierre de St. Julien, Jr. ,
ii. 85 ; Jacques le, ii. 94 ; Pierre
le, ii. 94, 95
Seton, Mrs. Elizabeth, ii. 75
Seudre River, ii. 29
Sevenhoven, Jean, i. 291
Sewall, Captain Samuel, ii. 199
Sewall, Judge Samuel, ii. 228, 324
Shawangunk Mountains, i. 190
Shelter Island, N. Y., i. 294
Ship-building, Huguenots of New
England Engage in, ii. 217, 317
Ships, The Amorante, i. 230 ;
Bear, i. 185 ; Concorde, i. 222 ;
Dolphin, ii. 202, 259 ; Flower
of Guelder, i. 185 ; Fox, i. 186 ;
Friendship, ii. 141, 202 ; Gilded
Otter, i. 189 ; John and Eliza¬
beth, ii. 202 ; Mackerel, i. 170 ;
Marie, i. 222 ; Nassau, ii. 186 ;
New Netherland, i. 169 ; Notre
Dame, i. 222 ; Petite Roberge,
i. 35 ; Porcupine, ii, 218 ; Prince
Maurice, i. 185 ; Rosee, i. 35 ;
St. Bertram, i. 234 ; Spotted Cow,
i. 186
Shrewsbury, New Jersey, i. 295
Sicard, Ambroise, i. 292 ; Daniel
and Jacques, i. 292 ; Family, i.
292
Signac, Peter, ii. 214, 284, 318
Sigournais in Poitou, i. 282 ; Refu¬
gees from, ii. 53
Sigourney, Andre, i. 282, 287 ; ii.
INDEX.
443
201, 212, 215, 266, 267, 282 ;
Escape of, i. 324, 325 ; Consta¬
ble of Oxford, Mass., ii. 267 ;
Complains of the Selling of Rum
to the Indians, ii. 273 ; Reports
the Appearing of Hostile Bands
of Indians, ii. 275 ; Returns to
Boston, ii. 281 ; Charles, ii. 336;
Family, The, i. 282 ; Mrs. Lydia
Huntley, ii, 336, 337 ; Susanne,
ii. 267, 278
Silvester, Nathanael, i. 294
Simiti&re, Pierre EugtSne du, i. 307
Simmons, Lidie, ii. 95
Simon, Vincent, i. 70
Smith, Hannah, ii. 233 ; Major
Richard, ii. 306 ; Nathanael, ii.
332 : Josias, ii. 95 ; Peter, ii. 94
Smith, Pierre. See Serrurier,
Pierre le
Society for Promoting and Propa¬
gating the Gospel of Jesus Christ
in New England, (Incorporated
July 27, 1649,) it. 168, 169, 256,
258, 282
Society for the Propagation of the
Gospel in Foreign Parts, (Incor¬
porated June 16, 1701,) ii. 235,
236, 322
Society of Friends, The, ii. 123
Society of Jesus. See Jesuits
Soisson, Marc du, [Disosway,] i.
182
Soubise in Saintonge, i. 306 ; ii.
18 ; Refugees from, ii. 18-21 ;
The “Cure” of, ii. 21
Souchard, Marie, ii. 41
Soulard, Jean, ii. 314
Soulice Family, The, ii. 58; Jacques,
ii. 58
Soulice, M. Louis, Biblioth&caire
de Pau, ii. 58
Soumain, Jeanne, ii. 139 ; Simeon,
i. 291
Sosee, la, Physician, ii. 177
Sossais in Poitou, ii. 50 ; Refu¬
gees from, ii- 5°
Soupzmain, (Soubmain,) Madeleine,
ii. 64
Sourin, le Sieur de, i. 89
Southack, Captain Cyprian, i:. 218
Southampton, England, ii- 35, 64,
214 ; Refugees in, ii. 149
Southampton, L. I., ii. 31
South Carolina, Huguenot Settlers
in, i. 283, seq., 296, 297, 308,
309, 3to, 3ti ; ii. 16, 17, 18, 27,
33, 41. 42, 43, 44, 49, 5o, 52, 53,
59, 60, 61, 64, 71, 74, 77, 79, 80,
82, 84.86, 90, 94, 95, 97, 98, 103,
104, 105, 106, nr, 112, 117, 118,
123, 132, 134, 138, 166, 167, 176,
176, 182, 1S5, 310
Southern Provinces of France,
Flight from the, ii. 119
Southold, Long Island, N. Y., i.
294
Soyer, Marie, ii. 80
Spain Claims Sovereignty over the
New World, i. 21 ; Coligny Aims
to Weaken, i. 22 ; at Peace with
France, i. 71 ; Denies the Right
of the French in Florida, i. 71
Spanish Inquisition, Proposition to
Introduce the, in France, i. 24
Speedwell, Passengers on the, i.
157
Spencer, George, i. 296
Spies, Canadian, in the English
Colonies, i. 125
Spitalfields, London, French Colo¬
ny. in, ii. 153, 157
Spring, Roger Williams’, ii. 326
Springfield, Massachusetts, ii. 255
Staffordshire, England, ii. 258
Staten Island, Huguenot Settlers
on, i. 294, 272 ; ii. 21, 22, 38,
79, 147 ; Waldenses on, i. 186
States-General of the United Neth¬
erlands, i. 166
Stelle, Poncet, Sieur des Lori&res,
i. 206 ; ii. 27
Stoade, Marie le, ii. 134
Stoughton, William, one of the
Proprietors of Oxford, Massa¬
chusetts, ii. 258 ; Lieutenant-
Governor, ii. 279
Streing, Daniel, ii. 91, 96 ; Es¬
cape of, ii. 101 ; Settles in
New Rochelle, N. Y., ii. 102;
Gabriel, ii. 91
Stuckey, Andre, ii. 212
Stuffs, Manufacture of, ii. 318
Stuyvesant, Petrus, Appointed
Director-General of New Neth-
erland, i. 178 ; Had Married the
Daughter of a Huguenot Cler¬
gyman, i. 152, 178 ; Is In¬
formed of the Coming of a Band
of Waldenses, i. 184 ; Visits the
Ship-wrecked Waldenses, i. 186 ;
Visits the Walloons in Esopus, i.
444
INDEX.
192 ; His Severity, i. 194 i
Raises a Force to Relieve the
Settlements in Esopus, i. 196.
Suffolk County, Mass., ii. 205
Suire Family, The, ii. 4° ! Jeani
Susanne and Cesar, ii. 40
Sully, Minister of Henry IV., i.
79 . ..
Suranne, Marie, 11. 123
Surin. See Saint Surin
Synods, British, Send Ministers to
the Antilles, i. 207, note
Synods of the Reformed Churches
of France, i. 239
Synods of the French Protestant
Churches in England, ii. 161
Swartwout, Jacobus, ii. 20
Switzerland, the Protestant Can¬
tons of, Invite the Persecuted
Huguenots to Take Refuge
Within Their Borders, i. 256
Switzerland, the Persecuted Wal-
denses Take Refuge in, ii. 178
Sword, Bernon’s, ii. 324
Tadourneau, Benjamin, ii 27 ;
Elie, ii. 27
Tadoussac, on the St. Lawrence,
i. 85, 114
Taille, le Sieur La, Goes with De
Monts to Acadia, i. 8g
Tallard, Marshal, ii. 237
Talmont in Poitou, ii. 53
Tarente, the Princess Emilie of,
ii. 84, 86
Targe, Daniel, ii. 14, 15, 298,
310 ; Jacques, i. 305 ; ii. 15, 21,
288, 310
Tartarien, Tartarin, Jean, ii. 41 ;
ii. 233
Tauvron, Etienne, i. 311 ; Jacques,
i. 31 1
Tauze, Jacques, i. 70
Tay, Jeanne du, i. 304 ; Marie du,
i. 305
Tebaux, Marie, ii. 36, 55
Temple, Sirlohn, ii. 248
“ Temples,” Huguenot, Converted
into Roman Catholic Churches,
i. 268 ; ii. 29, 30, 31
“Temples,” Huguenot, Destroyed,
i. 245, 246, 247, 272, 273, 313,
314 ; it. 24, 25, 40, 43, 68, 84,
114, 120, 137
Terrin, Thonnet, i. 188
Testart, Anne, Wife of Daniel
Crommelin, ii. 91
Thauvet, Andre, i. 232, 292, 293 ;
Pierre, i. 292-3
Theroulde, Jacob, i. 232, 293
Thibaud, Jacques, ii. 258 ; Catha¬
rine, ii. 258
Thibou, Gabriel, ii. 96, 97 ;
Louis, ii. 96, 97
Thirty Years’ War, The, i. 187
Thomas, Jean, ii. 41
Thompson, Robert, ii. 168, 258
Thorigne in Poitou, 56 ; Remark¬
able Firmness of the Protestan's
of, ii. 58 ; Refugees from, ii.
56, 57
Thoury, Louise, Wife of Samuel
du Bourdieu, ii. 85
Tibault, Anne, i. 118
Tillou, Pierre, ii. 16, 17 ; Vincent,
ii. 17; Francis R., ii. 17
Tinel, Jeremie, Minister, ii. 160
Tiphaine (Tiffany) Family, ii. 108
Tissau, Marie, Widow of Jean
Pare, ii. 195, 196
Tobago, W. I., Island of, French
Church in the, i. 208
Toby, a Wapaquasset Indian, ii.
277 ; Concerned in the Murder
of Johnson and his Children, ii.
278-80 ; An Agent of the
Canadians, ii. 286
Tois, Arnout du, i. 182
Tongrelou, Rene, i. 232
Tonneins in Guyenne, ii, 140, 141
Tonnerre in Burgundy, ii. 324
Tortuga, W. I., Island of, i. 2x4 ;
the Governor of, an Avowed Prot¬
estant, i. 214
Toug&re, Pierre, ii. 298, 310
Toulouse in Languedoc, Protest¬
antism in, ii. 122 ; Persecution
in, ii. 122 ; Refugees from, ii.
123
Toulouse, the Count of, ii. 237
Touraine, the Province of, it. 62 ;
Refugees from, ii. 62-65
Tourette, Jean la, ii. 147 ; Pierre
and David la, ii. 147
Tourgee, ii. 15 ; Family, The, ii.
312 ; Peter, ii. 312
Tournay, Walloon Church of, i.
149
Tourneur, Daniel, i. 182
Tours in Touraine, Refugees from,
ii. 62-65
INDEX.
445
Tourtellot, Abraham, ii. 141, 215,
288, 310 ; Benjamin, ii. 141 ;
Gabriel, ii. 141
Touton, Jean, i. 270, 271
Touzell, John, ii. igi
Trabue, Anioine, Flight of, ii.
142, 143; Daniel, INarrative of,
ii. 142, 143
Trade, Board of, ii. 320, 321, 322
Trade, the Huguenots of New En¬
gland Engage in, with Pennsyl¬
vania and Virginia, ii. 217 ; with
Nova Scotia, ii. 217 ; with the
West Indies, ii. 217
Transportation of French Protest¬
ants to the Antilles, a Method of
Intimidation and Punishment, i.
217 ; Dreaded, i. 217-221 ; Mis¬
eries of, i. 219-226 ; Numbers
Actually Shipped, i.221 ; Sym¬
pathy among the Protestants of
Europe in View of, i. 222
Transportation of French Protest¬
ants from England to America,
Provision for the, ii. 175 ; Dis¬
bursements of the Relief Com¬
mittee for the, ii. 175
Traverrier, Pierre, ii. 298, 3x0
Trelawney, Sir Jonathan, Bishop
of Bristol, ii. 159
Tremblade, la, in Saintonge, ii. 2q ;
Refugees from, ii. 32-35 ; De¬
lays at, ii. 47
Tremouille, Henri Charles de la,
due de Thouars, ii. 84
Trenchant, pilot, i. 65
Trescleoux in Daupliiny, ii. 146
Trezevant, Daniel, ii. 98.
Trico, Catalina, i. 172
Trinity Church, Newport, Rhode
Island, ii. 322, 323
Trinity Church, New York, ii. 53,
54. 147
Tripe, Captain, ii. 317
Trochon, Pierre, ii- 27
Trouillard, Laurent Philippe, Min¬
ister, ii. 44, 98 ; Pierre, ii. 98
Trouville in Normandy, ii. 83
Troy, N. Y., i. 190
Tuffeau, du. See Bertrand du
Tuffeau
Turck, Paul, i. 183
Tyng, Edward, ii. 206
Ully, sieur d’, goes with Ribaut to
Florida, i. 99
Ulster connty, N. Y , Huguenot
settlers in, i. 293 ; ii. 19, 49, 91,
92
Usilie, David, i. 182
Vabre, Susanne de la, wife of Paul
Droilhet, ii. 42, 131
Valenciennes, Walloon Church of,
249
Valleau, Arnaud, i. 305 ; Etienne,
i. 232, 305, ii. 38 ; Esaie, i. 305 ;
ii. 38, 52 ; I., i. 326 ; P., i. 326 ;
Marguerite de, wife of Gu 1-
laume Le Conte, ii. 75 ; Pierre,
i. 304
Vallet, Jacques, ii. 27 ; Elias, ii.
15
Vallete, Pierre, ii. 33
Valli^re, Michel le Neuf, Sieur de
la, sent by the Governor of Can¬
ada with a Message for Lord
Bidlomont, ii- 333
Valos [Valleau], Anne, ii. 38
Valpy family, The, ii. 191
Valuot goes with Ribaut to Florida,
i. 70
Van Dam, Isaac, i. 296
Van den Bosch, Laurentius, (Lau¬
rent du Bois,) Huguenot Minis¬
ter, ii. 224 ; Pastor of the French
Church in Boston, ii. 224 ; His
Erratic Course, ii. 224, 225 ; Cor¬
respondence of Daillb and In¬
crease Mather, regarding, ii. 224,
225 ; Leaves Boston, ii. 225
Van Tienhoven, Cornelis, ii. 295
Van Wyck (Vanewick), Elizabeth,
wife of Paul Mazyck, i. 310
Vasseur, Michel, Commander of
one of Laudonnitire’s Ships, 65 ;
Nicolas, Pilot, i. 65
Vassy, Massacre of, i. 59, 62, 138
Vaud, Pays de, Switzerland, ii. 145
Vaugelade (?), in Plolland, ii. 239
Vaughan Bridge, Maine, ii. 206
Vaux, Frederic de, i 188
Vaux, Paroisse de Saint Paid-;,
Saintonge, ii. 37
Ventadour, Duke of, i. 108
Verdier, Nicolas, goes with Ribaut
to Florida, i. 70
Vergereau, Jean and Pierre, i. 302;
Susanne, i. 293
Verneuil, Matthieu, Goes to Brazil,
i. 33 ; Is Martyred, i. 53
446
INDEX.
Verrazzano’s discoveries, i. 85, 169
Verriers de Gabre, Marguerite des.
See La Tour, Marguerite de
Vest, le Sieur du, Goes with Ribaut
to Florida, i. 69
Viconte, Elizabeth, ii. 56
Videaul, Pierre, i. 297
Vignaud, Anne, ii. 16, note ; Jean,
ii. 16, 17
Vigne, de la, Goes with Ribaut to
Florida, i. 70
Vigne, Jean, The First European
Child born on Manhattan Island,
i. 171
Vigneron, Norbent Felicien, ii. 96
Vignon, Nicolas, ii. 107
Vilain, Josias le, ii. 79 ; Rachel
le, ii. 62, 63
Villedieu, la, in Poitou, ii. 61 ;
Refugees from, ii. 61
Villegagnon, Nicolas Durand de.
Proposes to Coligny the Estab¬
lishment of a Protestant Colony
in Brazil, i. 27 ; His Qualifica¬
tions, i. 27 ; Organizes an Expe¬
dition, i. 28 ; Sails from Havre
de Grace, i. 28 ; Attempts a Set¬
tlement on the Mainland near
Rio de Janeiro, i. 29 ; Encount¬
ers Difficulties, i 30 ; Removes
to the Island of Lage, i. 31 ;
Thence to the Island of Coligny,
i. 31 ; Sends a Messenger to
Coligny, i. 32 ; Welcomes Du
Pont and the Genevese, i. 36 ;
His Professions, i. 36 ; II s
Singular Demeanor, i. 38 ; His
Eloquence and Orthodoxy, i. 40 ;
A Second St. Paul, i. 40 ; FI is
Conduct at the First Observance
of the Lord’s Supper, i. 41 ;
Writes to Calvin, i. 42 ; Letter
335-341 i Crows Captious
and Querulous, i. 43 ; Sends the
Minister Chartier Back to France,
i. 43 ; His Opinion of Calvin
Changes, i. 44 ; Plis Treatment
of the Protestant Colonists, i.
46 ; Expels Them From the
Island, i. 46 ; His Purpose of
Treachery Toward the Genevese,
i. 53 ; Puts Three of the Protest¬
ants to Death, i. 53; “The
Cain of America,” i. 54 ; Re¬
turns to France, i, 55 ; Subse¬
quent History of, i. 55
Villemonteix. See Villeponteux
Villeneuve in Guyenne, ii. 139
Villeponteux, Pierre, ii. 141
Vinaux, Jacques, ii. 31
Vincent, Adrien, i. 182 ; Ester, i.
306 ; Francois, i. 232, 309 ; ii.
29, 38, 205 ; Jean, i. 306 ; Mad¬
eleine, i. 306
Vine plants carried to America, ii.
175
Vineyards in Narragansett, ii. 299
Virginia Company, the, Negotiations
of the Puritans in Leyden with,
i. 156, 167 ; of the Walloons and
French in Leyden with, i. 163-
165 .
Virginia, Emigration to, Advocated,
ii. 170
Virginia, French Protestant Colony
in, Under Baron de Sance, i. 165
Virginia, Huguenot Settlers in, i.
296, 308: ii. 15, 18, 36, 51, 8g,
90, 109, ill, 133, 142, 143, 144,
176
“ Virginia in the West Indies,” i.
168
Vitre in Bretagne, Refugees from,
ii. 84-86
Vitre, the Chateau of, ii. 84
Voienne, Judith, ii. 95
Vouden, John, ii. 191
Voulte, la, in Languedoc, ii. 112
Waal-bocht, the. See Wallabout
Wadsworth, Benjamin, ii. 239
Wagachkemeck, in Ulster Co., N.
Y., ii. 20
Walcheren, W. I., Island of, i. 208
Waldenses of Piedmont, i. 183 ;
Persecutions of the, i. 183 ;
Many take Refuge in Holland, i.
184 ; A Number of Emigrants to
New Netherland, i. 185 ; Ship¬
wreck of, i. 185 ; Settlement of,
in Delaware, i. 186 ; Some Re¬
main in New Amsterdam, i. 186,
187 ; Take Refuge in the Pala¬
tinate, i. 187 ; Many of the.
Take Refuge in Switzerland, In
1687 and 1698, ii. 187 ; Num¬
bers Emigrate to America, ii. 179
Wallabout, the, Settlement at, i.
177
Wallkill, N. Y„ Valley of the, i.
163
INDEX.
447
Walloons, the, i. 149 ; Flight of,
to England and Holland, After
the Massacre of St. Bartholo¬
mew’s Day, i. 149 ; Settlement
of, in England, i. 150 ; In the
Palatinate, i. 187
Walloons settle in Esopus, i. 193 ;
Capture of Several, by the In¬
dians, i. 195
Walloons and French, The, i. 153 ;
In Leyden, i. 153 ; Their Rela¬
tions with the Puritan Refugees
from England, i. 153 ; Some of.
Join the Puritans, i. 155 ; and
Accompany them to New En¬
gland, i. 158 ; Others Prepare to
Follow, i. 159 ; Petition of, i.
157-163, 348-354 ; Arrive at
Manhattan, i. 171 ; Favorable
Report of, i. 172; Some of, Re¬
turn to Holland, i. 176 ; Some
of, Settle in the Vicinity of Man¬
hattan Island, i. 177
Walloons and French, Petition of
the, i. 157-163 I 348, 349 I An¬
swer of the Virginia Company
to the, i. 350, 351
Walloons, Bay of the. See Walla-
bout
Walloon Petitioners, the, and others :
Barbe, Adrien, i. 352, 353
Baseu, Christienne, i. 353
Billt [Billet?] Jan, i. 352, 353
Broque, Gillam, i. 352, 353 ;
Louis, i. 352, 353 ; Robert,
i- 352
Ca, Janie, i. 353, 354; George
le, 352
Campion, Flipe, i. 352 ; Jean,
i. 352, 353
Carpentier, Martin de, i. 352
Carpentry, Jan du, i. 352, 354
Cap, Isabeau, i. 353
Caron, Philippote, i. 353
Censier, Michelle, i. 352, 353
Catoir, Ernou, i. 352, 353
Channy, Challe, i. 352
Chotein, Anna, i. 354
Cloux, Marie du, i. 353
Conne [Coinne], Jacque, i.
352, 353
Cornille, Piere, i. 352
Clitden, Francoi, i. 352
Crenne [Cranne], Jean de, i.
352, 353
Crepy, Abel de, i. 352, 353
Croy, Jan de, i. 352, 354
Damont, Jan, i. 352, 353
Desendre, Antoin, i. 352, 353
Digand, Barthelemy, i. 353, 154
Face, Cataline, i. 353
Fache, Marie, i. 353
Flip, Mari, i. 353
Four, Theodor du, i. 352, 354
Fourdrin, Franchois, i. 352
Farnarcque [Farvarque]
Thomas, i. 352, 354
Forest, Jesse de, i. 351, 354
Framerie, Martin, i. 353, 354
Francis, Marie, i. 354
Fregeau, Framboise, i. 354
Gantois, P., i. 352
Gaspar, Pierre, i. 352
Geay, Pontus le, i. 353
Ghiselin, Claude, i. 352, 353
Gille, Jan, i. 352, 353
Gourdeman, Jan, i. 352
Gremier, Antoine, i. 352
Husse, Prudence, i. 354
Jeune, Gregoire le, i. 352, 354
Lambert, Henry, i. 352, 353
Lannoy, Jaquemine de, i. 353
Le, Philippe de, i. 352
Lechielles [Lespielle I, Jacques
de, i. 352, 354
Marlier, Nicolas de la, i. 351,
353
Maton, Philippe, i. 352, 353
Mousnier de la Montagne,
Etudiant en Medicine, i. 352
Mousnier de la Montagne,
Pharmacien et Chirurgien, i.
352
Martin, Antoine, i. 352, 354
Martin, Jenne, i. 352
Merre, Jenne de, i. 354
Mot, Jan de la, i. 352, 353
Nicaise, Sara, i. 354
Pasar, Polle de, i. 352
Per, Susanne le, i. 353
Pon, Michel du, i. 352, 353
Pre, Marie des, i. 354
Quiesnier [Quesnee], Pierre, i.
353. 354
Quinze, Chertruy, i. 353
Rou, Jan le, i. 352
Roy, Jerome le, 1. 352, 353
Sage, Jan, i. 352, 354
Simon, Marguerite, i. 353
Trou, Jan de, i. 352
Violate, Anthoyne de, i. 352
Woutre, Gouerge, i. 352
448
INDEX.
Walloon Churches of Holland,
Synod of the, Supplies the French
Protestant Congregations in the
Antilles with Ministers, i. 206
Walloon Churches, Synod of the,
in the Provinces of Artois, Flan¬
ders, Brabant and Hainault, i.
149
Walloon Churches in London,
Canterbury, Norwich, South¬
ampton, i. 150
Walloon Colonies and Churches in
Plolland, i. 151
Walpole, Massachusetts, ii. 233
Walslant, i. 18G
Walter, Nehemiah, Minister of the
First Church in Roxbury, Sup¬
plies the Vacant Pulpit of the
French Church in Boston, ii.
226 ; 238 ; Translates Carre’s
Sermon, ii. 303
Wapaquasset, an Indian Village
near Oxford, Mass., ii. 277 ; One
of the “ Praying Towns,” ii, 277,
282
Wapaquassets, the, a Clan of the
Nipmuck Indians, ii. 277, 280 ;
Persuaded to Leave their Habita¬
tions, ii. 284, 285
Warde, Jean de la, i. 183
Ware, Captain John, ii. 141, 202,
260
Warwick, Rhode Island, ii. 306
Wash-Leather Manufactory, at
Oxford, Mass., ii. 283
Waterbury, Connecticut, ii. 333
Wawayanda Patent, in Orange Co.,
N. Y., ii. 91
Wedding Companies, Huguenot,
ii. 159
Westchester Co., N. Y., ii. 37
West India Company, the Dutch,
Organized i. 166 ; Directors of,
Report Favorably upon Jesse de
Forest’s Plan of Emigration to
America, i. 166 ; Sends a Com¬
pany of Emigrants to New
Netherland, i. 169; Ships of, i.
z78
West India Company, the French,
i. 289
West Indies, ii. 25, 316, 317. See
Antilles, the
West Indies, the Name applied to
the Whole American Continent,
i. 168; “Virginia in the West
Indies,” i. 168 ; “ New Nether¬
land in the West Indies,” i. 168
Westphalia, Treaty of, i. 187
Wicres in Flanders, i. 187
Wilkinson, Lieutenant, of Provi¬
dence, R. I., ii. 288
Willard, Rev. Samuel, ii. 212
William III., ii. 234 ; Orders a Col¬
lection for the Protestant Refu¬
gees, ii. 179 ; Makes a Donation
to the French Church in Bos¬
ton, ii. 221, 222
Willis, Martha, ii. 239
Wiltwyck, in the Esopus, i. 191 ;
Attacked by the Indians, i. 192 ;
Brave Defense of, i. 196
Winthrop, John, Governor of Con¬
necticut, ii. 279
Winthrop, Hon. Robert C. , ii. 206,
248, 251
Winthrop, Thomas L., Lieutenant-
Governor, ii. 248
Witchcraft Delusion, the, in Massa¬
chusetts, ii. 192, 193
Witnesses, the Two, ii. 230, 231
Woodbridge, New Jersey, ii. 194
Woodstock, Connecticut, ii. 27,
287 ; Proximity of, to Oxford, ii.
271 ; Selectmen of, Complain
of the Selling of Rum to the
Indians, ii. 273 ; Indians Near,
ii. 277, 280
Woodstock Trail, the, ii. 278
Zurich, Switzerland, ii. 145
THE END.
Date Due
[
8 2004
z;:4
1
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